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Journal articles on the topic 'Guerre du Kosovo, 1998-1999'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 22 June 2024

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1

Dérens, Jean-Arnault, and Laurent Geslin. "Le Kosovo, vingt ans après la guerre." Questions internationales 99-100, no. 4 (2019): 159–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/quin.099.0159.

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Il y a vingt ans, au lendemain des bombardements de l’OTAN sur la Serbie au printemps 1999, le Kosovo était placé sous administration provisoire des Nations Unies. État de droit, développement économique, multiethnicité : aucun des objectifs fixés à cet ambitieux protectorat n’a depuis été atteint. Comment comprendre cet échec de la communauté internationale ?

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2

Tambarin, Marcel. "La paix au prix de la guerre ? L'Allemagne et l'intervention de l'OTAN au Kosovo (1998-1999)." Études Germaniques 254, no. 2 (2009): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eger.254.0471.

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3

de Lespinois, Jérôme. "De la guerre aérienne en coalition." Revue Historique des Armées 273, no. 4 (2013): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rha.273.0063.

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Forme classique de l’action militaire depuis l’antiquité, l’engagement en coalition pose des problèmes stratégiques particuliers concernant l’organisation du commandement, la répartition de la charge de l’effort et la conduite générale des opérations interalliés. Cet article se propose d’appliquer ces questions génériques à la question spécifique de la guerre aérienne en coalition telle qu’elle émerge après le premier conflit mondial. La fulgurance de l’aviation la prédispose en effet aux actions coercitives internationales telles que la guerre du Golfe (1991) ou du Kosovo (1999).

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4

Lukic, Renéo. "L’antiaméricanisme des opposants à la participation française à la guerre contre la République fédérale yougoslave." Études internationales 31, no. 1 (2005): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/704130ar.

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Cet article examine la polémique qu'ont provoquée en France les bombardements de VOTAN contre la République fédérale de Yougoslavie (RFY) au début de 1999. Plusieurs politiciens et intellectuels, de la gauche à la droite, ont dénoncé l'intervention de VOTAN comme étant illégale et illégitime. Toutefois, selon l'auteur, la plupart des critiques dirigées contre VOTAN étaient imprégnées d'un virulent antiaméricanisme. Les élites politiques françaises opposées aux bombardements contre la RFY ont perçu le conflit comme une nouvelle manifestation de la volonté des États-Unis d'imposer leur volonté à

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5

Larose, Martin, and Paul Létourneau. "L’Allemagne et le Kosovo : entre l'éthique et la raison d'État ?" Études internationales 33, no. 2 (2005): 275–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/704408ar.

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Au printemps 1999, la participation de la RFA aux bombardements de VOTAN sur la RFY a constitué une étape clef de la « normalisation » de la politique étrangère et de sécurité allemande. Le premier objectif de cet article consiste à analyser les réactions de l'Allemagne durant toute la crise. Cet examen permet de voir que non seulement le gouvernement a participé aux « frappes aériennes » mais qu'il a largement contribué aux mesures d'aide humanitaire et à la solution diplomatique ayant mis un terme au conflit. En second lieu, nous analysons ces actions en relation avec la rhétorique du gouver

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6

Lafontaine, Annie. "Réfugié ou « Local Staff »?" Anthropologie et Sociétés 26, no. 1 (2003): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/000704ar.

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Résumé Cet article porte sur les implications individuelles et collectives du passage du statut de réfugié à celui de « local staff ». En effet, certains Albanais du Kosovo sont passés d’un statut à l’autre durant la guerre, après celle-ci et lors de l’exode massif du Kosovo au printemps 1999. En prenant l’exemple d’une femme en particulier, l’article étudie d’abord les relations entre les dimensions normatives et subjectives des statuts de réfugié et de local staff pour montrer ensuite comment ce transfert de statut entraîne deux phénomènes. D’une part, il permet l’acquisition de pouvoirs soc

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7

Pandolfi, Mariella. "Théâtre de guerres." Anthropologie et Sociétés 32, no. 3 (2009): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/029718ar.

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RésuméLa guerre du Kosovo en 1999 fut un théâtre de passions politiques qui se croisaient à différents niveaux. Ces passions renvoient à l’expérience collective, prise dans des cadres mouvants et passionnés comme l’ethnie et la nation. Elles renvoient également, et tout d’abord, à une expérience individuelle qui peut confiner aux limites du dicible, du mémorable, du transmissible. Enfin, ces expériences sont investies, dans le contexte d’une gestion de crise et d’une gestion du désordre, par les dispositifs techniques et procéduraux d’une action humanitaire qui évolue avec ambivalence entre le

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8

Martens, Stephan. "La nouvelle grammaire de la puissance allemande." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 38, no. 3 (2006): 429–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.2006.5902.

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Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le rejet de la puissance et la culture de la retenue ont constitué les deux piliers de la culture politique allemande. À partir de 1990, la politique étrangère de l’Allemagne unifiée est cependant marquée par une plus grande assurance qui se traduit par la défense éclairée de ses intérêts. La guerre du Kosovo (1999) et les attentats aux États-Unis (2001) ont eu pour effet de provoquer au sein de l’élite politique allemande une prise de conscience des réalités qui s’accompagne d’une disponibilité à prendre en charge les responsabilités qui incombent à un pays s

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9

Bozo, Frédéric. "De la « bataille » des euromissiles à la « guerre » du Kosovo : l'Alliance atlantique face à ses défis (1979-1999)." Politique étrangère 64, no. 3 (1999): 587–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polit.1999.4884.

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10

Cady, Jean-Christian. "L’EUROPE EST MORTE À PRISTINA. GUERRE DU KOSOVO, PRINTEMPS-ÉTÉ 1999, Jacques Hogard, Paris, Hugo Doc, 2014, 128 pages." Politique étrangère Hiver, no. 4 (2014): XXVI. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pe.144.0206z.

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11

Maziau, Nicolas. "La mise en tutelle par la Communauté internationale du pouvoir constituant national : les exemples de la Bosnie-Herzégovine et du Kosovo." Civitas Europa 6, no. 1 (2001): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/civit.2001.952.

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La Bosnie-Herzégovine n'est plus en guerre depuis cinq ans. La signature du traité de Dayton-Paris le 14 décembre 1995 a contribué à une amélioration très significative de la situation. Pourtant les problèmes de mise en œuvre de cet accord demeurent nombreux. Pour répondre aux défis posés par la situation locale , la communauté internationale a adopté une approche très ambitieuse d'occupation civile et militaire de la Bosnie-Herzégovine (BiH). Elle vise à rétablir durablement la paix, mais également à consolider les nouvelles institutions mises en place, au besoin par un interventionnisme très

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12

Valtchinova, Galia. "Entre le «choc des civilisations» et le «choix» de civilisation. Visions bulgares de la guerre, du Kosovo 1999 à l'après-11 septembre 2001." CEMOTI 35, no. 1 (2003): 175–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cemot.2003.1689.

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13

Baudchon, Hélène, Odile Chagny, Thierry Latreille, et al. "Tous ensemble ?" Revue de l'OFCE 73, no. 2 (2000): 7–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/reof.p2000.73n1.0007.

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Résumé Au début du printemps 2000, les perspectives de croissance mondiale sont très favorables : 4,2 % en 2000 et 3,9 en 2001, après 3,2 en 1999. Cette vigueur résulte de la poursuite d'une forte expansion aux États-Unis, d'une nette reprise dans la zone euro et au Royaume-Uni, du dynamisme retrouvé des pays émergents d'Asie et des économies en transition, enfin d'un rebond en Russie et en Amérique latine. La plus notable exception reste le Japon. La croissance est impulsée par le dynamisme de l'industrie et de l'investissement productif. Le décalage conjoncturel de la zone euro vis-à-vis des

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Tessier, Manon. "LANDRY, Tristan. La Bosnie hier, le Kosovo aujourd'hui... et demain ? Les pourquoi de la guerre dans les Balkans. Québec, Les Presses de l'Université Laval, Paris, L'Harmattan, 1999, 105p." Études internationales 31, no. 2 (2000): 392. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/704179ar.

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15

Heinrich, Michael. "Kosovo 1999." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 29, no. 115 (1999): 186–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v29i115.811.

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"54 Jahre nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs befindet sich Deutschland wieder im Krieg; und dieser Krieg wird nicht von einer national-konservativen, sondern von einer rot-grünen Regierung geführt, die die konservative Vorherrschaft im September 1998 durch einen fast erdrutschartigen Wahlsieg beendete. Auch in anderen NATO-Ländern wie England, Frankreich, Italien oder den Niederlanden, sind es sogenannte Mitte-Links-Regierungen, die ihre Zustimmung zum Krieg gegeben haben..."

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16

Ildefonse, Frédérique. "Kosovo : photographies d'Alain Keler, 1998, 1999." Vacarme 9, no. 3 (1999): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/vaca.009.0026.

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17

Nahoum-Grappe, Véronique. "Kosovo 1998-1999 : le sinistre ballet." Chimères 36, no. 1 (1999): 117–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/chime.1999.2282.

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18

Nahoum-Grappe, Véronique. "Kosovo 1998-1999 : le sinistre ballet." Chimères N° 36, no. 1 (1999): 117–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/chime.036.0117.

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19

Troebst, Stefan. "The Kosovo War, Round One:1998." Comparative Southeast European Studies 48, no. 3-4 (1999): 156–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-1999-483-403.

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20

Walker, William G. "OSCE verification experiences in Kosovo: November 1998‐June 1999." International Journal of Human Rights 4, no. 3-4 (2000): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642980008406896.

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21

Henriksen, Dag. "Inflexible Response: Diplomacy, Airpower and the Kosovo Crisis, 1998–1999." Journal of Strategic Studies 31, no. 6 (2008): 825–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390802373131.

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22

Ristić, Katarina, and Elisa Satjukow. "The 1999 NATO Intervention from a Comparative Perspective: An Introduction." Comparative Southeast European Studies 70, no. 2 (2022): 189–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2022-0026.

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Abstract The special issue revisits the NATO intervention in the 1998–1999 Kosovo War by bringing together comparative perspectives from the war-affected states of the former Yugoslavia, on the one hand, and countries that supported or opposed NATO, on the other. The authors in this special issue look at the mediatization of the NATO intervention and its ambivalent legacies in and beyond the Yugoslav region. They provide insights into contested processes of mobilization for or against a military intervention in the Kosovo War, focusing on the case studies of Greece, Germany, and China. Moreove

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23

Head, Naomi. "Critical Theory and its Practices: Habermas, Kosovo and International Relations." Politics 28, no. 3 (2008): 150–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2008.00324.x.

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Developing the ‘applied turn’ in critical theory and Habermasian discourse ethics, this article explores whether a communicative ethics approach enables us to examine the justifications for and legitimacy of actions taken by states during NATO's intervention in Kosovo. By focusing on the deliberations which took place in the UN Security Council over Kosovo from March 1998 to June 1999 and the negotiations at Rambouillet in 1999, it will be shown that there are patterns of exclusion, coercion and illegitimacy which not only challenge the claims to legitimacy of the intervention and of the inter

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24

Khoshev, Andrey Yu. "Situation in Kosovo and Metohija before the Kosovo crisis of 1998–1999: The attitude of the Russian Orthodox Church." Issues of Theology 5, no. 3 (2023): 471–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu28.2023.308.

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Kosovo and Metohija is a territory in the south of modern Serbia, associated with the history of emergence and development Serbian statehood and the autocephalous Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) in the 13th–15th centuries. Being the center of the sacred places of Serbian Orthodoxy, Kosovo and Metohija during the Ottoman yoke was turned into a hotbed of forced de-Christianization by ousting the Orthodox population and replacing it with Islamized Albanians. This strategy survived the Turkish era and was continued during the period of occupation in 1941–1945, as well as in the subsequent period of

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25

Pawłowski, Konrad Łukasz. "Strategies and Goals of Russian Diplomacy During the Kosovo Conflict (1998-1999)." Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia 24, no. 1 (2018): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/k.2017.24.1.41.

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26

Lufi, Simon, and Marsel Nilaj. "The Kosovo War In The British Parliament Talks In 1999." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 17 (2016): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n17p24.

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The Kosovo War in the 1990s was one among a series of wars in the former Yugoslav federation. It was the final war that ended the dissolution which had started with Slovenia from1990 to 1991, Croatia and Bosnia - Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 and the Kosovo War from 1998 to 1999. However, the Kosovo war happened during a different situation and period. It was at a time and in a position to cause the domino effect in the Balkans and an outbreak of wars in a large part of the Balkans. This fight could include Albania and Macedonia as nations with an ethnic Albanian population. It could also have

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27

Freedman, Lawrence. "Force and the international community: Blair’s Chicago speech and the criteria for intervention." International Relations 31, no. 2 (2017): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117817707395.

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Tony Blair’s April 1999 Chicago speech is widely seen as foreshadowing his later decision to support the invasion of Iraq. Two sets of context for the speech are described: other criteria for the use of force, going back to the Just War tradition and more recent contributions from Caspar Weinberger and Colin Powell, and the December 1998 strikes against Iraq and the Kosovo War, which began in March 1999. The origins of the five factors mentioned when considering force are explored and their implications assessed.

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28

Todorović, Zoran D. "The Role of the Ministry of the Interior of the Republic of Serbia in the Conduct of Ethnic Cleansing of the Albanian Population in Kosovo and Metohija From 1998 to 1999." Kriminalističke teme 22, no. 1 (2022): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.51235/kt.2022.22.1.73.

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The paper presents a short chronology of the political conflict in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija (Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo, until the constitutional changes of 1989), which in the 1990s turned into an armed conflict in which the security forces of the Republic of Serbia from October 1998 to June 1999, carried out a planned action of ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians. In the action, several thousand Albanian civilians were executed extrajudicially and between 800,000 and 850,000 Albanians were forcefully expelled to Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania and Bosnia an

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29

Hehir, Aidan. "The Assumptions underlying the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and Their Implications." International Criminal Law Review 20, no. 1 (2020): 17–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-02001006.

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Since 1999 international actors have presented Kosovo’s problems as stemming exclusively from endogenous factors that locals cannot solve. International oversight is thus as essential and benign; the ksc is the latest initiative premised on this assumption. I argue, however, that the idea that international oversight is more efficient than local control is questionable given that since 1999 international judicial mechanisms have endured corruption, witness intimidation, and political interference. Additionally, the fact that the ksc’s creation was driven by external actors has had a negative i

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30

Hasani, Enver, and Getoar Mjeku. "International(ized) Constitutional Court: Kosovo’s Transfer of Judicial Sovereignty." ICL Journal 13, no. 4 (2020): 373–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2019-0016.

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AbstractThis paper discusses the transfer of judicial sovereignty in Kosovo from a comparative perspective. In particular, it addresses the transfer of constitutional jurisdiction to the Special Court of Kosovo. This court was formed as a result of Kosovo’s commitment to address allegations made by the Council of Europe in a document known as the Dick Marty report. The report alleges that war crimes and crimes against humanity and international law were committed during and in the aftermath of the Kosovo war (1998–1999). It took several years for the Court to be formed as constitutional amendm

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31

Dinaj, Shefqet. "The crimes of Serbian Forces in the Municipality of Gjakova (1998-1999)." Social Legal Studios 7, no. 1 (2024): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32518/sals1.2024.18.

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The city of Gjakova, which at the time of the events of 1998-1999 was located on the territory of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo (actually the Republic of Kosovo), became the scene of violent clashes during the break- up of the former Yugoslavia. Therefore, the relevance of the article lies in the need to analyse the crimes committed by Serbian military groups in the area of Gjakova from 1998 to 1999. The aim of the study is to reveal the nature, scale, and consequences of these crimes and to establish the connection between the events in Gjakova and the overall course of the conflict in th

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32

Reuter, Jens. "Die innere Situation Serbiens 1998 - Politische Säuberungen im Windschatten der Kosovo-Krise." Comparative Southeast European Studies 48, no. 1-2 (1999): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-1999-481-202.

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33

Duclos, Nathalie. "Joining the Kosovo Liberation Army: A continuist, process-based analysis." Violence: An International Journal 1, no. 1 (2020): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2633002420904263.

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Drawing on semi-directed interviews with ex-combatants from the Kosovo Liberation Army (UÇK) and the archives of the international organization responsible for disarming and demobilizing the combatants, this article examines the process by which individuals joined the armed resistance movement in Kosovo in the 1980s and 1990s. Based on a “ground-level” approach, we emphasize the incremental nature of this mobilization and challenge the widespread understanding that Albanians in Kosovo turned suddenly to armed resistance. We also challenge strategic-political accounts of the origins of the arme

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34

Mamedov, Ilgar. "The Balkan policy of Turkey in connection with the Kosovo crisis in 1998-1999." Istorija 20. veka 38, no. 1/2020 (2020): 185–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2020.1.mam.185-202.

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Turkey’s involvement in the bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999 was caused by the need to reinforce Turkey’s influence in the Western community, safeguard its regional interests, and support the election campaign. Turkey tried to correlate its policy with that of the West. However, the fundamental interests of Turkey and the West did not coincide. This was “Turkey’s Balkan Dilemma”.

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35

Istrefi, Remzije, and Arben Hajrullahu. "Conflict-Related Sexual Violence in Kosovo and Lessons to be Learned from the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 12, no. 2 (2021): 198–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-bja10038.

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Abstract This article examines challenges in seeking justice for Conflict-Related Sexual Violence (crsv) survivors in Kosovo. It analyses the roles and responsibilities of international missions and how deficiencies impact the prosecution and adjudication of crsv by Kosovo’s justice system. A key question is why two decades after the 1998–1999 war in Kosovo survivors of crsv cannot find justice? The end of the international mandates, the large number of war crime cases transferred, unfinished files, and the necessity for specific expertise in handling the gender-based violence are some of the

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Lynch, Dov. "‘Walking the tightrope’: The Kosovo conflict and Russia in European security, 1998–August 1999." European Security 8, no. 4 (1999): 57–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839908407427.

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Cazzamatta, Regina. "Sobre o papel das agências de Relações Públicas durante guerras e conflitos internacionais." Estudos em Jornalismo e Mídia 14, no. 1 (2017): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1984-6924.2017v14n1p25.

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Este artigo de caráter exploratório aborda o trabalho de agências de Relações Públicas (RP) para Estados-nação durante períodos de guerras e conflitos. Por meio de estratégias como a construção da imagem do inimigo, desinformação, eufemismos, veiculação de notícias encenadas ou muitas vezes falsas, trava-se uma guerra discursiva com o objetivo de ganhar a opinião pública e legitimar um conflito. Como exemplo, o texto reúne estudos de casos, presentes na literatura alemã, que mostram o envolvimento de empresas de RP nas Guerras dos Balcãs e Kosovo (1999), do Cáucaso (2008) e do Golfo (1991).

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Kabashi, Haki. "The Role of the Investigative Prosecutor and Judge in the Pre-Trial Proceedings in Kosovo (1999-2013)." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 1 (2016): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i1.p85-92.

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The journey of the human society has gone through many challenges, the organization of which was based on written and unwritten rules that were used to preserve the kind. Later on these rules are replaced with written codes and laws. The separation in between criminal law and criminal procedure has its genesis with the appearance of the Austrian Criminal Code (1803). As it is historically known, after the Balkan Wars (1912), Kosovo was invaded by Serbia and Montenegro. On the Paris Conference (1919-1944) it was appended to the Yugoslavian Kingdom, Tito’s Yugoslavia (1945-1989 constitutive elem

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Kabashi, Haki. "The Role of the Investigative Prosecutor and Judge in the Pre-Trial Proceedings in Kosovo (1999-2013)." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (2016): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i1.p85-92.

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The journey of the human society has gone through many challenges, the organization of which was based on written and unwritten rules that were used to preserve the kind. Later on these rules are replaced with written codes and laws. The separation in between criminal law and criminal procedure has its genesis with the appearance of the Austrian Criminal Code (1803). As it is historically known, after the Balkan Wars (1912), Kosovo was invaded by Serbia and Montenegro. On the Paris Conference (1919-1944) it was appended to the Yugoslavian Kingdom, Tito’s Yugoslavia (1945-1989 constitutive elem

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40

Kajtazi-Testa, Laura, and Christopher J. Hewer. "Ambiguous loss and incomplete abduction narratives in Kosovo." Clinical Child Psychology and Psychiatry 23, no. 2 (2018): 333–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1359104518755221.

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Ten mothers of men and boys who were abducted and listed as missing during the war in Kosovo in 1998/1999 were interviewed in Kosovo in the spring of 2012. Although the missing are presumed dead by the authorities, the mothers continue to live in a state of emotional ambiguity where a presumption of death is balanced with the hope of being reunited. In the absence of absolute proof, finding the remains of their loved ones becomes a major preoccupation. Using a social phenomenological approach, this study explored the social and political complexities existing within the life-world of these wom

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Sula-Raxhimi, Enkelejda. "Reading the Present Through the Past: The Roma in Postwar Kosovo." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 2 (2019): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.23.

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AbstractThis article explores the relationship between memory, political violence, and identity among the Roma minorities in Kosovo. In the aftermath of the 1998–1999 conflict in Kosovo, countless Roma were forced to escape Albanian retaliation, accused of being Serb collaborators. Many had to resettle in enclaves near Fushë Kosovë on the outskirts of Kosovo’s capital Prishtina, others left for Serbian-controlled northern Kosovo or to neighboring countries or to Western Europe. Through an ethnographic investigation with displaced Roma families around Prishtina and in Prizren, the article exami

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Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "Serbian Historiography after 1991." Contemporary European History 29, no. 1 (2019): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731900033x.

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Few countries in Europe have witnessed as much turbulence during the past quarter century as the seven states which emerged from socialist Yugoslavia after it dissolved amidst a catastrophic series of wars of succession. Although actual armed conflict only took place in Serbia (then still including Kosovo in the rump state Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) in 1998 and 1999, Serbia directly participated in the wars of Yugoslav succession beginning in 1991 in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and then finally in Kosovo. For nearly a decade from 1992 until 2001 Serbia's economy languish

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Kijewski, Sara, and Markus Freitag. "Civil War and the Formation of Social Trust in Kosovo." Journal of Conflict Resolution 62, no. 4 (2016): 717–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002716666324.

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While a new, growing subset of the literature argues that armed conflict does not necessarily erode social cohesion in the postwar era, we challenge this perspective and examine how civil war experiences shape social trust in Kosovo after the war from 1998 to 1999. Based on a nationwide survey conducted in 2010 and the disaggregated conflict event data set of the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, we simultaneously analyze the impact of individual war-related experiences and exposure to war in the community through hierarchical analyses of twenty-six municipalities. Our findings

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Penalva, Clemente, and Miguel Ángel Mateo. "Análisis narrativo y guerra. La cobertura del diario El País sobre el conflicto de Kosovo." Revista Internacional de Sociología 58, no. 26 (2019): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/ris.2000.i26.800.

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Este trabajo es una aproximación a la estructura latente de la cobertura mediática en España de la intervención de la OTAN en Yugoslavia en las fechas en las que se produjo el bombardeo de este país tras el recudrecimiento del conflicto en la provincia de Kosovo. El estudio se basa en el empleo de dos métodos de análisis textuales. Por un lado, se utiliza el análisis semiótico para observar la secuencia narrativa de los acontecimientos (siguiendo a Propp, Levi-Strauss y Greimas) y, por otro, el análisis de contenido que examina las designaciones y atribuciones a los actores implicados en el co

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Gashi, Ardrit. "JUSTICE IN PROPERTY MATTERS IN KOSOVO: A LESSON FROM A POSTWAR COUNTRY." Access to Justice in Eastern Europe 7, no. 2 (2024): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.33327/ajee-18-7.2-a000214.

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Background: In the realm of property matters, or more precisely, the infringement of property rights and the pursuit of adequate justice, Kosovo stands out as one of the most unique cases. Its uniqueness stems not from a singular circumstance, law, or period but from a complex interplay of events, laws, and historical periods. The primary objectives of this paper revolve around property disputes stemming from ethnic conflicts, discriminatory laws, and wartime circumstances. The paper is grounded in two fundamental hypotheses. Firstly, it seeks to examine the property disputes that have arisen

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Friedman, Victor A. "Enhancing national solidarity through the deployment of verbal categories." Pragmatics and Society 3, no. 2 (2012): 189–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ps.3.2.04fri.

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The deployment of the Albanian admirative as well as the evidential particles kinse ‘allegedly’ and gjoja ‘supposedly’ in Kosovar electronic news sources to render either dubitative or neutral reports — depending on both the source and the timing — contributed to the project of an independent Kosovo. The usages can be divided into three periods: 1994–1997, 1998–1999, and post-1999. During the first period, usage was exclusively dubitative and deployed for Serbian news sources. During the second period, which corresponded to the intensification of the armed uprising, usage shifted to neutrality

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Kabashi, Haki. "Kosovo – Unique Case of the Parallel Justice System." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 2 (2016): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i2.p161-169.

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The end of the 1998/1999 war with Serbia, found Kosovo with two governments, which, UNIMK replaced conform the 1244 Resolution of the SC. UNMIK’s operation was based in four pillars and 14 departments. The Department of Justice was a department that operated with obstacles as a result of the organized Serbian parallel system in Kosovo’s territory. Which unfortunately transformed into a phenomenon that was allowed silently by UNMIK’s administration. The functioning of such an operation damages the interests of Kosovan citizens, who are trialed twice for the same case. Double sentences of Kosovo

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Kabashi, Haki. "Kosovo – Unique Case of the Parallel Justice System." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 2 (2016): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i2.p161-169.

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The end of the 1998/1999 war with Serbia, found Kosovo with two governments, which, UNIMK replaced conform the 1244 Resolution of the SC. UNMIK’s operation was based in four pillars and 14 departments. The Department of Justice was a department that operated with obstacles as a result of the organized Serbian parallel system in Kosovo’s territory. Which unfortunately transformed into a phenomenon that was allowed silently by UNMIK’s administration. The functioning of such an operation damages the interests of Kosovan citizens, who are trialed twice for the same case. Double sentences of Kosovo

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Nikolajević, Milan, and Dragoljub Sekulović. "The Albanian National Army at the beginning of the 21st century." Bezbednost, Beograd 65, no. 2 (2023): 132–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bezbednost2302132n.

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The Albanian National Army is a terrorist organization that operates on the territory of several Balkan states in the areas it considers to be the so-called geospace of "Greater Albania". It was created very soon after the end of the war in Kosovo and Metohija and has since then promoted the new Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) under a different name. The idea of the so-called Greater or Natural Albania dates from the middle of the 19th century. Namely, in 1878, a group of Albanians and Albanian champions, assisted by the Turks, formed their first organization, the League of Prizren, in the town o

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Krasniqi, Kolë. "Russian Subversive Influence on Islamic Radicalism in the Countries of the Western Balkans." National security and the future 25, no. 1 (2024): 181–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/nstf.25.1.8.

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After the outbreak of the war in Bosnia-Hercegovina (1992 – 1995) and of the armed conflicts in Albania, (1997), Kosovo (1998 – 1999) and North Macedonia (2001), the unchecked influx of dozens of extremist Islamist organizations from the Middle East began. Those organizations invested millions of Dollars to propagate a radical ideology and stoke religious hatred in all Western Balkan countries populated by Muslims.Furthermore, subversive activities of Islamic organizations have been observed since the beginning of the Russian military aggression in Ukraine. Those organizations support Putin op

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