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Journal articles on the topic 'Guerre du Donbass (Ukraine ; 2014-....)'

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Published: 7 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Ruzhelnyk, Olga. "Annexed and displaced: Ukrainian football clubs in Crimea and Donbass since 2014." Football(s). Histoire, culture, économie, société, no. 1 (November 17, 2022): 125–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.58335/football-s.127.

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L’espace footballistique ukrainien a connu de profonds changements si on le compare à son état d’avant 2014. Pour des raisons politiques, à savoir l’annexion de la Crimée et le début de la guerre du Donbass, nombre des principaux clubs de football ukrainiens ont bouleversé la physionomie de la ligue nationale de football. Certains l’ont quittée, à l’instar des clubs de football de la péninsule de Crimée ; d’autres ont changé d’emplacement, comme, par exemple, le FC « Shakhtar » Donetsk ou le FC « Zorya » Louhansk. Cet article vise à examiner les mutations du football professionnel en Ukraine,

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Ljubin, Valerij. "La Roumanie et son entrée dans l'Union européenne : un regard de Russie." Synergies Roumanie, Nº 16 - 2021 (November 30, 2021): 69–81. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6459554.

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L’article analyse les relations entre la Russie et la Roumanie depuis la période des années 90 à nos jours. Il résume les conclusions des savants russes qui se sont penchés sur ce sujet. Les relations russo-roumaines à l’époque considérée ont connu des périodes de rapprochement et de divergence. Ces relations sont actuellement à un faible niveau. La priorité de la Roumanie était l’adhésion à l’OTAN et à l’UE et le partenariat stratégique avec les

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Minakov, Mikhaïl. "Un siècle de système politique ukrainien : l’expérience de construction d’un État en Europe orientale aux XXe et XXIe siècles." Connexe : les espaces postcommunistes en question(s) 8 (December 30, 2022): 169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5077/journals/connexe.2022.e1029.

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Avec l’aimable autorisation de la revue, nous présentons ci-après la traduction légèrement abrégée d'un article de Mikhaïl Minakov paru dans Neprikosnovennyj Zapas en 2020 (n° 129, pp. 161–179). Il nous semble important de faire connaître ce texte au lectorat francophone dans le contexte de l’invasion russe déclenchée le 24 février 2022. À l’époque, la défaite rapide de l’armée ukrainienne et l’effondrement de l’État ukrainien paraissaient l'hypothèse la plus probable non seulement pour le Kremlin, mais aussi pour de nombreux commentateurs. Pour expliquer l’étonnante résistance de l’Ukraine fa

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Gladii, Andrzej. "Konteksty oraz uwarunkowania ruchu separatystycznego we wschodnim regionie Ukrainy w 2014 roku." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 13 (October 31, 2018): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2016.1.3.

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In this paper was taken an attempt to research the causes of separatism in the Donbass based on a multi-faceted inquiry. Donbass has always been a key region in Ukraine. In many cases here were decided the political and economic destiny of the state. This region is the most socially and economically diversified. Donbass is a place of the most dangerous working conditions and the enormous social inequalities in Ukraine.In 2014 after the events at the Euromaidan Donbass was a field of fighting between the Ukrainian government and Russian-backed separatists. The issue of separatism in Ukraine rem

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Stokolos, Margarita Dmitrievna. "RUSSIAN IDENTITY OF DONBASS: HISTORICAL ASPECT." Bulletin Social-Economic and Humanitarian Research 17 (19), 2023 (February 2, 2023): 30–44. https://doi.org/10.52270/26585561_2023_17_19_30.

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The article examines the historical factors of the formation and development of Donbass in the context of the Russian identity of the region. It is noted that the Donbass is rightfully considered the torn-out heart of the USSR. It is indicated that the region, which was founded by immigrants from central Russia, could not become an integral part of Ukraine. A series of events, namely the coup d'état in Ukraine in 2014, the "Crimean spring", the events of May 2, 2014 in Odessa, the beginning of a bloody anti-terrorist operation with the tacit approval of the countries of th

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Ryabinin, Yevgeny. "Russia’s Exogenous Factor in the Donbass Conflict." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 13 (December 31, 2020): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.6.

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The hypothesis of this research is that Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Before the political and military crisis in 2013, it was an indirect influence, whereas since 2014 it has been a direct impact in many spheres. It is necessary to underline that Ukraine has always been split into two parts in terms of foreign policy priorities, language, religion, and culture. This fact was mentioned by Samuel Huntington, who predicted an intense crisis in bilateral relations between Russia and Ukraine in his work Clash of Civilizations. There

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7

Enin, Maxim. "The change of the attitude of Ukrainians to Russia in the conditions of the anti-terrorism operation and humanitarian aid needs of population of Donbass region: the results of sociological researches." Świat Idei i Polityki 15, no. 1 (2016): 139–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201608.

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The article describes the specific features of the new terrorism in the Donbass which has the support of Russia in the struggle for influence on the policy of Ukraine. The terrorist organizations on Donbass are specific territorial units. Using the concept ‘state’, focusing on the Orthodox faith and idea of ‘Russian world’ this terrorism has purpose to capture a new territory, intimidation and demoralization of Ukraine and the world community. In the context of anti-terrorist operation in the Donbass region we studied also the dynamic of changing the attitude of Ukrainians to Russia. From Dece

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8

Semenov, M. Е. "The Approaches of Presidents P. Poroshenko and V. Zelensky to the Settlement of the Conflict in the Donbass: Comparative Analysis." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 1 (2021): 250–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-1-13.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the approaches of the presidents of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko and Volodymyr Zelensky to the issue of resolving the conflict in Donbass. The election of Vladimir Zelensky in 2019 as president of Ukraine gave rise to hope among some politicians and experts regarding the possibility of resolving the conflict that has been ongoing in 2014 in the Donbass. This was explained by the fact that, unlike his predecessor, he had no previous relation to politics, was not related to the outbreak of the conflict, and also that V. Zelensky actively used peace-loving rh

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Nina S., Ishchenko, and Zaslavskaja Elena A. "The Image of the Other as a Structural Characteristic of the Cultural Border on the Example of Ukraine and Donbass." Humanitarian Vector 16, no. 2 (2021): 124–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2021-16-2-124-136.

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The article is devoted to the specifics of the cultural frontier of Russian culture. The relevance of the article is due to the strengthening in the post-Soviet period of cultural conflicts on the border of Russian civilization. These conflicts on cultural grounds even lead to military action against the bearers of Russian culture, as has been the case in the Ukrainian war against Donbass since 2014. The article examines the borderland as a zone of intercultural interaction, carries out a cultural analysis of the border between cultures and identities, highlights the structural characteristic

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Danylenko, Volodymyr. "The Russian-Ukrainian War in Donbass in Ukrainian Cinematography." Ukrainian Information Space, no. 5 (June 4, 2020): 208–18. https://doi.org/10.31866/2616-7948.1(5).2020.206129.

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Russian authorities do not recognize their participation in the Donbass war. Participation concealment in military conflicts is a long-standing Russian political tradition. The Soviet Union, which was modernized by Russia, did not recognize that it had fought in Korea, Vietnam, Angola, and Ogaden. Modern Russia, which has deployed its forces to Donbass, is officially convincing the world community and Russians that this war is an internal civil conflict in Ukraine. Although all information is available on the Internet about which Russian units are fighting in Donbass, who controls them and whe

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Åslund, Anders. "Die ökonomischen Kosten der fortbestehenden russischen Aggression gegen die Ukraine." SIRIUS – Zeitschrift für Strategische Analysen 2, no. 4 (2018): 352–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sirius-2018-4004.

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Kurzfassung Die Ukraine hat massive wirtschaftliche Verluste infolge der russischen Annexion der Krim im März 2014 und der militärischen Aggression gegen die östlichen Regionen Luhansk und Donetsk erleiden müssen. Während Russland auf der Krim einigermaßen funktionierende staatliche Strukturen eingeführt hat, ist die besetzte Donbass Region ein gesetzloses Dreckloch, aus dem mittlerweile die Hälfte der Bevölkerung geflohen ist. Russische Staatsbürger haben die Region geplündert und Unternehmen, Gebäude und Infrastruktur zerstört. Russische Handelssanktionen haben etwa 80 Prozent des Handels zw

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Guo, Zhikang. "Why the War in Donbass Is Difficult to Reconcile: Based on the Comparison to the 2014 Crimean War." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 15, no. 1 (2023): 264–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/15/20231067.

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After the Crimean crisis in 2014, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict re-emerged in the form of war in the Donbass. The two conflicts were handled in completely different ways, with the Crimean crisis ending in a short period, while the war in the Donbass lasted for more than a year. Using a case study and comparative politics approach, this paper examines the reasons for the intractability of this war by comparing the two Russia-Ukraine conflicts. The paper begins by setting the context of the two conflicts, aiming to show how the differences like the war, government strategy, the level of Western

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Mitrofanova, Oksana. "Ukraine-Pologne : du partenariat stratégique à l’incertitude tactique." Questions internationales 107-108, no. 3 (2021): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/quin.107.0145.

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La Pologne et l’Ukraine ont noué un partenariat stratégique fort à la fin du siècle dernier. Or, malgré leur proximité géographique et de nombreux intérêts communs, les deux pays connaissent des divergences socio-économiques et sécuritaires croissantes. Avec le conflit de basse intensité qui secoue le Donbass depuis 2014, l’Ukraine est en effet confrontée à des problèmes intérieurs majeurs qui participent à l’affaiblissement de ce partenariat. Sa pérennité dépend tant de la capacité des partenaires à surmonter les vicissitudes actuelles que des évolutions du contexte géopolitique régional .

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14

Denisov, D. O. "Place and role of all-Ukrainian round tables of National Unity in the settlement of the Conflict in the donbass." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 13, no. 4 (2023): 85–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2023-13-4-85-90.

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Since the outbreak of the conflict in Ukraine, various methods and methods of its settlement have been applied. One of such mechanisms was to be an inclusive dialogue within Ukrainian society. This format was supported by all parties involved in the conflict in the spring of 2014. In May 2014, after the start of the so-called anti-terrorist operation in the East of the country, the Kiev authorities, with the assistance of the OSCE, organized a series of All-Ukrainian round tables of national unity. In the public sphere, the organizers of the events pursued the main goal of finding a compromise

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15

Marangé, Céline. "La posture internationale de la Russie depuis l’annexion de la Crimée." Questions internationales 101, no. 6 (2020): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/quin.101.0068.

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L’annexion de la Crimée et la guerre dans le Donbass ont valu à la Russie d’être exclue du G8 en 2014. Aujourd’hui, la fracture avec les pays occidentaux apparaît moins irrémédiable. En août 2019, Emmanuel Macron a reçu son homologue russe au fort de Brégançon, quelques jours avant le sommet du G7 de Biarritz dont il était l’hôte. Le président français a jugé « pertinent qu’à terme la Russie puisse rejoindre le G8 », tout en soulignant l’importance de parvenir à des progrès tangibles dans la résolution du conflit ukrainien. Comment la Russie s’est-elle repositionnée sur la scène internationale

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Matveeva, A. "Donbass at limbo: self-proclaimed republics in the inter-war period (2014–2021)." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2022): 92–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2022-1-92-106.

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In order to better understand the new phase of the war in and around Donbass that started in February 2022, the article suggests looking back at the “interwar” period in the region. This period is analyzed through the prism of a combination of three interpretations of the conflict – as an irredentist movement to join the “historical homeland” which the region had been “separated from”, as a civil conflict for a different (multiethnic, multilingual, more decentralized) Ukraine, better disposed towards the aspirations of the people of Donbass, and as an international geopolitical confrontation b

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17

Levin, Oleh, and Oleh Poplavskiy. "The historical parallels between today's events in the Donbass and the pages of its past of hundred years ago, when this region was in the center of a fierce struggle between different political forces, social strata, and hostile groups are analyzed in this article. The main attention is focused on the investigation of attempts to create an anti-Ukrainian identity in the Donbass based on the use of prepared facts of events related to the history of the creation and short-term existence of the Donetsk-Kryvyi Rih Soviet Republic. It was determined that during almost the entire period of Ukraine’s independence in the Donbas, with the active participation of the Kremlin, Soviet and imperial interpretations of history were spread, ideas of a special regional identity were formed, and the ideological basis of anti-Ukrainian insinuations was created. At the same time, history was used as a kind of propaganda, and manipulation of the past. It was one of the main strategies of anti-Ukrainian forces in the Donbass. Stereotypes were instilled that this region is the territory of the formation of "novoros", "the people of Donbass", who have their own mentality and even traditions of statehood, unrelated to the history of Ukraine. All this became the ideological basis of the bloody events associated with the attempt to create in 2014 the so-called "people’s republics" in the territory of Donbass. Pseudo-referendums were held in this region, pseudo-independent republics headed by puppet governments, fully controlled by the Kremlin, were proclaimed like a hundred years ago, in order to restore imperial domination in Ukraine, according to the experience of the Bolsheviks. On the example of historical parallels of personal destinies of people who are forced one way or another to lead regional separatist movements or become puppets in the hands of external puppeteers by the revolutionary events of both a hundred years ago and today. It is reminded of the inadmissibility of ignoring the laws of historical development." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 4, no. 4 (2020): 89–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2020-4-89-95.

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The historical parallels between today's events in the Donbass and the pages of its past of hundred years ago, when this region was in the center of a fierce struggle between different political forces, social strata, and hostile groups are analyzed in this article. The main attention is focused on the investigation of attempts to create an anti-Ukrainian identity in the Donbass based on the use of prepared facts of events related to the history of the creation and short-term existence of the Donetsk-Kryvyi Rih Soviet Republic. It was determined that during almost the entire period of Ukraine’

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18

Hong, Sogu. "The Path to European Integration: The Formation of a New Ukrainian Identity in the Flames of War." East European and Balkan Institute 49, no. 1 (2025): 135–63. https://doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2025.49.1.135.

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The annexation of Crimea, the war in Donbass in 2014, and the full-scale invasion by Russia in February 2022 accelerated the transformation and formation of Ukrainian national identity. In particular, this war created a sense of ‘threat’ in Ukrainian society, formed a collective identity, and promoted the process of making Russia a common other and enemy for Ukraine. The war waged by Russia since 2014 has rather given Ukrainians a sense of civic belonging and national pride, and a sense of responsibility for national defense and national solidarity. In addition, these wars have broadly strengt

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Driedger, Jonas J. "The Stopping Power of Sources." Analyse & Kritik 45, no. 1 (2023): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auk-2023-2006.

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Abstract The article analyzes arguments, made by John J. Mearsheimer and others, that the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 was largely caused by Western policy. It finds that these arguments rely on a partially false and incomplete reading of history. To do so, the article identifies a range of premises that are both foundational to Mearsheimer’s claims and based on implied or explicit historical interpretations. This includes the varying policies of Ukraine toward NATO and the EU as well as the changing Russian perceptions thereof; the political upheavals in Ukraine in early 2014 that were

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Müür, Kristiina, Holger Mölder, Vladimir Sazonov, and Pille Pruulmann-Vengerfeldt. "Russian Information Operations Against the Ukrainian State and Defence Forces: April-December 2014 in Online News." Journal on Baltic Security 2, no. 1 (2016): 28–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jobs-2016-0029.

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Abstract The aim of the current article is to provide analysis of information operations of the Russian Federation performed against the Ukrainian state and defence forces from 1 April until 31 December 2014. Russia uses ideological, historical, political symbols and narratives for justifying and supporting their military, economic and political campaigns not only in Donbass but in the whole of Ukraine. The article concentrates on the various means of meaning-making carried out by Russian information operations regarding the Ukrainian state and military structures.

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Chappedelaine, Bernard. "La guerre en Ukraine et l’unité allemande." Guerres mondiales et conflits contemporains N° 294, no. 2 (2024): 123–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/gmcc.294.0123.

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La « victoire sur le fascisme » et le contrôle exercé sur la RDA ont été des éléments essentiels du statut international du régime soviétique après 1945. Très affaiblie, l’URSS donne son aval à la réunification de l’Allemagne, mais les conditions dans lesquelles la guerre froide prend fin vont créer dans l’opinion russe un traumatisme qui va être instrumentalisé par V. Poutine, témoin de ces événements à Dresde. La révolution pacifique de 1989 conforte les Allemands dans une vision des relations internationales fondée sur la loi et le marché et sur l’exclusion du recours à la force, conception

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Davidenko, Alexandr. "29-ти летие начала гибридной агрессии РФ против Республики Молдова в Приднестровье (1992 год) в сравнении с началом аналогичной гибридной агрессии РФ против Украины в Крыму и на Донбассе (2014 год) / 29th anniversary of the beginning of the hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation against the Republic of Moldova in Transnistria (1992) in comparison with the beginning of a similar hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine in Crimea and Donbass (2014)". PLURAL. History, Culture, Society 9, № 2 (2021): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/plural.v9i2_7.

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The hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation against the independent Republic of Moldova in the Transnistrian region in 1992 (Pridnestrov‘ye), and the Ukrainian point of view to that mentioned aggression. The year 2014, the beginning of the aggressive hybrid war of the Russian Federation against independent Ukraine, the annexation of Crimea, and the occupation of parts of the territory of Ukrainian Donetsk and Luhansk regions (Donbass). A common the problem for the World is the lack of a real-world counter mechanism similar to hybrid aggression, stopping such conflicts and resolving them.

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Gruzdev, Vladislav V., Dmitriy A. Babichev, and Natal'ya A. Babicheva. "History of self-determination of the people of Donbass. experience of the Soviet Republic of Donetsk and Krivoy Rog." Vestnik of Kostroma State University, no. 3 (2019): 148–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2019-25-3-148-152.

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The article is devoted to the burning problem that arose in 2014 in the Ukraine, in the regions of Lugansk and Donetsk, and that concerns the right of the people of Donbass to self-determination. This problem is not only of a local territorial nature, but it is also one of the most complex debatable problems of international law. Since the right to self-determination contradicts the principle of territorial integrity of the state, the consideration and solution of this issue is the most burning for the whole population living on the territory of the self-proclaimed people's republics of Lugans

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Kosov, Gennady, Olga Yarmak, and Lyudmila Garas. "Galicia and Donbass as Ideal models of regional identity: sociocultural roots of the confrontation between Western and Eastern Ukraine." Vestnik instituta sotziologii 15, no. 3 (2024): 107–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2024.15.3.7.

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The article examines ideal models of regional identity in Ukraine – Galicia and Donbass. It is emphasised that Ukraine, having become a sovereign state and appeared on the political map of the world in 1991, faced the problem of a pronounced mosaic of regions. Individual regions were included in Ukraine already formed as distinctive entities with stable features of culture and way of life of the population. The authors emphasise that on the territory of Ukraine there coexisted a number of territorial complexes that were rather weakly connected with each other, and their subordination to variou

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ВАВИЛОВ, А. Н. "Evolution of programs of Ukrainian political parties in 2014-2019 as a reflection of trends of social and political development of Ukraine." Социально-гуманитарные знания, no. 6 (December 27, 2020): 263–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.34823/sgz.2020.5.51496.

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Настоящая статья посвящена анализу актуальных тенденций внутриполитического развития Украины через призму содержания программ ведущих украинских политических партий. Обзор программ основных политических партий на парламентских выборах 2014 и 2019 гг. позволяет сделать вывод о смещении акцента от вопросов внешней политики и конфликта на Донбассе к проблематике социально-экономического развития. This article is devoted to the analysis of current trends in the internal political development of Ukraine through the prism of the content of the programs of leading Ukrainian political parties. Overvi

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Yuskiv, Khrystyna. "Идентичность как причина появления сепаратистских тенденций (на примере Украины)". Studia Politologiczne, № 62/2021 (18 грудня 2021): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2021.62.6.

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The intensification of separatism in Ukraine in 2014 became possible due to profound changes in the worldview of a significant part of the population, which manifested in the changing of national self-identification. The purpose of the article is to clarify scientific ideas about the essence and relationship of separatism and identity on the example of Donbas. The article argues for the idea of the absence of an ethnic marker in the conflict in Donbass, where separatism is based on the specific regional identity, to which, through the efforts of Russian propaganda, the cultural, ideological, c

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Rzepka, Marcin. "Badanie ukraińskich wspólnot ewngelikalnych poprzez misyjne narracje biograficzne." Textus et Studia, no. 1(29) (July 9, 2022): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/tes.08101.

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By focusing on missionary narratives, the article offers a short description of the Ukrainian evangelical communities that have developed in Poland since 2014. Arguing that the outbreak of the war in Donbass was a decisive moment that shaped the waves of migrations from Ukraine, the article tries to analyze the strategy of reconstructing the biographies of Ukrainian evangelicals in the Polish cultural context. Using the categories of migrants and missionaries as biographical types, the article contextualizes the meaning of evangelicalism through its Ukrainian and Polish variations, and at the

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Zambrzycka, Marta, and Paulina Olechowska. "Ukraina Wschodnia jako przestrzeń symboliczna w prozie Serhija Żadana – na podstawie powieści Woroszyłowgrad i Mezopotamia." Studia Ucrainica Varsoviensia, no. 8 (August 31, 2020): 233–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2299-7237suv.8.18.

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The subject of the article is an analysis of the three aspects of depicting urban space of Eastern Ukraine, focusing specifi cally on the Donbass region and the city of Kharkov as depicted in the novels Voroshilovgrad (2010) and Mesopotamia (2014) by Serhiy Zhadan. The urban space of Eastern Ukraine overlaps with the most important values that shape a person’s personality and aff ect her or his self-identifi cation. The city space is also a “place of memory” and experiences of generations that infl uence current events. In addition to the historical and axiological dimension, the imaginative a

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Полішук, Ярослав. "Зобразити війну". Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe 3, № 1 (2017): 27–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppusn.2017.03.03.

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How to Represent War. The hybrid warfare going on in Donbass has had consequences on the informational and cultural spheres in Ukraine. It is a war for influence where Ukraine cannot adequately confront Russia because it does not have the necessary recourses and a developed media culture. The number of literary works about the war published in the last few years show that Ukrainian writers want to challenge the discourse on war. Between 2014 and 2016 numerous novels, stories, essays, reports, and poems were published by such writers as Halyna Vdovychenko, Yevhen Polozhiy, Sergei Lozko, and Vla

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Sedakov, I. E., N. G. Semikoz, S. E. Zolotukhin, A. N. Zaika, A. V. Bondar, and D. S. Riazantseva. "Dedicated to the Memory of Academician Grigory Vasilievich Bondar and the 80th Anniversary of the Oncological Service of Donbass." Journal of oncology: diagnostic radiology and radiotherapy 6, no. 3 (2023): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.37174/2587-7593-2023-6-3-92-100.

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The oncological service of Donbass has a rich history. The path of its formation began in 1943, when on September 9, 1943, Professor M.K. Afanasiev signed an order to restore the activities of the Stalin X-ray station and the oncological hospital.The first organizer of the radiological service in the Donbass is considered to be Ekaterina Vladimirovna Stelling, who was appointed in 1946 to the post of head of the oncological hospital in Stalino. The radiological service appeared in 1947, when the Regional Oncological Dispensary was organized. Soon the institution was renamed the Donetsk Regiona

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Goujon, Alexandra. "Ukraine : entre « dégagisme » prometteur et revanche politique." Questions internationales 101, no. 6 (2020): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/quin.101.0100.

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Le 24 août 2019, l’Ukraine a fêté le 28 e anniversaire de son indépendance sous les auspices d’une nouvelle présidence. Le pays n’échappe pas au scénario du « dégagisme » observé ailleurs avec la victoire de l’acteur Volodymyr Zelensky. Ce choix est un nouveau soubresaut dans la vie politique ukrainienne. Il annonce des changements au niveau des élites destinés à mettre fin à la corruption tant dénoncée lors de la révolution de la Dignité (2013-2014) et trop faiblement combattue sous la présidence de Petro Porochenko (2014-2019). Le nouveau président peut-il relever ce défi en s’affranchissant

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Pashkov, Viktor. "DYNAMICS OF US-UKRAINIAN DEFENCE COOPERATION (2014-2021): FROM B. OBAMA TO J. BIDEN." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 161 (2024): 37–45. https://doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2024.161.1.37-45.

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The article is devoted to the study of the features of military-technical cooperation between Ukraine and the United States in 2014-2021. In particular, the volumes, nomenclature and goals of American military assistance to Ukraine currently, the main directions of bilateral defense cooperation are described in detail. It is determined that despite certain differences in approaches and emphasis in providing military assistance to Ukraine, the administrations of B. Obama, D. Trump, and J. Biden's administrations demonstrated consistency in logic and goals: Washington provided limited defensive

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Gruzdev, Vladislav V., and Aleksandr I. Levchenkov. "Republics of Donbass as an international political and legal precedent." Vestnik of Kostroma State University, no. 3 (2019): 143–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2019-25-3-143-147.

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The article analyses the events taking place in Donbass from 2014 to 2019, to be exact, the very fact of the appearance of the peoples' republics of Lugansk and Donetsk, the way in which these republics appeared and the way of their possible international legalisation. The study was carried out not only at Russian, but also at the international level. The authors' vision of solving the problem is proposed, in particular, the idea is that the implementation of the fundamental (universal) principle of modern international law – the principle of universal respect for human rights and freedoms in

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Bezrodnyi, B. G., S. O. Dykuha, and I. V. Kolosovich. "DIAGNOSIS AND TREATMENT OF COMBAT INJURIES OF THE HEART AND GREAT VESSELS. Review." Medical Science of Ukraine (MSU) 16, no. 2 (2020): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32345/2664-4738.2.2020.12.

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Relevance. According to the modern realities of hostilities in the East of Ukraine, the medical community has grown a request for information about the nature of the most dangerous defeats of the participants of the Joint Forces Operation (JFO) in Donbass. Objective: analysis and generalization of the nature of heart injuries received during the hostilities in the East of Ukraine, the stages of medical support of such wounded. Materials and methods. Analysis of scientific publications in scientific journals of Ukraine by keywords for the period 2014-2018. Results. The nature

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Vasilevich, Hanna. "Trapped in the Quadratic Nexus: The Role of the Language Issue in Ukraine’s Conflict." Hungarian Journal of Minority Studies 7 (2024): 123–41. https://doi.org/10.62152/hjms.2024.hv.

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Russia’s ongoing aggression against Ukraine has resulted in the need to reassess all of Ukraine’s previous ethnolinguistic and identity policies that have been enacted since its independence. Internal contradictions within Ukraine and the vulnerability of its policies were skillfully used by Russia in 2014, resulting in the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula and the war in the Donbass region. For a genuinely bilingual state, such as Ukraine, language policies are among those topics that trigger strong emotions in society. This text analyzes the language-related rhetoric of foreign actors with

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Stolyarov, V. "State Regulation of Socio-Economic Recovery of Ukrainian Donbass (Memoir-Analytical Review of Alternative Government Decisions Taken in 1991-2020). Part 2. Strategic Social Planning of a Unitary State in the Implementation of Budget Federalism." Economic Herald of the Donbas, no. 1 (63) (2021): 197–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/1817-3772-2021-1(63)-197-219.

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The article reveals the possibilities of implementing the doctrine of three "S": social forecasting, social planning and social management in the formation of strategies for regional development of Luhansk and Donetsk regions and Ukraine as a whole. The main components of budgetary federalism of the unitary state with definition of coordinated borders of financial independence of Ukrainian Donbass and state regulation by reproduction of economic and vital activity of the population are considered. The results of the study, the subject of which were the leading components of scientific and meth

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Vvedenskaya, Viktoria V. "THE LEGAL TRADITIONS OF DONBASS AND THE LEGISLATION OF THE DONETSK PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Economics. Management. Law, no. 4 (2024): 117–37. https://doi.org/10.28995/2073-6304-2024-4-117-127.

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On April 7, 2014, the Donetsk People’s Republic proclaimed state sovereignty and existed as an independent state until joining the Russian Federation on September 30, 2022. However, the eight-year experience of the existence of a modern state in the center of Europe is under-studied. In particular, the factors that influenced the formation of the legislation of the Donetsk People’s Republic, such as the territorial and geographical location of the republic, its historical community with Russia and Ukraine, the ethnic and confessional composition of the population, scientific and technical pote

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Ishchenko, Nina S. "Donbass Hierotopy in Elena Zaslavskaja’s Poem “Novorossia of Thunderstorms. Novorossia of Dreams” (2020)." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 64 (June 30, 2021): 464–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2021-0-2-464-470.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the creation of the hierotopy of modern warring Donbass in the poem by Elena Zaslavskaja “Novorossia of Thunderstorms. Novorossia of Dreams” (2020). The article shows how the archetypes of cultural memory are actualized under the wartime circumstances and in the situation of extreme existential choice. One of the most ancient cultural archetypes of Russian culture is the image of Russia as a sacred space, which synthesizes the archaic image of the holy kingdom and Christian ideas of holiness as the feat of self-sacrifice. The author analyzes the mecha

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Ishchenko, Nina S. "Russian Cultural Landscape in the Book of Donbass Military Poetry “The Great Checkpoint” (2023)." Humanitarian Vector 18, no. 4 (2023): 115–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2023-18-4-115-123.

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The paper focuses on the representation of Russian cultural geography in the poetry collection “The Great Checkpoint” by the method of thematic modeling, which combines poems by poets from different regions dedicated to the war in Donbass 2014–2022. Thematic modeling presents a topic as a set of keywords expressing it. The topic of Russia as a geographical reality was chosen for the study. The names of geographical objects have been selected as keywords, which according to the theory of cultural landscape, represent a text as a system of signs referring to the meanings of culture. The landscap

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Colin Lebedev, Anna. "Mobiliser en Ukraine et en Russie : pratique militaire, gestion politique et impact social." Revue Défense Nationale N° 867, no. 2 (2024): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rdna.867.0036.

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Si l’Ukraine avait déjà tiré des leçons du fiasco de 2014, la Russie a été confrontée à des difficultés en septembre 2022 avec une mobilisation partielle mal conduite. La question reste posée après deux ans de guerre avec des pratiques et des questionnements très différents entre les deux pays, entre gestion démocratique pour Kiev et gestion autoritaire pour Moscou.

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Zatyka, Marcin. "Material and Spiritual Aid from the Catholic Church of Poland to Ukraine in the Face of Russian Aggression that Began in 2014." Political Observer | Revista Portuguesa de Ciência Política (Portuguese Journal of Political Science), no. 20 (January 22, 2024): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.59071/2795-4765.rpcp2023.20/pp-27-37.

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This article presents the attitude of the Polish Catholic Church, also known as the Roman Catholic Church in Poland, towards Russian aggression against Ukraine and the forms of support it has given to the victims of the war. The Russian invasion, which began in 2014 through a hybrid war that resulted in the occupation of Crimea and began military actions in the Donbass, unleashed a wave of refugees that in 2022 became an unprecedented phenomenon in the history of European countries. After the conflict entered a phase of open warfare between Russia and Ukraine in February 2022, Ukraine’s neighb

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Arbatova, N. "Were the Minsk Agreements doomed to failure? An alternative history." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2022): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2022-1-107-120.

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History does not allow for subjunctive mood but politics do allow. As Russia&#8223;s special military operation is underway in Ukraine growing into a major, deadly conflict with unpredictable consequences, it is worthwhile to ask a question: could this conflict be prevented if the Minsk agreements were implemented? The 2014 and 2015 Minsk agreements were aimed at securing a ceasefire between the Ukrainian government and pro-Russian separatists in southeastern Ukraine (Donbass). The rebels from Donetsk and Lugansk drew their courage from the “Crimea precedent” – Moscow&#8223;s incorpora

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Vehesh, M., and R. Kopolovets. "Causes and prerequisites of the occupation of Luhansk and Donetsk regions: empirical analysis of territories (on the basis of indicators of the democratization index “Freedom in the World 2020”)." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 4(48) (January 29, 2021): 43–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2020.4(48).232690.

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Summary. The article examines the main reasons and preconditions for the occupation of certain regions in eastern Ukraine. The influence and role of Russia in this military conflict are analyzed, and for the first time an empirical (applied) analysis of the democratization index in the temporarily occupied territories is carried out. Russia’s aggressive policy in eastern Ukraine is part of a “hybrid” war against Ukraine that began in early 2014 with the occupation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea. With the support of Russia, the so-called “Donetsk and Luhansk” people’s republics were creat

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Voytyuk, Oksana. "Internal Migrations from Crimea and Donbass after 2014 as Conflict-Triggering Factors in the Regions of Ukraine." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 67, no. 3 (2020): 154–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2020.67.09.

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Renchka, Inna. "Language behavior and language firmness of Ukrainians under Russian-Ukrainian war (after the novel “Daughter” by Tamara Gorikha Zernia)." Ukrainska mova, no. 3 (2020): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/ukrmova2020.03.075.

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The Russian-Ukrainian military conflict in Donbas region exacerbated and highlighted the problems of linguistic, national, cultural and civic identity, language behavior and language firmness during the war, when the Ukrainian language becomes not only a means of communication but also a means of preserving identity and resistance to the language of conquerors. An important source for studying these issues and some of their aspects are literature and art works dedicated to the events in Eastern Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to attempt to characterize the language behavior of Ukrainian

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Pétiniaud, Louis. "Le « bouclier informationnel » ukrainien." Réseaux N° 244, no. 3 (2024): 153–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/res.245.0153.

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À partir du début de la guerre russo-ukrainienne en 2014, l’espace numérique ukrainien est devenu la cible de multiples attaques émanant de Russie. En Ukraine, ces attaques, notamment informationnelles, ont suscité une transformation du concept de souveraineté informationnelle. Devenue prioritaire pour garantir l’intégrité du territoire, la protection de l’espace informationnel a été mise en place par les autorités à travers des politiques infrastructurelles de protection de l’information, notamment à travers les infrastructures logiques du réseau, suscitant de vifs débats parmi et entre diffé

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Mykolenko, Dmytro. "Bulgarian and Ukrainian experience of implementing European legal acts on decommunization." V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University Bulletin "History of Ukraine. Ukrainian Studies: Historical and Philosophical Sciences", no. 39 (December 23, 2024): 38–47. https://doi.org/10.26565/2227-6505-2024-39-04.

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Purpose. The process of implementing the European Union (EU) and Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) legal acts regulating policy on memory in Bulgaria and Ukraine and identifies the factors that influenced its course are explored in the article. Methods. Resolutions, Bulgarian and Ukrainian laws, the press and online publications are used to achieve this goal. The implementation of pan-European legal acts on memory policy was determined by some factors in both countries. Large part of the population is loyal to the communist past. Scientific novelty. It is slowed down imple

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Khilchevskyi, V. K. "WATER AND ARMED CONFLICTS – CLASSIFICATION FEATURES: IN THE WORLD AND IN UKRAINE." Hydrology, hydrochemistry and hydroecology, no. 1(63) (2022): 6–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2306-5680.2022.1.1.

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The purpose of this article is to study the concept of water conflicts, which can be unarmed and military (with the use of weapons), their classification features, to illustrate in practice the manifestations of water conflicts in the world and in Ukraine. The database of the Pacific Institute (USA), which monitors water conflicts, shows that water-related violence began several thousand years ago. Only for the period 2000-2022 this database contains about 900 cases of various water conflicts, of which about 15 are in Ukraine. Water conflicts are divided into types based on the use of water, t

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Lefèvre, Anna. "« Ireland’s sisters in the East » : l’Ukraine, la véritable sœur orientale de l’Irlande ? La mémoire des années 1840 à 1940 dans les relations ukraino-irlandaises." Matériaux pour l’histoire de notre temps N° 147-148, no. 1 (2024): 112–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mate.147.0112.

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Les liens historiques entre la Pologne et l’Irlande depuis le xix e siècle, ainsi que leur sentiment réciproque d’une destinée commune, donnent lieu à une documentation de plus en plus riche. Mais la similitude entre les destins des Irlandais et des Ukrainiens entre les années 1840 et 1940, éclipsée en Irlande par le destin polonais, semblent attirer plus d’attention encore depuis le retour de la guerre en Ukraine dès 2014.

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Park, Jee-Kwang. "National Identity in the Eastern and Southern Ukraine in 2022: a National Survey Analysis." East European and Balkan Institute 46, no. 3 (2022): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.3.179.

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The Russia-Ukraine conflict over territory is rekindled by the Russia’s military invasion into Ukraine in February 2022. Russia takes it as the pretext of this invasion to protect the Russian-speaking population in Ukraine which accounts for about one-third of the Ukraine population. Russia has insisted that Ukraine does not have a separate and independent national identity distinct from Russia. Russia further insists that Ukraine was historic allyl a part of Russia and should be incorporated into the Russian civilization world. Radical Russian nationalists believe that it is their duty to rec

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