Journal articles on the topic 'Guerre du Vietnam (1961-1975)'

L’histoire coloniale de la république d’Irlande, sous le joug de son puissant voisin britannique entre le xiie et le début du xxe, a une influence indéniable sur sa place au sein des nations et sur son positionnement par rapport aux pays du tiers-monde. En tant que seul pays européen avec une identité postcoloniale, des liens de solidarité particuliers se tissent avec certains peuples en proie à ce qui est identifié comme des conflits néocoloniaux par certains activistes, principalement républicains et de gauche, mais pas uniquement. C’est le cas pendant la guerre du Vietnam, en particulier à partir des bombardements américains sur le Nord-Vietnam au milieu des années 1960, avec la création de l’association Irish Voice on Vietnam (IVOV). Cet article s’attache à expliquer l’action d’une section de la société civile en Irlande contre la guerre du Vietnam et à en démontrer l’originalité, par rapport aux mouvements présents dans d’autres pays qui ne partagent pas la même identité postcoloniale.

En la década de 2000, una consultora medioambiental canadiense llevó a cabo una investigación científica que impulsó una campaña de salud pública en el valle A Luoi de Vietnam central. En ella se informaba a los habitantes —por vez primera— sobre los riesgos y daños asociados al defoliante químico «agente naranja» y su dioxina tóxica y contaminante rociada durante la Segunda Guerra Indochina (1961-1975). En este artículo, en lugar de poner el foco en la identidad política formada a partir de esa información (aproximación «biosocial»), exploro cómo los habitantes experimentan el riesgo ante la sustancia tóxica en encuentros dialógicos con diferentes signos ambientales, así como con interlocutores reales e imaginarios.

This article explores the representation of cross-cultural love in the postwar narratives of Vietnamese women. The end of the Vietnam War in 1975 and Vietnam’s reunification under a communist regime led to one of the most visible diasporas of the late twentieth century, in which more than two million Vietnamese left their homeland in order to seek refuge overseas. The main countries of resettlement were the United States, Australia, Canada and France. Vietnamese women in Australia who chose to marry outside their culture constitute a minority not only within the diaspora but also within Australian society and the Vietnamese Australian community. In contrast to the largely negative representations of cross-cultural relationships in novels and memoirs of colonial and wartime Vietnam, these women’s accounts highlight underlying commonalities between themselves and their European partners such as a shared understanding of political asylum or war. The narratives of these women illustrate cross-cultural rencontres that were made possible by the refugee or migration experience, and that signify a distinct shift in the representation of exogamous relationships for Vietnamese women. Oral history provides these women with the opportunity to narrate not only the self but also the interaction between the self and the other, and to frame and structure their experiences of intermarriage in a positive light. Cet article explore la représentation de l’amour interculturel dans les récits de l’après-guerre des femmes vietnamiennes. La fin de la guerre du Vietnam en 1975 et la réunification du Vietnam sous un régime communiste mena à une des diasporas les plus visibles de la fin du vingtième siècle, pendant laquelle plus de deux millions de Vietnamiens quittèrent leur pays pour se réfugier à l’étranger. Les pays principaux de réinstallation furent les Etats-Unis, l’Australie, le Canada et la France. Les femmes vietnamiennes en Australie qui ont choisi de se marier à l’extérieur de leur culture constituent une minorité non seulement dans la diaspora mais aussi en Australie ainsi que la communité vietnamienne en Australie. Contrairement à la représentation largement négative des relations interculturelles dans les romans et les mémoires du Vietnam colonial et en temps de guerre, les récits de ces femmes surlignent les points communs entre elles et leurs compagnons européens telle une compréhension mutuelle de l’asile politique ou de la guerre. Les récits de ces femmes illustrent des rencontres interculturelles rendues possible par l’expérience d’être réfugié ou migrant, et qui signalent un changement net de position dans la représentation des relations exogames concernant les femmes vietnamiennes. L’histoire orale permet à ces femmes de raconter non seulement le moi mais aussi l’interaction entre le moi et l’autre, et de structurer et d’encadrer leurs expériences de mariage interculturel de manière positive.

In 1961-1975, the government of the United States performs an aggressive environmental war against Vietnam. Herbicides containing dioxins ("Orange agent", etc.) were used. The natural landscape of Vietnam was severely damaged. The flora and fauna of South Vietnam suffered greatly, and in some places were completely destroyed. The victims were many civil inhabitants. War veterans from the United States and Vietnam were injured, became disabled, and acquired chronic diseases. The reckless foreign policy of the United States led to the deterioration of the environmental situation on the Indochina Peninsula for many decades. Even today, the consequences of that war have not been completely overcome.

Nhat Tien, now in his early fifties and one of the best-known Vietnamese writers, lived in South Vietnam until a few years after the Communist take-over in 1975. He has published 16 books (14 novels and two collections of short stories) and received the Vietnamese National Literary Award in 1961 for his novel Them Hoang (‘The abandoned veranda’) in 1961. He was vice-president of the Vietnamese PEN club, director of the Huyen Tran Publishing Co, and editor of the weekly Thieu Nhi In the late 1970s he left Vietnam as a ‘boat person’ and he is now living in the United States. The following short story is reprinted from the collection Tieng Ken (‘ Sound of a clarinet’), published in 1983 by Van Hoc, San Diego, California.

Mal termina a II Guerra Mundial, já começa a guerra fria entre as duas grandes potências de então: EUA e URSS. A disputa de poderes político e econômico e a consequente tentativa de dominar o restante do planeta durante a década de 1960 culmina com a Guerra do Vietnã (1959-1975). Os Estados Unidos invadem o Vietnã para não deixar que o comunismo se propague para o restante da Ásia. A disputa entre capitalismo e comunismo gera outras circunstâncias, além da própria guerra, que contribuem para definir todo o contexto desse decênio tão revolucionário quanto transformador (...)

The Communist Party's propaganda plays an important role and holds a special position for the development paths of the people's war. In the Southern revolutionary war, the Propaganda Unit of the Central Office for South Vietnam or the Southern Propaganda Unit is the specialized agency of the Central Office for South Vietnam, responsible for giving advise and assisting the Central Office for South Vietnam in directing political, ideological and cultural activities for the implementation of the political, ideological, cultural arts and education in the war against America in the south of Vietnam from 1961 to 1975 to implement the goal of liberating the Southern Vietnam to unify the country. This paper presents the organizational system of the Propaganda Unit through the development stages of the resistance war against America. Thereby, the paper highlights the process of formation, changes and development of the Propaganda Unit through different stages; at the same time, evaluating the important roles of the propaganda in the leadership of the Central Office for the South Vietnam in the resistance war against America.

As relações sino-vietnamitas durante a Guerra Fria constituem uma história conturbada, repleta de episódios de solidariedade revolucionária, misturados com desconfianças e conflitos. De modo geral, diversos fatores afetaram as relações sino-vietnamitas e destruíram a cooperação fraterna entre os dois países socialistas: a Conferência de Genebra de 1954; divergência sino-soviética; a Revolução Cultural chinesa; aproximação sino-americana; e apoio chinês ao Pol Pot e Khmer Rouge. Em 1975, as relações China-Vietnã começaram a deteriorar e, ao término da guerra do Vietnã, Beijing e Hanói acabaram se distanciando um do outro. Entre 1976 e 1978, surgiram conflitos nas fronteiras, culminando com o alinhamento do Vietnã ao campo soviético em novembro de 1978. Quando o Camboja foi invadido pelo Vietnã em janeiro de 1979, Beijing percebeu que perdera para a União Soviética sua influência sobre o Vietnã e sobre o resto da península indochinesa. Portanto, Deng Xiaoping resolveu ensinar ao Vietnã uma lição, lançando uma guerra de grande escala contra o regime de Hanói. Os conflitos duraram praticamente toda a década 1980 até que em 1990, depois do colapso do bloco soviético, os dois países fizeram as pazes e normalizaram as relações. Toda a história das relações sino-vietnamitas no período 1949-1990 pode ser contextualizada e compreendida à luz de dois jogos estratégicos triangulares, um entre China-Vietnã-União Soviética e outro, entre União Soviética-China-Estados Unidos. O artigo procura embasar parte das narrativas nessa complexidade histórica e geopolítica durante a Guerra Fria.

Neste artigo apresentamos um estudo em relação à constituição dos enunciados do diretor sueco Ingmar Bergman (1918-2007) em relação à violência humana. Em seus filmes Persona (1966) e Vergonha (1968), Bergman dialoga e mantém como voz importante em seu discurso fílmico uma aversão à guerra, representada nas películas através de diálogos com a Segunda Guerra Mundial (1939-1945) e a com Guerra do Vietnã (1955-1975). A pesquisa se deu através das concepções teóricas do filósofo russo da linguagem Mikhail Bakhtin, especificamente com os conceitos de dialogismo, polifonia, exotopia e ato responsável. A investigação mostra que o diretor construiu, ao longo dos filmes Persona e Vergonha, um enunciado contrário à guerra. Em Persona, um diálogo com um ataque ao vilarejo de Tay Ninh, no Vietnã, e uma fotografia do Gueto de Varsóvia, durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial, apontam para o fato de que Bergman, aos poucos, faz um uso estético da violência. Neste ponto, também, a atriz Liv Ullman aparece como uma voz fundamental para a constituição do enunciado polifônico do diretor. Por fim, em Vergonha, o ato responsável de Bergman é essencialmente uma resposta às guerras, focando nos impactos cotidianos e na vida de pessoas comuns.

Abstract Mental health and its correlates were examined in U.S. Vietnam War veterans approximately fifty years after the War. The 2016-2017 VE-HEROeS (Vietnam Era Health Retrospective Observational Study) was a mail survey of the health of U.S. Vietnam War veterans who served between February 28, 1961 and May 7, 1975 and matched US non-veteran controls. ‘Veteran status’ represented wartime experience for three cohorts: ‘theater’ veterans with service in Vietnam, Cambodia, or Laos, non-theater veterans with service elsewhere, and non-veterans with no military service. Veterans and non-veterans, aged 58-99 years, were randomly selected from a veteran sampling frame (n=9.87 million) derived from the Department of Veterans Affairs’ USVETS dataset and a commercial address database, respectively. Questionnaires were mailed to 42,393 veterans and 6,885 non-veterans; the response rate for veterans was 45% (n=18,866) and 67% (n=4,530) for non-veterans. Weighted bivariate and multivariable analyses were conducted to examine poor overall mental health, via the SF-8TM Mental Health Component Summary score (MCS), and other mental health measures by veteran status and socioeconomic, health, and other military characteristics. Nearly 50% of all theater veterans reported poor overall mental health (MCS<50). Prevalence of mental health measures was greatest for theater veterans and successively decreased for non-theater veterans and non-veterans. Key correlates significantly (P< 0.02) associated with poor MCS included veteran status, race/ethnicity, income, physical health, health perception, trauma, distress, depression, posttraumatic stress disorder (Primary Care DSM-5 PTSD screen), and drug use. Results indicate a high burden of poor mental health among those who served in-theater.

ImportanceThere are persistent questions about suicide deaths among US veterans who served in the Vietnam War. It has been believed that Vietnam War veterans may be at an increased risk for suicide.ObjectiveTo determine whether military service in the Vietnam War was associated with an increased risk of suicide, and to enumerate the number of suicides and analyze patterns in suicides among Vietnam War theater veterans compared with the US population.Design, Setting, and ParticipantsThis cohort study compiled a roster of all Vietnam War–era veterans and Vietnam War theater veterans who served between February 28, 1961, and May 7, 1975. The 2 cohorts included theater veterans, defined as those who were deployed to the Vietnam War, and nontheater veterans, defined as those who served during the Vietnam War era but were not deployed to the Vietnam War. Mortality in these 2 cohorts was monitored from 1979 (beginning of follow-up) through 2019 (end of follow-up). Data analysis was performed between January 2022 and July 2023.Main Outcomes and MeasuresThe outcome of interest was death by suicide occurring between January 1, 1979, and December 31, 2019. Suicide mortality was ascertained from the National Death Index. Hazard ratios (HRs) that reflected adjusted associations between suicide risk and theater status were estimated with Cox proportional hazards regression models. Standardized mortality rates (SMRs) were calculated to compare the number of suicides among theater and nontheater veterans with the expected number of suicides among the US population.ResultsThis study identified 2 465 343 theater veterans (2 450 025 males [99.4%]; mean [SD] age at year of entry, 33.8 [6.7] years) and 7 122 976 nontheater veterans (6 874 606 males [96.5%]; mean [SD] age at year of entry, 33.3 [8.2] years). There were 22 736 suicides (24.1%) among theater veterans and 71 761 (75.9%) among nontheater veterans. After adjustments for covariates, Vietnam War deployment was not associated with an increased risk of suicide (HR, 0.94; 95% CI, 0.93-0.96). There was no increased risk of suicide among either theater (SMR, 0.97; 95% CI, 0.96-0.99) or nontheater (SMR, 0.97; 95% CI, 0.97-0.98) veterans compared with the US population.Conclusions and RelevanceThis cohort study found no association between Vietnam War–era military service and increased risk of suicide between 1979 and 2019. Nonetheless, the 94 497 suicides among all Vietnam War–era veterans during this period are noteworthy and merit the ongoing attention of health policymakers and mental health professionals.

Este artigo objetivou compreender a Guerra do Vietnã (1955-1975) a partir da ótica musical, tentando enxergar na subjetividade do compositor os reflexos do confronto apresentados na canção. Em termos teórico-metodológicos, o texto está estruturado em três momentos. Inicialmente se faz um estudo da história a partir da música como documento histórico. Na sequência são tecidas análises sobre o contexto da guerra, suas motivações, vicissitudes e direcionamentos. E em seguida é tomada a canção Era um garoto que como eu amava os Beatles e os Rolling Stones como documento de análise. O referencial teórico contempla os estudos de Marcos Napolitano (2002), Eric Hobsbawm (1995), Rodrigo Pedroso (2015) e outros. Como resultados, percebeu-se que a guerra representou interesses do governo norte-americano que, ao buscar combater e frear o avanço do socialismo pela Eurásia, apropriou-se da vida comum de jovens soldados, dizimando-a. Por outro lado, o estudo demonstrou que trabalhar com outros documentos históricos amplia as possibilidades de pesquisa e permite ao pesquisador lançar outros olhares sobre a história e, no caso específico da música, perceber as particularidades do olhar do sujeito que a compõe/canta.

Abstract Lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) Veterans report stress (e.g., discrimination under Don’t Ask Don’t Tell policies) and mental health conditions (e.g., depression) that may increase risk for neurocognitive changes like dementia. Subjective cognitive decline (SCD) can be an early indicator of neurocognitive change – yet no known studies have examined SCD in LGB Veterans. Cross-sectional data from the Vietnam Era Health Retrospective Observational Study (VE-HEROeS) were examined for 260 LGB and 17,796 heterosexual Veterans. VE-HEROeS is the latest probability-based survey of Vietnam Era Veterans (1961–1975) as older adults (2016-2017). SCD was assessed using two subscales of the Functional Assessment of Cancer Therapy-Cognitive Instrument Version-3 (FACT-Cog). Good reliability was observed in this sample: Cronbach’s alpha =.94 for the 7-item Perceived Cognitive Abilities subscale and .88 for the 4-item Comments from Others. Analyses were weighted to account for the complex survey design. LGB Veterans were slightly younger (M=68.3, range 59-84) than heterosexual Veterans (M=69.1, range 58-99, p=.03); were more likely to be female (13% vs 3%, p<.01); and had fewer people living in the household (M=1.7 vs. M=2.1, p<.01). LGB Veterans were also more likely than heterosexual Veterans to report feeling depressed most or all of the time over the past 30 days (5.7% vs. 3.6%, respectively, p<0.01) on a single 5-point Likert-scale. SCD indicators did not vary by Veteran sexual orientation (M=19.69 and M=19.69; M=14.2 and M=14.1) and were elevated compared to published studies in healthy adult samples. More work is needed to examine neurocognitive risk factors in aging LGB Veterans.

Enicospilus Stephens, 1835 is the largest genus of subfamily Ophioninae (Ichneumonidae) with more than 700 extant species worldwide that are mostly nocturnal and parasitoids of larvae of Lepidoptera. In this paper, the Vietnamese species of Enicospilus are reviewed for the first time. Of the total 82 recorded species, 10 species are described as new: E. aequiscleritalis sp. nov., E. bulbipennis sp. nov., E. centraliscleritiger sp. nov., E. circuliscleritalis sp. nov., E. gialaiensis sp. nov., E. hiepi sp. nov., E. melanothoracicus sp. nov., E. nigristernalis sp. nov., E. trui sp. nov., and E. tuani sp. nov. Fifty-two species are recorded for the first time from the country: E. abdominalis (Szépligeti, 1906), E. acutus Shimizu, 2020, E. argus Gauld & Mitchell, 1981, E. atoponeus Cushman, 1947, E. bacillaris Wang, 1997, E. bakerielli Gauld & Mitchell, 1981, E. bifasciatus (Uchida, 1928), E. biharensis Townes, Townes & Gupta, 1961, E. concentralis Cushman, 1937, E. corculus (Tosquinet, 1903), E. dasychirae Cameron, 1905, E. eastopi Gauld & Mitchell, 1981, E. enicospilus Nikam, 1972, E. exaggeratus Chiu, 1954, E. fittoni Nikam, 1980, E. flavocephalus (Kirby, 1900), E. formosensis (Uchida, 1928), E. fusiformis Chiu, 1954, E. gasteralis Nikam, 1980; E. grandis (Cameron, 1905), E. hamatus Gauld & Mitchell, 1981, E. hedilis Gauld & Mitchell, 1981, E. iapetus Gauld & Mitchell, 1981, E. insinuator (Smith, 1860), E. ixion Gauld & Mitchell, 1981, E. javanus (Szépligeti, 1910), E. laqueatus (Enderlein, 1921), E. longitarsis Tang, 1990, E. mythrus Gauld & Mitchell, 1981, E. nathani Gauld & Mitchell, 1981, E. nigribasalis (Uchida, 1928), E. nigristigma Cushman, 1937, E. nigriventris Nikam, 1975, E. nigronotatus Cameron, 1903, E. nigropectus Cameron, 1905, E. pallidistigma Cushman, 1937, E. pantanae Tang, 1990, E. pinguivena (Enderlein, 1921), E. pseudoconspersae (Sonan, 1927), E. purifenestratus (Enderlein, 1921), E. rhetus Gauld & Mitchell, 1981, E. riukiuensis (Matsumura & Uchida, 1926), E. sauteri (Enderlein, 1921), E. selmatos Chiu, 1954, E. strigilatus Tang, 1990, E. teleus Gauld & Mitchell, 1981, E. transversus Chiu, 1954, E. tripartitus Chiu, 1954, E. urus Gauld & Mitchell, 1981, E. verticinus (Roman, 1913), E. yonezawanus (Uchida, 1928), and E. zebrus Gauld & Mitchell, 1981. A key to all Vietnamese species of Enicospilus is provided.

Resumo Este artigo investiga o modo como jornalistas, escritoras e ativistas disputaram os sentidos da Guerra do Vietnã (1954-1975). Para conduzir a análise, o artigo recorta movimentos de mulheres nos contextos norte-americanos e vietnamitas, explorando o trânsito transnacional de ideias, pessoas e ativismo político que promoveram. Como hipótese, sustenta que a articulação entre noções de gênero, guerra e paz estiveram na base das convergências e divergências que ajudaram a modular as alianças transnacionais de mulheres, bem como a colocar suas ideias em circulação.

Abstract This paper analyses how female journalists, writers, and activists disputed meanings of the Vietnam War (1954-1975). The article portrays women’s movements in the US and Vietnamese contexts, exploring the transnational movement of ideas, people, and political activism they promoted. As a hypothesis, it affirms that the articulation between concepts of gender, war, and peace were at the base of convergences and differences that helped to modulate the transnational alliances of women, and to circulate their ideas.

El año 2015 fue importante para Vietnam por tres cuestiones: se cumplió el 40 aniversario de la finalización de la Guerra de Vietnam (1955-1975), el 85 aniversario de la creación del Partido Comunista de Vietnam (PCV), y fue un año políticamente agitado para el país asiático. Por un lado, el PCV fue testigo de una reconfiguración de fuerzas políticas cara a su XII Congreso Nacional, la cual inició con un voto de confianza contra 20 grandes funcionarios del partido en enero de 2015. Por otro lado, la economía vietnamita mostró signos de fortaleza e integración a la economía global al crecer 6.7% su Producto Interno Bruto (PIB), además de negociar y firmar varios acuerdos comerciales con numerosos actores internacionales. Aunado a esto, la política exterior de Vietnam fue marcada por la problemática del Mar del Este (Sur) de China, el reacercamiento con Estados Unidos y la expansión de vínculos bilaterales estratégicos.

The article summarizes the establishment and implementation of sovereignty over the two areas (archipelagoes) of Hoang Sa and Truong Sa by the State of Vietnam through the operation of the French colonial government - representing Vietnam simultaneously with activities the sovereignty exercise of the dynasties and government of Vietnam in important historical period: from the Patonot Treaty to April 30, 1975. The article affirms: the state of Vietnam, through during the periods, the two regions of islands (archipelagoes), Hoang Sa and Truong Sa, were actually, publicly and continuously occupied. Hoang Sa and Truong Sa have never been in Chinese territory. The Chinese occupation of the Hoang Sa and Truong Sa islands of Vietnam is a serious violation of international law, constituting an international crime, is worthless. Keywords: State of Vietnam, sovereignty enforcement, France, China, Paracel Islands, Truong Sa. References: [1] Hiệp ước Patenotre, https://ia802604.us.archive.org/19/items/laffairedutonkin00dipluoft/laffairedutonkin00dipluoft.pdf[2] Nguyễn Bá Diến, Yêu sách “đường lưỡi bò” phi lý của Trung Quốc và chủ quyền của Việt Nam trên Biển Đông, Sách chuyên khảo, NXB thông tin và Truyền thông, 2015, tr. 308-312[3] http://ict-hcm.gov.vn/tin-tuc;jsessionid=B6AAE49F8545508B4C9B92B452F8564C?chu-quyen-hoang-sa-va-truong-sa-cua-viet-nam-thoi-phap-thuoc&post=MTMg2ODA2OTk1NQ[4] Chemillier-Gendreau, Monique (2000) (Bản gốc tiếng Pháp 1996], Sovereignty over the Paracel and Spratly Islands (Chủ quyền đối với quần đảo Hoàng Sa và Trường Sa), Springer, ISBN 978-9041113818, [5] Journal Officiel de l'Indochine 25 Septempre 1933, trang 7784.[6] Chemillier-Gendreau, Monique (2000) [Bản gốc tiếng Pháp 1996], Sovereignty over the Paracel and Spratly Islands [Chủ quyền đối với quần đảo Hoàng Sa và Trường Sa], Springer, ISBN 978-9041113818, tr. 46[7] “White Paper on the Hoang Sa (Paracel) and Truong Sa (Spratly) Islands (1975). Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Republic of Vietnam. Truy cập ngày 7/9/2012. Lưu trữ bởi WebCite®http://www.webcitation.org/6BiTGZQB).[8] Trần Đăng Đại (1975), “Các văn kiện chính thức xác nhận chủ quyền Việt Nam trên hai quần đảo Hoàng Sa và Trường Sa từ thời Pháp thuộc tới nay”, Tập san Sử Địa, 29 (Sài Gòn: Nhà in Văn Hữu)[9] “Quần đảo Trường Sa thuộc tỉnh Bà Rịa (1933)”. Trang thông tin điện tử về Biên giới lãnh thổ. Truy cập ngày 15 tháng 8 năm 2012. 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Lưu trữ Bộ Ngoại giao Pháp, AO 44 - 45, Hồ sơ 214 ( Tiếng Pháp), tr.1.[17] J.P. Ferrier, “Tranh chấp các đảo Hoàng Sa và vấn đề chủ quyền trên các đảo không người ở” ( Tiếng Pháp). Niên giám của Pháp về luật quốc tế, 1975, tr.191[18] Heinzig Dieter, Các đảo tranh chấp trên biển Nam Trung Hoa,Wesbaden, Otto Harrassowith và Viện các vấn đề châu Á ở Hamburg, 1976, tr.35.[19] Nguyễn Quang Ngọc, Chủ quyền của Việt Nam ở Hoàng Sa, Trường Sa tư liệu và sự thật lịch sử, NXB Đại học Quốc gia Hà Nội, 2017, tr. 299[20] https://vi.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quần đảo Trường Sa[21] Nguyễn, Nhã (2002), Quá trình xác lập chủ quyền của Việt Nam tại quần đảo Hoàng Sa và Trường Sa (Luận án tiến sĩ), Trường Đại học Khoa học Xã hội và Nhân văn (Đại học Quốc gia Thành phố Hồ Chí Minh), tr. 109[22] Conference for the Conclusion and Signature of the Peace Treaty with Japan, U. N. Treaty Series, Volume 136, p. 46.[23] Decree no.174-NV from the presidency of Ngô Đình Diệm, Republic of Vietnam (VNCH), redistricting the Paracel Islands as part of Quảng Nam Province effective 07-13-1961. Paracels were previously part of Thừa Thiên (Huế) Province since 03-30-1938, when redistricted by the government of French Indochina. Decree dated 07-13-61.[24] “Một số văn kiện xác nhận chủ quyền của Việt Nam trên hai quần đảo Hoàng Sa và Trường Sa từ thời Pháp thuộc đến trước 30/4/1975 - Kì 3”. Cục Thông tin Đối ngoại (Việt Nam) , 16 tháng 4 năm 2012. Truy cập ngày 31 tháng 10 năm 2012. Lưu trữ bởi WebCite® tại http://www.webcitation.org/6BiTGZQB.[25] Tuyên cáo của Bộ Ngoại Giao Việt Nam Cộng hòa về hành động gây hấn của Trung Cộng (19.1.1974) http://www.nguyenthaihocfoundation.org/lichsuVN/tuyenbo_vnch.htm[26] Tuyên bố của Chính phủ Việt Nam Cộng Hòa ngày 14 tháng 02 năm 1974). Nguồn: http://www.nguyenthaihocfoundation.org/lichsuVN/tuyenbo_vnch.htm [27] White Paper on the Hoang Sa (Paracel) and Truong Sa (Spratly) Islands, Republic of Vietnam, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Saigon, 1975, http://nguyenthaihocfoundation.org/lichsuVN/hsts1.htm.

Environment, whether directly or indirectly is a casualty of armed conflict. As occured in Vietnam War 1961-1975, Gulf War 1991, Cosovo Conflct 1999, Iraqi War 2003 and Israel-Lebanon War 2006. UNEP concluded that armed conflict arise dangerous consequences to the environment. Environmental damage after warfare is often irreversible because the states think that environmental damage is an unavoidable consequence in order to achieve military targets. This research aims are to search international treaty and general principles in international humanitarian law that regulated environment protection during the armed conflict. Based on the research result it can be known that environment protection during the armed conflict has already regulated completely in international humanitarian law, not only in general agreement of humanitarian law (hag laws and geneva laws) but also in special agreement on environment protection during armed conflict, in the form of restriction on means and weapons that can be used in armed conflict. The regulation and enforcement of environment protection can be rely on general principles of international humanitarian law.

Al igual que otras colonias portuguesas, Mozambique lograría su independencia en forma tardía (1975), en comparación con el resto de la descolonización africana. Se ha postulado (Chamberlain, 1997) la relación entre la intransigencia de ciertas metrópolis para iniciar procesos de descolonización y la emergencia, en esos casos, de movimientos de liberación radicales, e incluso de poderosos partidos marxistas (MPLA en Angola, Vietminh en Vietnam, etc.). Mozambique constituye un ejemplo de aquel vínculo. En algunos países africanos como Sudáfrica y Rhodesia, la centralidad de la instrumentalización del clivaje étnico se hacía evidente en los mismos elencos y políticas gubernamentales, que los posicionaban como regímenes dominados por la mino-ría de colonos blancos. Mozambique, en cambio, al igual que Angola, no ha-bía sido una colonia de asentamiento de población portuguesa, ni tampoco había conocido un fenómeno de mestizaje de la magnitud del experimentado por Cabo Verde. Sin embargo, la cuestión étnica entra en escena en la lucha contra el yugo colonial: la metrópolis, Portugal, fue respaldada por Sudáfrica para continuar resistiendo a los movimientos de liberación en Mozambique y Angola. El presente trabajo se propone abordar la cuestión de la etnicidad en el caso de la independencia de Mozambique. Se rastreará y analizará cómo se manifestaba aquélla en las concepciones del frelimo, en un contexto por demás particular en torno a ese clivaje, dado que el Frente por la Liberación deMozambique se inscribiría —como ya fue mencionado— dentro de los movi-mientos nacionalistas africanos que adoptaron ciertos aspectos del marxismo, y, a través de su acercamiento a la Unión Soviética, colocaría a Mozambique en un lugar estratégico en el marco de la Guerra Fría.

Le terme « missionnaire » renvoie au terme chrétien : « missio », envoyé. Le missionnaire désigne dans la tradition chrétienne celui qui est envoyé par l’Esprit Saint annoncer l’Évangile en dehors des terres de chrétienté. Par extension, ce concept traduit la figure d’un prosélyte institué par une religion. En anthropologie, le mot renvoie à une pluralité de contextes et de sens. C’est avec la Renaissance et la « découverte du Nouveau Monde » que plusieurs récits missionnaires acquièrent le statut de véritables textes ethnologiques. À cette époque, alors qu’un nombre croissant de récits sont publiés ou traduits en Europe ayant pour thèmes les coutumes des peuples non évangélisés, la découverte des Amériques et de populations qui ne figurent pas dans les textes bibliques obligent les théologiens, les écrivains, les chroniqueurs et autres voyageurs, à repenser l’altérité et à formuler de nouvelles interprétations à partir des catégories existantes. Les récits d’André Thevet, de Jean de Léry, par exemple, attestent de cette révolution conceptuelle en ce sens que ces auteurs, pour la première fois, vacillent. Ils en appellent à la transformation de soi et à la conversion du regard. Cette ouverture restera toutefois de courte durée et assez marginale. Avec les conquêtes coloniales, en effet, les récits missionnaires se multiplient et s’ils se diffusent jusque dans le grand public où ils concurrencent les récits de voyage, leur contenu montre la ténacité de l’ethnocentrisme et surtout celle du complexe de supériorité des peuples européens. Il faut attendre le milieu du XXe siècle, sous les effets combinés de la décolonisation et du concile Vatican II pour que les esprits évoluent lentement vers une plus grande tolérance. Entre temps, un nouveau genre est apparu et s’est développé: celui des récits ethnologiques en bonne et due forme. Un peu partout sur la planète, les ethnologues sont rapidement partis en croisade contre les entreprises missionnaires, criant à la déculturation, à la contamination chrétienne et rappelant au monde la diversité des cultures et des traditions, mais sans interroger assez leur propre entreprise et le sens de leurs actions ou de leurs enquêtes. Sur ce point, de nombreuses chroniques missionnaires s’avèrent anthropologiquement très riches pour saisir la diversité des cultures et leurs caractéristiques. Pour se limiter aux Amériques et à une période plus ancienne, citons ces textes encyclopédiques que nous livrent Fray Bernardino de Sahagun (1981 [1730]; voir aussi León-Portilla 2002; José de Acosta (1979 [1590]); Fray Alonso de Benavides (1954 [1630]); ou encore, les monographies de Jean de Léry (1980 [1578]); d’André Thevet (1983 [1557]); de Martin Dobrizhoffer (1967 [1784]). La richesse de ces ouvrages dépasse le plan strictement ethnographique. Claude Lévi-Strauss (1955 : 84) ne s’y est pas trompé lorsqu’il considère L’histoire d’un voyage fait en la terre du Brésil, publiée par le pasteur genevois Jean de Léry, en 1578, comme « le bréviaire de l’ethnologue ». Comme l’illustre encore le cas du jésuite José de Acosta, c’est par l’expérience du voyage, par celle de la distance de soi et de l’altérité que des missionnaires ont découvert, bien avant Jean-Jacques Rousseau et les philosophes du XVIIIe siècle, l’universalité de la barbarie, de la guerre et de l’ethnocentrisme ou encore les limites de la pensée cartésienne. Fermin del Pino-Diaz (1992 : 323) cite avec raison une déclaration du père d’Acosta qui évoque celle de Montaigne dans Des Cannibales et dont, selon lui, tout anthropologue actuel pourrait s’enorgueillir: « La rudesse des barbares n’est pas produite par la nature mais par l’éducation et les coutumes ». En somme, c’est donc bien avant que l’ethnologie émerge comme discipline scientifique, que des missionnaires ont su conjuguer universalisme et relativisme. Rétrospectivement, chaque époque et chaque congrégation a son lot de missionnaires ethnologues. Leurs chroniques s’avèrent ethnographiquement beaucoup plus riches que les récits des voyageurs et des explorateurs. Alfred Métraux (1963) affirme que pour leurs observations méticuleuses sur les peuples du Brésil, les pères capucins Claude d’Abbeville (1614 [1963]) et Yves d’Évreux appartiennent à ceux qu’il nomme les « grands précurseurs de l’ethnographie française » qu’a connu le tournant des XVIe et XVIIe siècles. Les siècles suivants, de nombreux missionnaires ethnologues se retrouvent du côté des jésuites : Brébeuf en Nouvelle-France (Laflèche 1999; Reichler 2004), plusieurs jésuites au Paraguay (Saignes 1985), d’autres dans les Pays d’en Haut et au Canada (Servais 2005). Avec l’entreprise coloniale et l’époque du « réveil missionnaire », le XIXe siècle semble ouvrir une période de régression. Un examen plus attentif laisse pourtant apparaitre là encore des cas de missionnaires ethnologues et ce, dans la plupart des régions du monde : salésiens en Amazonie, missionnaires anglicans dans le Nord canadien, etc. Il n’en demeure pas moins vrai que la plupart des missionnaires de l’époque se détournent de l’ethnographie pour produire des récits de propagande où l’autre est réduit à un faire-valoir. Les récits de mission deviennent ainsi les pièces maitresses d’un travail d’édification et d’un système de propagande, d’un prosélytisme qui ne s’essoufflera vraiment qu’au milieu du XXe siècle, avec la promotion d’une pensée œcuménique et d’un respect des cultures. Plusieurs revues d’anthropologie du XXe siècle émanent encore d’œuvres missionnaires : il en va ainsi d’Anthropos, une revue fondée par le père Schmidt, d’Anthropologica, la revue canadienne d’anthropologie née en 1955, d’une collaboration entre des missionnaires oblats et des anthropologues, etc. Les missionnaires se montreront enfin de précieux experts sur le plan de l’étude des langues, produisant d’innombrables encyclopédies et dictionnaires. La décolonisation ne fera pas disparaitre pour autant les récits de missionnaires ethnologues. Les exemples de Philippe Chanson (2010) dans les Antilles, de Jacques Dournes (1955) au Vietnam et d’Éric de Rosny (1981) au Cameroun montrent, par ailleurs, comment le missionnaire peut être profondément transformé par l’expérience ethnographique (Burridge 1975; Laugrand et Servais 2013). Certains chercheurs ont tenté de problématiser ces contributions missionnaires en les comparant aux démarches ethnographiques et anthropologiques. Claude Blanckaert (1985: 12) a opposé « l’observation participante » des ethnographes à « la participation observante » des missionnaires, mais il faut bien admettre que les termes s’inversent à l’occasion. De nos jours, les anthropologues ne cessent de (re)découvrir toutes les ressources ethnohistoriques et ethnolinguistiques de ces journaux de bord tenus par les missionnaires européens ou indigènes, catéchistes ou évangélistes, répondant tantôt à la demande d’information de l’autorité institutionnelle de leur congrégation, tantôt à leur propre quête et curiosité. Souvent isolés, certains missionnaires ont sans doute obéi à leur passion personnelle, quitte à refouler leurs enquêtes ethnographiques comme l’illustre le cas du révérend E.J. Peck qui a préféré rester dans l’ombre mais répondre aux requêtes que lui faisait Franz Boas (Laugrand, Oosten et Trudel 2006). D’autres ont voulu suivre les incitations de leurs supérieurs et trouver des pierres d’attente ou des valeurs évangéliques dans les traditions qu’ils découvraient. Pour d’autres enfin, le décodage des cultures répondait à des stratégies de conversion et de communication interculturelle. On connait depuis longtemps la formule : « comprendre pour être compris ». De la traduction des catéchismes ou de la Bible en langue vernaculaire, à la production de traités savants sur la parenté ou la religion primitive, en passant par l’élaboration érudite de dictionnaires qui sont parfois de véritables encyclopédies, plusieurs missionnaires ethnologues ont apporté une contribution majeure à l’émergence de la discipline ethnologique. Même si la question des modes de lecture et des outils d’analyse de ces récits missionnaires fait encore débat méthodologique et épistémologique entre historiens, anthropologues et missiologues. Plusieurs missionnaires ont considérablement contribué aux débats anthropologiques : pensons à l’œuvre singulière du père Joseph-François Lafitau (1983 [1724]) sur la parenté (Duchet 1976; De Certeau 1985; Motsch 2001) ou encore aux travaux de Jacques Leenhardt (Naepels et Solomon 2007). Comme Leenhardt, d’autres figures missionnaires comme Aupiais et Leroy (Mary 2010) se sont mis à l’école des grands maitres de cette discipline savante et universitaire, et notamment de Marcel Mauss. En retour, leurs expériences du terrain et leur production écrite, en concurrence avec celles des administrateurs et d’autres observateurs, ont forgé bien des catégories de l’anthropologie religieuse et symbolique. Missionnaires et anthropologues partagent enfin une position de médiateurs, condamnés à devenir des transfuges ou à concilier les règles que leur groupe d’appartenance impose, avec les expériences et les catégories des autres souvent issus de mondes fort différents.

Après avoir été peint et décrit avec des traits plus pittoresques qu’objectifs par les premiers voyageurs et chercheurs qui traversaient les Alpes, mus tantôt par l’idée d’un primitivisme dont la difformité et la misère étaient l’expression la plus évidente, tantôt par la nostalgie du paradis perdu, le monde alpin a attiré le regard curieux des folkloristes à la recherche des survivances du passé, des anciennes coutumes, des proverbes et des objets disparus dans nombre de régions d’Europe. Au début du XXe siècle, Karl Felix Wolff (1913) s’inspire de la tradition des frères Grimm et collecte un nombre consistant de légendes ladines, avec l’objectif de redonner une nouvelle vie à un patrimoine voué à l’oubli. Tout comme les botanistes et les zoologues, les folkloristes voient le monde alpin comme un « merveilleux conservatoire » (Hertz 1913 : 177). Un des élèves les plus brillants de Durkheim, Robert Hertz, analyse finement ces « formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse » en étudiant le pèlerinage de Saint Besse, qui rassemble chaque année les populations de Cogne (Vallée d’Aoste) et du Val Soana (Piémont) dans un sanctuaire à la montagne situé à plus de 2000 mètres d’altitude. Après avoir observé et questionné la population locale s’adonnant à ce culte populaire, dont il complète l’analyse par des recherches bibliographiques, il rédige un article exemplaire (Hertz 1913) qui ouvre la voie à l’anthropologie alpine. Entre 1910 et 1920, Eugénie Goldstern mène ses enquêtes dans différentes régions de l’arc alpin à cheval entre la France, la Suisse et l’Italie : ses riches données de terrain lui permettent de réaliser le travail comparatif le plus complet qui ait été réalisé dans la région (Goldstern 2007). Une partie de sa recherche a été effectuée avec la supervision de l’un des fondateurs de l’anthropologie française et l’un des plus grands experts de folklore en Europe, Arnold Van Gennep. Pour ce dernier, le monde alpin constitue un espace de prédilection, mais aussi un terrain d’expérimentation et de validation de certaines hypothèses scientifiques. « Dans tous les pays de montagne, qui ont été bien étudiés du point de vue folklorique […] on constate que les hautes altitudes ne constituent pas un obstacle à la diffusion des coutumes. En Savoie, le report sur cartes des plus typiques d’entre elles montre une répartition nord-sud passant par-dessus les montagnes et les rivières et non pas conditionnée par elles » (Van Gennep 1990 : 30-31). L’objectif de Van Gennep est de comprendre de l’intérieur la « psychologie populaire », à savoir la complexité des faits sociaux et leur variation. Sa méthode consiste à « parler en égal avec un berger » (Van Gennep 1938 : 158), c’est-à-dire non pas tellement parler sa langue au sens propre, mais s’inscrire dans une logique d’échange actif pour accéder aux représentations de son interlocuteur. Quant aux nombreuses langues non officielles présentes sur le territoire, quand elles n’auraient pas une fonction de langue véhiculaire dans le cadre de l’enquête, elles ont été étudiées par les dialectologues, qui complétaient parfois leurs analyses des structures linguistiques avec des informations d’ordre ethnologique : les enseignements de Karl Jaberg et de Jakob Jud (1928) visaient à associer la langue à la civilisation (Wörter und Sachen). Dans le domaine des études sur les walsers, Paul Zinsli nous a légué une synthèse monumentale depuis la Suisse au Voralberg en passant par l’Italie du nord et le Liechtenstein (Zinsli 1976). Comme Van Gennep, Charles Joisten (1955, 1978, 1980) travaille sur les traditions populaires en réalisant la plus grande collecte de récits de croyance pour le monde alpin, entre les Hautes-Alpes et la Savoie. En 1973, il fonde la revue Le monde alpin et rhodanien (qui paraîtra de 1973 à 2006 en tant que revue, avant de devenir la collection thématique du Musée Dauphinois de Grenoble). Si dans l’après-guerre le monde alpin est encore toujours perçu d’une manière valorisante comme le reliquaire d’anciens us et coutumes, il est aussi soumis à la pensée évolutionniste qui le définit comme un monde arriéré parce que marginalisé. C’est dans cette contradiction que se situe l’intérêt que les anthropologues découvrent au sein du monde alpin : il est un observatoire privilégié à la fois du passé de l’humanité dont il ne reste aucune trace ailleurs en Europe et de la transition de la société traditionnelle à la société modernisée. En effet, au début des années 1960, pour de nombreux anthropologues britanniques partant à la découverte des vallées alpines le constat est flagrant : les mœurs ont changé rapidement, suite à la deuxième guerre mondiale. Cette mutation catalyse l’attention des chercheurs, notamment l’analyse des relations entre milieu physique et organisation sociale. Même les pionniers, s’ils s’intéressent aux survivances culturelles, ils se situent dans un axe dynamique : Honigmann (1964, 1970) entend démentir la théorie de la marginalité géographique et du conservatisme des populations alpines. Burns (1961, 1963) se propose d’illustrer la relation existant entre l’évolution socioculturelle d’une communauté et l’environnement. Le monde alpin est alors étudié à travers le prisme de l’écologie culturelle qui a pour but de déterminer dans quelle mesure les caractéristiques du milieu peuvent modeler les modes de subsistance et plus généralement les formes d’organisation sociale. Un changement important a lieu avec l’introduction du concept d’écosystème qui s’impose à partir des années 1960 auprès des anthropologues penchés sur les questions écologiques. C’est ainsi que le village alpin est analysé comme un écosystème, à savoir l’ensemble complexe et organisé, compréhensif d’une communauté biotique et du milieu dans lequel celle-ci évolue. Tel était l’objectif de départ de l’étude de John Friedl sur Kippel (1974), un village situé dans l’une des vallées des Alpes suisses que la communauté scientifique considérait parmi les plus traditionnelles. Mais à son arrivée, il découvre une réalité en pleine transformation qui l’oblige à recentrer son étude sur la mutation sociale et économique. Si le cas de Kippel est représentatif des changements des dernières décennies, les différences peuvent varier considérablement selon les régions ou selon les localités. Les recherches d’Arnold Niederer (1980) vont dans ce sens : il analyse les Alpes sous l’angle des mutations culturelles, par le biais d’une approche interculturelle et comparative de la Suisse à la France, à l’Italie, à l’Autriche et à la Slovénie. John Cole et Eric Wolf (1974) mettent l’accent sur la notion de communauté travaillée par des forces externes, en analysant, les deux communautés voisines de St. Felix et Tret, l’une de culture germanique, l’autre de culture romane, séparées par une frontière ethnique qui fait des deux villages deux modèles culturels distincts. Forts de leur bagage d’expériences accumulées dans les enquêtes de terrain auprès des sociétés primitives, les anthropologues de cette période savent analyser le fonctionnement social de ces petites communautés, mais leurs conclusions trop tributaires de leur terrain d’enquête exotique ne sont pas toujours à l’abri des généralisations. En outre, en abordant les communautés alpines, une réflexion sur l’anthropologie native ou de proximité se développe : le recours à la méthode ethnographique et au comparatisme permettent le rétablissement de la distance nécessaire entre l’observateur et l’observé, ainsi qu’une mise en perspective des phénomènes étudiés. Avec d’autres anthropologues comme Daniela Weinberg (1975) et Adriana Destro (1984), qui tout en étudiant des sociétés en pleine transformation en soulignent les éléments de continuité, nous nous dirigeons vers une remise en cause de la relation entre mutation démographique et mutation structurale de la communauté. Robert Netting (1976) crée le paradigme du village alpin, en menant une étude exemplaire sur le village de Törbel, qui correspondait à l’image canonique de la communauté de montagne qu’avait construite l’anthropologie alpine. Pier Paolo Viazzo (1989) critique ce modèle de la communauté alpine en insistant sur l’existence de cas emblématiques pouvant démontrer que d’autres villages étaient beaucoup moins isolés et marginaux que Törbel. Néanmoins, l’étude de Netting joue un rôle important dans le panorama de l’anthropologie alpine, car elle propose un nouvel éclairage sur les stratégies démographiques locales, considérées jusque-là primitives. En outre, sur le plan méthodologique, Netting désenclave l’anthropologie alpine en associant l’ethnographie aux recherches d’archives et à la démographie historique (Netting 1981) pour compléter les données de terrain. La description des interactions écologiques est devenue plus sophistiquée et la variable démographique devient cruciale, notamment la relation entre la capacité de réguler la consistance numérique d’une communauté et la stabilité des ressources locales. Berthoud (1967, 1972) identifie l’unité de l’aire alpine dans la spécificité du processus historique et des différentes trajectoires du développement culturel, tout en reconnaissant l’importance de l’environnement. C’est-à-dire qu’il démontre que le mode de production « traditionnel » observé dans les Alpes n’est pas déterminé par les contraintes du milieu, mais il dérive de la combinaison d’éléments institutionnels compatibles avec les conditions naturelles (1972 : 119-120). Berthoud et Kilani (1984) analysent l’équilibre entre tradition et modernité dans l’agriculture de montagne dans un contexte fortement influencé par le tourisme d’hiver. Dans une reconstruction et analyse des représentations de la montagne alpine depuis la moitié du XVIIIe siècle à nos jours, Kilani (1984) illustre comment la vision du monde alpin se dégrade entre 1850 et 1950, au fur et à mesure de son insertion dans la société globale dans la dégradation des conditions de vie : il explique ainsi la naissance dans l’imaginaire collectif d’une population primitive arriérée au cœur de l’Europe. Cependant, à une analyse comparative de l’habitat (Weiss 1959 : 274-296 ; Wolf 1962 ; Cole & Wolf 1974), de la dévolution patrimoniale (Bailey 1971 ; Lichtenberger 1975) ou de l’organisation des alpages (Arbos 1922 ; Parain 1969), le monde alpin se caractérise par une surprenante variation, difficilement modélisable. Les situations de contact sont multiples, ce qui est très évident sur le plan linguistique avec des frontières très fragmentées, mais de nombreuses autres frontières culturelles européennes traversent les Alpes, en faisant du monde alpin une entité plurielle, un réseau plus ou moins interconnecté de « upland communities » (Viazzo 1989), où les éléments culturels priment sur les contraintes liées à l’environnement. Aux alentours de 1990, la réflexion des anthropologues autour des traditions alpines, sous l’impulsion de la notion d’invention de la tradition, commence à s’orienter vers l’étude des phénomènes de revitalisation (Boissevain 1992), voire de relance de pratiques ayant subi une transformation ou une rupture dans la transmission. Cette thèse qui a alimenté un riche filon de recherches a pourtant été contestée par Jeremy MacClancy (1997) qui met en avant les éléments de continuité dans le culte de Saint Besse, presqu’un siècle après l’enquête de Robert Hertz. La question de la revitalisation et de la continuité reste donc ouverte et le débat se poursuit dans le cadre des discussions qui accompagnent l’inscription des traditions vivantes dans les listes du patrimoine culturel immatériel de l’humanité.

Introduction This paper offers a survey of familiar popular music performers and songwriters who reference coffee in their work. It examines three areas of discourse: the psychoactive effects of caffeine, coffee and courtship rituals, and the politics of coffee consumption. I claim that coffee carries a cultural and musicological significance comparable to that of the chemical stimulants and consumer goods more readily associated with popular music. Songs about coffee may not be as potent as those featuring drugs and alcohol (Primack; Schapiro), or as common as those referencing commodities like clothes and cars (Englis; McCracken), but they do feature across a wide range of genres, some of which enjoy archetypal associations with this beverage. m.o.m.m.y. Needs c.o.f.f.e.e.: The Psychoactive Effect of Coffee The act of performing and listening to popular music involves psychological elements comparable to the overwhelming sensory experience of drug taking: altered perceptions, repetitive grooves, improvisation, self-expression, and psychological empathy—such as that between musician and audience (Curry). Most popular music genres are, as a result, culturally and sociologically identified with the consumption of at least one mind-altering substance (Lyttle; Primack; Schapiro). While the analysis of lyrics referring to this theme has hitherto focused on illegal drugs and alcoholic beverages (Cooper), coffee and its psychoactive ingredient caffeine have been almost entirely overlooked (Summer). The most recent study of drugs in popular music, for example, defined substance use as “tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, cocaine and other stimulants, heroin and other opiates, hallucinogens, inhalants, prescription drugs, over-the-counter drugs, and nonspecific substances” (Primack 172), thereby ignoring a chemical stimulant consumed by 90 per cent of adult Americans every day (Lovett). The wide availability of coffee and the comparatively mild effect of caffeine means that its consumption rarely causes harm. One researcher has described it as a ubiquitous and unobtrusive “generalised public activity […] ‘invisible’ to analysts seeking distinctive social events” (Cooper 92). Coffee may provide only a relatively mild “buzz”—but it is now accepted that caffeine is an addictive substance (Juliano) and, due to its universal legality, coffee is also the world’s most extensively traded and enthusiastically consumed psychoactive consumer product (Juliano 1). The musical genre of jazz has a longstanding relationship with marijuana and narcotics (Curry; Singer; Tolson; Winick). Unsurprisingly, given its Round Midnight connotations, jazz standards also celebrate the restorative impact of coffee. Exemplary compositions include Burke/Webster’s insomniac torch song Black Coffee, which provided hits for Sarah Vaughan (1949), Ella Fitzgerald (1953), and Peggy Lee (1960); and Frank Sinatra’s recordings of Hilliard/Dick’s The Coffee Song (1946, 1960), which satirised the coffee surplus in Brazil at a time when this nation enjoyed a near monopoly on production. Sinatra joked that this ubiquitous drink was that country’s only means of liquid refreshment, in a refrain that has since become a headline writer’s phrasal template: “There’s an Awful Lot of Coffee in Vietnam,” “An Awful Lot of Coffee in the Bin,” and “There’s an Awful Lot of Taxes in Brazil.” Ethnographer Aaron Fox has shown how country music gives expression to the lived social experience of blue-collar and agrarian workers (Real 29). Coffee’s role in energising working class America (Cooper) is featured in such recordings as Dolly Parton’s Nine To Five (1980), which describes her morning routine using a memorable “kitchen/cup of ambition” rhyme, and Don't Forget the Coffee Billy Joe (1973) by Tom T. Hall which laments the hardship of unemployment, hunger, cold, and lack of healthcare. Country music’s “tired truck driver” is the most enduring blue-collar trope celebrating coffee’s analeptic powers. Versions include Truck Drivin' Man by Buck Owens (1964), host of the country TV show Hee Haw and pioneer of the Bakersfield sound, and Driving My Life Away from pop-country crossover star Eddie Rabbitt (1980). Both feature characteristically gendered stereotypes of male truck drivers pushing on through the night with the help of a truck stop waitress who has fuelled them with caffeine. Johnny Cash’s A Cup of Coffee (1966), recorded at the nadir of his addiction to pills and alcohol, has an incoherent improvised lyric on this subject; while Jerry Reed even prescribed amphetamines to keep drivers awake in Caffein [sic], Nicotine, Benzedrine (And Wish Me Luck) (1980). Doye O’Dell’s Diesel Smoke, Dangerous Curves (1952) is the archetypal “truck drivin’ country” song and the most exciting track of its type. It subsequently became a hit for the doyen of the subgenre, Red Simpson (1966). An exhausted driver, having spent the night with a woman whose name he cannot now recall, is fighting fatigue and wrestling his hot-rod low-loader around hairpin mountain curves in an attempt to rendezvous with a pretty truck stop waitress. The song’s palpable energy comes from its frenetic guitar picking and the danger implicit in trailing a heavy load downhill while falling asleep at the wheel. Tommy Faile’s Phantom 309, a hit for Red Sovine (1967) that was later covered by Tom Waits (Big Joe and the Phantom 309, 1975), elevates the “tired truck driver” narrative to gothic literary form. Reflecting country music’s moral code of citizenship and its culture of performative storytelling (Fox, Real 23), it tells of a drenched and exhausted young hitchhiker picked up by Big Joe—the driver of a handsome eighteen-wheeler. On arriving at a truck stop, Joe drops the traveller off, giving him money for a restorative coffee. The diner falls silent as the hitchhiker orders up his “cup of mud”. Big Joe, it transpires, is a phantom trucker. After running off the road to avoid a school bus, his distinctive ghost rig now only reappears to rescue stranded travellers. Punk rock, a genre closely associated with recreational amphetamines (McNeil 76, 87), also features a number of caffeine-as-stimulant songs. Californian punk band, Descendents, identified caffeine as their drug of choice in two 1996 releases, Coffee Mug and Kids on Coffee. These songs describe chugging the drink with much the same relish and energy that others might pull at the neck of a beer bottle, and vividly compare the effects of the drug to the intense rush of speed. The host of “New Music News” (a segment of MTV’s 120 Minutes) references this correlation in 1986 while introducing the band’s video—in which they literally bounce off the walls: “You know, while everybody is cracking down on crack, what about that most respectable of toxic substances or stimulants, the good old cup of coffee? That is the preferred high, actually, of California’s own Descendents—it is also the subject of their brand new video” (“New Music News”). Descendents’s Sessions EP (1997) featured an overflowing cup of coffee on the sleeve, while punk’s caffeine-as-amphetamine trope is also promulgated by Hellbender (Caffeinated 1996), Lagwagon (Mr. Coffee 1997), and Regatta 69 (Addicted to Coffee 2005). Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night: Coffee and Courtship Coffee as romantic metaphor in song corroborates the findings of early researchers who examined courtship rituals in popular music. Donald Horton’s 1957 study found that hit songs codified the socially constructed self-image and limited life expectations of young people during the 1950s by depicting conservative, idealised, and traditional relationship scenarios. He summarised these as initial courtship, honeymoon period, uncertainty, and parting (570-4). Eleven years after this landmark analysis, James Carey replicated Horton’s method. His results revealed that pop lyrics had become more realistic and less bound by convention during the 1960s. They incorporated a wider variety of discourse including the temporariness of romantic commitment, the importance of individual autonomy in relationships, more liberal attitudes, and increasingly unconventional courtship behaviours (725). Socially conservative coffee songs include Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night by The Boswell Sisters (1933) in which the protagonist swears fidelity to her partner on condition that this desire is expressed strictly in the appropriate social context of marriage. It encapsulates the restrictions Horton identified on courtship discourse in popular song prior to the arrival of rock and roll. The Henderson/DeSylva/Brown composition You're the Cream in My Coffee, recorded by Annette Hanshaw (1928) and by Nat King Cole (1946), also celebrates the social ideal of monogamous devotion. The persistence of such idealised traditional themes continued into the 1960s. American pop singer Don Cherry had a hit with Then You Can Tell Me Goodbye (1962) that used coffee as a metaphor for undying and everlasting love. Otis Redding’s version of Butler/Thomas/Walker’s Cigarettes and Coffee (1966)—arguably soul music’s exemplary romantic coffee song—carries a similar message as a couple proclaim their devotion in a late night conversation over coffee. Like much of the Stax catalogue, Cigarettes and Coffee, has a distinctly “down home” feel and timbre. The lovers are simply content with each other; they don’t need “cream” or “sugar.” Horton found 1950s blues and R&B lyrics much more sexually explicit than pop songs (567). Dawson (1994) subsequently characterised black popular music as a distinct public sphere, and Squires (2002) argued that it displayed elements of what she defined as “enclave” and “counterpublic” traits. Lawson (2010) has argued that marginalised and/or subversive blues artists offered a form of countercultural resistance against prevailing social norms. Indeed, several blues and R&B coffee songs disregard established courtship ideals and associate the product with non-normative and even transgressive relationship circumstances—including infidelity, divorce, and domestic violence. Lightnin’ Hopkins’s Coffee Blues (1950) references child neglect and spousal abuse, while the narrative of Muddy Waters’s scorching Iodine in my Coffee (1952) tells of an attempted poisoning by his Waters’s partner. In 40 Cups of Coffee (1953) Ella Mae Morse is waiting for her husband to return home, fuelling her anger and anxiety with caffeine. This song does eventually comply with traditional courtship ideals: when her lover eventually returns home at five in the morning, he is greeted with a relieved kiss. In Keep That Coffee Hot (1955), Scatman Crothers supplies a counterpoint to Morse’s late-night-abandonment narrative, asking his partner to keep his favourite drink warm during his adulterous absence. Brook Benton’s Another Cup of Coffee (1964) expresses acute feelings of regret and loneliness after a failed relationship. More obliquely, in Coffee Blues (1966) Mississippi John Hurt sings affectionately about his favourite brand, a “lovin’ spoonful” of Maxwell House. In this, he bequeathed the moniker of folk-rock band The Lovin’ Spoonful, whose hits included Do You Believe in Magic (1965) and Summer in the City (1966). However, an alternative reading of Hurt’s lyric suggests that this particular phrase is a metaphorical device proclaiming the author’s sexual potency. Hurt’s “lovin’ spoonful” may actually be a portion of his seminal emission. In the 1950s, Horton identified country as particularly “doleful” (570), and coffee provides a common metaphor for failed romance in a genre dominated by “metanarratives of loss and desire” (Fox, Jukebox 54). Claude Gray’s I'll Have Another Cup of Coffee (Then I’ll Go) (1961) tells of a protagonist delivering child support payments according to his divorce lawyer’s instructions. The couple share late night coffee as their children sleep through the conversation. This song was subsequently recorded by seventeen-year-old Bob Marley (One Cup of Coffee, 1962) under the pseudonym Bobby Martell, a decade prior to his breakthrough as an international reggae star. Marley’s youngest son Damian has also performed the track while, interestingly in the context of this discussion, his older sibling Rohan co-founded Marley Coffee, an organic farm in the Jamaican Blue Mountains. Following Carey’s demonstration of mainstream pop’s increasingly realistic depiction of courtship behaviours during the 1960s, songwriters continued to draw on coffee as a metaphor for failed romance. In Carly Simon’s You’re So Vain (1972), she dreams of clouds in her coffee while contemplating an ostentatious ex-lover. Squeeze’s Black Coffee In Bed (1982) uses a coffee stain metaphor to describe the end of what appears to be yet another dead-end relationship for the protagonist. Sarah Harmer’s Coffee Stain (1998) expands on this device by reworking the familiar “lipstick on your collar” trope, while Sexsmith & Kerr’s duet Raindrops in my Coffee (2005) superimposes teardrops in coffee and raindrops on the pavement with compelling effect. Kate Bush’s Coffee Homeground (1978) provides the most extreme narrative of relationship breakdown: the true story of Cora Henrietta Crippin’s poisoning. Researchers who replicated Horton’s and Carey’s methodology in the late 1970s (Bridges; Denisoff) were surprised to find their results dominated by traditional courtship ideals. The new liberal values unearthed by Carey in the late 1960s simply failed to materialise in subsequent decades. In this context, it is interesting to observe how romantic coffee songs in contemporary soul and jazz continue to disavow the post-1960s trend towards realistic social narratives, adopting instead a conspicuously consumerist outlook accompanied by smooth musical timbres. This phenomenon possibly betrays the influence of contemporary coffee advertising. From the 1980s, television commercials have sought to establish coffee as a desirable high end product, enjoyed by bohemian lovers in a conspicuously up-market environment (Werder). All Saints’s Black Coffee (2000) and Lebrado’s Coffee (2006) identify strongly with the culture industry’s image of coffee as a luxurious beverage whose consumption signifies prominent social status. All Saints’s promotional video is set in a opulent location (although its visuals emphasise the lyric’s romantic disharmony), while Natalie Cole’s Coffee Time (2008) might have been itself written as a commercial. Busting Up a Starbucks: The Politics of Coffee Politics and coffee meet most palpably at the coffee shop. This conjunction has a well-documented history beginning with the establishment of coffee houses in Europe and the birth of the public sphere (Habermas; Love; Pincus). The first popular songs to reference coffee shops include Jaybird Coleman’s Coffee Grinder Blues (1930), which boasts of skills that precede the contemporary notion of a barista by four decades; and Let's Have Another Cup of Coffee (1932) from Irving Berlin’s depression-era musical Face The Music, where the protagonists decide to stay in a restaurant drinking coffee and eating pie until the economy improves. Coffee in a Cardboard Cup (1971) from the Broadway musical 70 Girls 70 is an unambiguous condemnation of consumerism, however, it was written, recorded and produced a generation before Starbucks’ aggressive expansion and rapid dominance of the coffee house market during the 1990s. The growth of this company caused significant criticism and protest against what seemed to be a ruthless homogenising force that sought to overwhelm local competition (Holt; Thomson). In response, Starbucks has sought to be defined as a more responsive and interactive brand that encourages “glocalisation” (de Larios; Thompson). Koller, however, has characterised glocalisation as the manipulative fabrication of an “imagined community”—whose heterogeneity is in fact maintained by the aesthetics and purchasing choices of consumers who make distinctive and conscious anti-brand statements (114). Neat Capitalism is a more useful concept here, one that intercedes between corporate ideology and postmodern cultural logic, where such notions as community relations and customer satisfaction are deliberately and perhaps somewhat cynically conflated with the goal of profit maximisation (Rojek). As the world’s largest chain of coffee houses with over 19,400 stores in March 2012 (Loxcel), Starbucks is an exemplar of this phenomenon. Their apparent commitment to environmental stewardship, community relations, and ethical sourcing is outlined in the company’s annual “Global Responsibility Report” (Vimac). It is also demonstrated in their engagement with charitable and environmental non-governmental organisations such as Fairtrade and Co-operative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE). By emphasising this, Starbucks are able to interpellate (that is, “call forth”, “summon”, or “hail” in Althusserian terms) those consumers who value environmental protection, social justice and ethical business practices (Rojek 117). Bob Dylan and Sheryl Crow provide interesting case studies of the persuasive cultural influence evoked by Neat Capitalism. Dylan’s 1962 song Talkin’ New York satirised his formative experiences as an impoverished performer in Greenwich Village’s coffee houses. In 1995, however, his decision to distribute the Bob Dylan: Live At The Gaslight 1962 CD exclusively via Starbucks generated significant media controversy. Prominent commentators expressed their disapproval (Wilson Harris) and HMV Canada withdrew Dylan’s product from their shelves (Lynskey). Despite this, the success of this and other projects resulted in the launch of Starbucks’s in-house record company, Hear Music, which released entirely new recordings from major artists such as Ray Charles, Paul McCartney, Joni Mitchell, Carly Simon and Elvis Costello—although the company has recently announced a restructuring of their involvement in this venture (O’Neil). Sheryl Crow disparaged her former life as a waitress in Coffee Shop (1995), a song recorded for her second album. “Yes, I was a waitress. I was a waitress not so long ago; then I won a Grammy” she affirmed in a YouTube clip of a live performance from the same year. More recently, however, Crow has become an avowed self-proclaimed “Starbucks groupie” (Tickle), releasing an Artist’s Choice (2003) compilation album exclusively via Hear Music and performing at the company’s 2010 Annual Shareholders’s Meeting. Songs voicing more unequivocal dissatisfaction with Starbucks’s particular variant of Neat Capitalism include Busting Up a Starbucks (Mike Doughty, 2005), and Starbucks Takes All My Money (KJ-52, 2008). The most successful of these is undoubtedly Ron Sexsmith’s Jazz at the Bookstore (2006). Sexsmith bemoans the irony of intense original blues artists such as Leadbelly being drowned out by the cacophony of coffee grinding machines while customers queue up to purchase expensive coffees whose names they can’t pronounce. In this, he juxtaposes the progressive patina of corporate culture against the circumstances of African-American labour conditions in the deep South, the shocking incongruity of which eventually cause the old bluesman to turn in his grave. Fredric Jameson may have good reason to lament the depthless a-historical pastiche of postmodern popular culture, but this is no “nostalgia film”: Sexsmith articulates an artfully framed set of subtle, sensitive, and carefully contextualised observations. Songs about coffee also intersect with politics via lyrics that play on the mid-brown colour of the beverage, by employing it as a metaphor for the sociological meta-narratives of acculturation and assimilation. First popularised in Israel Zangwill’s 1905 stage play, The Melting Pot, this term is more commonly associated with Americanisation rather than miscegenation in the United States—a nuanced distinction that British band Blue Mink failed to grasp with their memorable invocation of “coffee-coloured people” in Melting Pot (1969). Re-titled in the US as People Are Together (Mickey Murray, 1970) the song was considered too extreme for mainstream radio airplay (Thompson). Ike and Tina Turner’s Black Coffee (1972) provided a more accomplished articulation of coffee as a signifier of racial identity; first by associating it with the history of slavery and the post-Civil Rights discourse of African-American autonomy, then by celebrating its role as an energising force for African-American workers seeking economic self-determination. Anyone familiar with the re-casting of black popular music in an industry dominated by Caucasian interests and aesthetics (Cashmore; Garofalo) will be unsurprised to find British super-group Humble Pie’s (1973) version of this song more recognisable. Conclusion Coffee-flavoured popular songs celebrate the stimulant effects of caffeine, provide metaphors for courtship rituals, and offer critiques of Neat Capitalism. Harold Love and Guthrie Ramsey have each argued (from different perspectives) that the cultural micro-narratives of small social groups allow us to identify important “ethnographic truths” (Ramsey 22). Aesthetically satisfying and intellectually stimulating coffee songs are found where these micro-narratives intersect with the ethnographic truths of coffee culture. 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