Dissertations / Theses: 'Guerre juste'

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Mantovani, Mauro. "Bellum iustum : die Idee des gerechten Krieges in der römischen Kaiserzeit /." Bern : P. Lang, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35529977k.

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Gagnon-Boivin, Jérôme. "Les fondements métaéthiques des critères de la guerre juste." Thesis, Université Laval, 2013. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2013/29895/29895.pdf.

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Partant du constat que, trop souvent, les théoriciens de la guerre juste se contentent uniquement de présenter et d'appliquer une liste de critères afin de juger une guerre particulière sans exposer les raisons justifiant cette liste, il est important, pour défendre une théorie plus forte de la guerre juste, d'exposer plus clairement l'enquête métaéthique soutenant les critères que cette théorie présente. Dans le présent mémoire, nous entendons procéder d’abord à l’examen des justifications classiques des critères de la guerre juste et interroger les critiques qu’on leur oppose de même que les théories philosophiques modernes appuyant le concept de la guerre juste. Puis, nous entendons démontrer qu’en adoptant une méthode cohérentiste et contextualiste, les théoriciens pourront se doter des outils nécessaires pour soutenir une théorie de la guerre juste, laquelle sera apte à justifier efficacement ces mêmes critères et résister aux principales théories rivales.

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Derbali, Assia. "Existe-t-il des guerres justes ? : perspectives historiques et contemporaines." Nantes, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011NANT4023.

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Cette thèse porte sur la notion du concept de « guerre juste ». L’enjeu est de l’étudier de ses origines à son prolongement dans le monde contemporain. Dans une première partie, la thèse se concentre sur l’apparition de la notion à travers les grands auteurs avant Grotius tels que Thomas d’Aquin, Vitoria, Suarez, et Gentili, puis la guerre juste dans l’oeuvre de Grotius ainsi que l’évolution qu’elle connut par la suite. Dans un second temps, la thèse étudie les modifications subies par les définitions après les XVIIIème et XIXème siècles qui ont conduit à l’émergence d’un droit de la guerre, encadré par des règles, notamment par les Conventions de la Haye. Enfin, le but est de poursuivre sur le monde contemporain avec la réapparition de la notion de guerre juste que l'on a vu invoquer en Yougoslavie, en Somalie, ou en Irak sous les appellations de guerres « humanitaires » ou « contre le terrorisme ». Ce retour à l’idée de guerre juste constitue t- il un progrès ou au contraire un recul inquiétant et dangereux ? This thesis deals with the notion of just war, from its origins to its latest development in the contemporary world. The emphasis will be first put on the appearance of the notion through the work of great authors before Grotius such as Thomas Aquinas, Vitoria, Suarez, and Gentili, before studying the just war theory in the work of Grotius and its evolution thereafter. It will then be interesting to study the changes that the definitions underwent in the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries which led to the emergence of a law of war, governed by sets of rules such as the Hague Conventions. Finally, the thesis will focus on the contemporary world with the resurgence of the concept of just war that has been invoked in Yugoslavia, Somalia or in Iraq under the names of "humanitarian war" or “War on Terror” (also known as the “Global War on Terror” or the “War on Terrorism”). Could the return to the idea of just war be considered as a progress or on the contrary as a disturbing and dangerous step backwards ?

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Dos, Santos Matthes da Costa Maíra. "Les raisons de la guerre : Le jus ad bellum entre le pacifisme libéral et la guerre juste." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Paris Cité, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021UNIP7248.

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Dans quelles circonstances le recours à la force est-il légitime ? Le droit international relatif à l'usage de la force admet trois possibilités : 1/les États membres peuvent se prévaloir d'une légitime défense contre une agression armée ; 2/les États membres peuvent recourir à la force si le Conseil de sécurité émet une résolution l'autorisant; 3/ les États membres peuvent recourir à la force à l'intérieur d'un autre État avec son libre consentement. Tous les autres recours à la force militaire, ou les menaces de recours à la force, sont illégaux. Cette thèse montrera, dans un premier moment, comment cette construction juridique prend racine dans la pensée libérale occidentale, qui remonte au XVIIIème siècle et conçoit la guerre comme une force corrosive, aux antipodes des véritables intérêts de l'humanité. Conceptuellement, la pensée libérale sur l'usage de la force s'oppose à la pensée de la guerre juste qui prend ses racines dans une conception chrétienne de l'ordre mondial. Sa version classique accepte en effet trois causes justifiant la guerre : la défense de droits contre une attaque injuste, la restauration de droits en cas de tort subi, la vindicte de la justice violée. Nous avons donc pour objectif de montrer, dans un second moment, les bases philosophiques de ce second paradigme qui justifie la guerre. Nous soutenons l'idée qu'il existe deux paradigmes principaux visant à justifier la guerre et dont les origines et les enjeux diffèrent largement - le pacifisme libéral et la guerre juste. Le premier est régi selon une logique de présomption contre la guerre. Il juge la guerre immorale et essaie de trouver une solution politique à son problème. Dans la perspective de la guerre juste, la guerre peut à l'inverse être une activité morale à condition de ne pas se laisser subsumer par des logiques de puissance. Une logique de permissivité sous condition est donc mise en avant. La manière dont la moralité et le politique sont articulés s'avère donc très différente selon chacune de ces traditions, ce qui engendre certaines conséquences pour l'évaluation morale de la guerre. À la fin, deux conclusions seront développées. Premièrement, du point de vue logique, la synthèse entre pacifisme libéral et guerre juste ne s'avère pas possible. Deuxièmement, la multitude de compromis possibles entre ces deux paradigmes génère la possibilité de conciliations, mais ces dernières sont précaires Under what circumstances is the recourse to force legitimate? International law regarding the use of force allows three possibilities: 1/ Member States may claim self-defense against an armed attack; 2/ Member States may use force if the Security Council issues a resolution authorizing it; 3/ Member States may use force inside another State with its free consent. All other uses of military force, or threats to use force, are illegal. This thesis will first show how this legal construction takes root in Western liberal thought. It dates back to the 18th century and considers war a corrosive force, the direct opposite of humanity's true interests. Conceptually, liberal thought on the use of force is opposed to the idea of a just war, which has its roots in the Christian concept of world order. Its classic version, in effect, accepts three justifications for war: the defense of rights against an unjust attack; the restoration of rights in the event of harm suffered; and vindication when justice has been violated. It is therefore our second objective to show the philosophical bases of this second paradigm justifying war. We argue that two main paradigms exist affecting the justification of war that differ widely in their origins and issues - liberal pacifism and just war theory. The first is governed according to a logic of presumption against war. It judges war as immoral and tries to find a political solution to the problem. Just war theory, on the contrary, judges that war can be a moral activity under the condition of not being subsumed by power politics. Therefore, it puts forward a logic of conditional permissiveness. The ways in which morality and politics are articulated are thus very different according to each of these traditions, which has consequences for the moral evaluation of war. At the end, two conclusions will be developed. First, from a logical point of view, the synthesis between liberal pacifism and just war is not possible. Second, the multitude of possible compromises between these two paradigms generates only the possibility of precarious conciliations

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Beytelmann, David. "Les usages conceptuels du dominium. Théorie politique, droit et théologie pendant la Controverse des Indes en Espagne (1492-1556 )." École normale supérieure-Lettres et sciences humaines (Lyon ; 2000-2009), 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008ENSF0093.

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Ce travail étudie la notion de dominium à travers la lecture de trois grands problèmes reliés entre eux dans la Controverse des Indes en Espagne au XVIème siècle : la question de l’esclavage, la justification de la guerre et enfin, la théorie politique qui légitime et donne un fondement politique à la société coloniale. Le travail est structuré autour de quatre grandes parties : dans l’essai méthodologique nous abordons la tradition de l’historiographie de la controverse pour essayer d’analyser les grandes lectures et critiquer des présupposés concernant l’interprétation de la controverse comme débat. Dans la première partie, nous examinons la différence entre la critique de l’encomienda et de l’esclavage pour montrer que ce débat est structuré autour de la question du statut juridique des indiens et non pas de la liberté indienne. Dans une deuxième partie, nous essayons de voir dans quelle mesure le recours à la doctrine de la guerre juste pour justifier le dominium espagnol sur l’Amérique, doit être pensé comme un système de légitimation où la catégorie centrale est le territoire, le dominium, permettant de penser son acquisition selon une analogie entre l’État et les personnes dans le droit civil. La troisième partie enfin, se concentre sur la théorie politique de ce système de gouvernement colonial dont la catégorie de dominium définit les contours : la juridiction territoriale comme centre d’un système où le souverain est un juge qui applique la loi et se soumet à une armature de droits qui contiennent son action This dissertation studies the notion of dominium through the interpretation of three related problems within the great spanish XVIth century debate over the conquest of Americas : the problem of salvery, the justification of war and finally, the political theory that legitimates and gives a political and legal foundation to the new colonial society, and its regime. The work is structured in four great chapters : in the methodological essay we study the different problems treated by tradition of the debate’s historiography ; in the first chapter, we study the theoretical implications of the confrontation between the critic of the encomienda system and the critic of slavery ; in the second, the justification of war through the doctine of just war is analysed through the interpretation of the ideas of international law historians and Carl Schmitt. Finally, in the thrid chapter, we adress the question of dominium as a key concept for the political theory of the spanish monarchy and try to give a new interpretation of its centrality within the perspective of european political philosophy , as confronted with the rise of the « concept of sovereignty ». The final chapter, or conclusion, is a discussion of key issues concerning the place of the colonial question in the fields of political philosophy, the social and political history of the state, and the construction of theoretical categories of belonging in political philosophy

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Beestermöller, Gerhard. "Thomas von Aquin und der gerechte Krieg : Friedensethik im theologischen Kontext der Summa Theologiae /." Köln : J.P. Bachem, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35699880t.

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Grangé, Ninon Manin Bernard Senellart Michel. "La cité en guerre : crises, transgressions, limites l'identité politique dans les tentatives philosophiques pour définir la guerre, de Héraclite à Carl Schmitt /." [S.l.] : [s.n], 2003. http://w4.ens-lsh.fr/e-textes/notice.xsp?id=theses.2003.grange-n-principal&id_doc=theses.2003.grange-n&isid=theses.2003.grange-n&base=documents&dn=1.

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Grangé, Ninon. "La cité en guerre : crises, transgressions, limites : l'identité politique dans les tentatives philosophiques pour définir la guerre, de Héraclite à Carl Schmitt." Lyon, Ecole normale supérieure, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003ENSF0016.

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A partir des définitions polémologiques, historiques, stratégiques de la guerre, et des théories de la guerre juste, se dessine une comparaison entre guerre étrangère et guerre civile qui montre la permanence de la scission intérieure comme risque majeur pour la cité. L'assignation de limites à la guerre participe d'un dispositif pour éviter la guerre intolérable où les concitoyens sont ennemis. La division entre "polemos" et "stasis" (Héraclite, Platon, Thucydide) est reprise à la lumière de l'hypothèse de Machiavel, contre la guerre-duel, d'une consubstantialité de la guerre et du politique. Le concept de guerre paradoxale, transformant la relation d'ennemi à ennemi (Carl Schmitt, Cicéron et Antoine), permet de dégager un état de guerre indéterminé, entre régularité et irrégularité (Révolution française, guerre de Sécession, Commune de Paris et guerre d'Algérie). Avec les théories contractualistes imaginant un moment hypothétique, anhistorique, infra-politique (l'état de nature) qui s'avère belliqueux (Hobbes, Spinoza, Cumberland, Pufendorf, Rousseau, Kant), la nature extra-légale de la guerre est déduite. Ainsi la reprise de la notion de "stasis" révèle la nature du politique- et de sa bellicosité en paix ou en guerre- qui invente des séparations fictives pour préserver l'identité et la puissance de la cité (conjuration et référence abstraite à la guerre extérieure). Le concept de cité-en-guerre se fonde sur la fausse réminiscence d'une guerre originaire et sur le vrai souvenir des guerres civiles passées. Les relations politiques, exacerbées dans la guerre interne, voilées dans la guerre externe, montrent que l'essence de la guerre se comprend d'abord dans une entité politique close, et que l'identité de la cité replie l'extérieur sur l'intérieur; les frontières ne sont pas seulement territoriales ou étatiques. La cité dans la guerre est confrontée à son artifice au moment où la crise le rend inefficace From polemological, historical and strategic definitions of war, as well as from the theories of a just war, an emergent likeness between foreign war and civil war may be noted which shows the permanence of internal split as the major danger for the city. Setting limits to war partly belongs to a plan of action to stave off intolerable wars in wich fellows citizens would otherwise be enemies. The distinction between "polemos" and "stasis" (Heraclitus, Plato, Thucydides) is taken up in the light of Machiavelli's hypothesis, against duel-like war, of a consubstantiality of war with politics. The concept of paradoxical war, altering the relationship between enemies (Carl Schimitt, Cicero and Antony) allows us the bring out an indeterminate state of war, in between legality and illegality (the French Revolution, the American Civil War, the Paris Commune and the Algerian war of liberation). From the theories of the social contract that postulate an hypothetical, anhistorical and infra-political moment- the natural state- which proves bellicose (Hobbes, Spinoza, Cumberland, Pufendorf, Rousseau, Kant) we can infer the extra-legal nature of war. Thus the notion of "stasis" revisited reveals the nature of politics- and its bellicosity in peace and war times- wich can devise artificial separations to protect the identity and power of the city (conjuration and abstract reference to external war). The concept of city-at-war is based on the fallacious reminiscence of an original war and the real recollection of past civil wars. Political relationships, exacerbated in internal wars, weakened in external wars, shows that the essence of war can first be apprehended in a closed political entity and that the identity of the city folds the exterior back onto the interior; frontiers are not only territorial or State boundaries. The city at war is confronted with its own stratagem at the very moment when crisis makes it ineffective

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Rameix, Solange. "La guerre juste : regards croisés de France et d'Angleterre (v. 1688-v. 1713)." Paris 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA010561.

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Ce travail propose une histoire culturelle et politique de la théorie de la guerre juste dans deux pays eux-mêmes en guerre, au régime et à la culture politique différents, la France de Louis XIV et l’ Angleterre des lendemains de la Glorieuse Révolution. Cette période, souvent présentée comme celle du premier déclin de la guerre juste après son âge d'or au Moyen Age et durant la première modernité, voit en réalité les prises de parole sur le sujet se multiplier. Certes, les grands penseurs s'y intéressent peu. Néanmoins, leurs contemporains s'y réfèrent constamment pour interpréter les guerres qu' ils subissent. La guerre juste est même un formidable instrument de souveraineté au service des monarques qui tentent de l'assimiler aux seules guerres royales. Toutefois, la situation diffère de part et d'autre de la Manche. Louis XIV s'efforce d'interdire toute parole alternative et de conserver le monopole du discours sur la guerre juste. Sclérosée en France, la théorie est au contraire dynamique outre-Manche. La légitimité monarchique fragile de Guillaume III, Ie poids grandissant du Parlement et l' alourdissement de la fiscalité contraignent les monarques à justifier leurs guerres. Ils font même de leurs sujets les juges de leur politique étrangère, autorisant ainsi l'éclosion d'un débat public sur les guerres contre la France. Parlementaires et électeurs en profitent pour revendiquer une participation aux décisions politiques de guerre et de paix. Instrument de pouvoir, la guerre juste s'avère aussi un outil de contestation des prérogatives monarchiques.

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Castignani, Hugo. "Guerres justes et guerres préventives." Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040162.

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Notre travail a pour objectif principal de circonscrire avec netteté le concept de guerre préventive: l’histoire de sa constitution comme discours spécifique ; les différentes tentatives d’en offrir une définition précise et effective ; et ses effets sur l’ensemble de la théorie de la guerre juste et du droit international. Nous tenterons d’en donner une vue synthétique, tout en rapprochant éventuellement des éléments appartenant à des domaines non purement philosophiques. Il en résultera une histoire des concepts, des pratiques et des institutions liées à la guerre préventive.Avec la pensée de Thucydide comme point de départ historique et méthodologique, notre recherche vise à repérer des principes permanents régissant la pratique de la guerre préventive. D’un côté, nous relèverons les occurrences de ce concept dans le corpus de la philosophie politique, ce qui justifie le choix des auteurs et des textes ici retenus, de Thucydide et Cicéron à Fichte, Clausewitz, Hegel, ou Thomas Schelling, en passant par saint Augustin, saint Thomas, Vitoria, Bodin, Gentili, Grotius, Pufendorf ou Vattel. Nous montrerons en particulier pourquoi ce concept est inséparable des querelles du machiavélisme et de l’antimachiavélisme, en consacrant un chapitre à des auteurs tels que Machiavel, Francis Bacon, Gentillet, Frédéric II, Richelieu, Naudé et Botero.D’un autre côté, nous analyserons l’histoire des guerres préventives à la recherche d’une logique interne identifiable dans la plupart des conflagrations majeures de l’histoire. Ce fil directeur de la logique préventive nous amènera alors à réexaminer la théorie de la guerre juste, et des notions telles que l’impérialisme ou l’agression This thesis intends to analyze the concept of preventive war from the standpoint of political philosophy: the history of its constitution as a specific discourse; the attempts to find a precise and effective definition of it; its effects on the tradition of the just war theory. This research employs a synthetic methodology, analyzing as well texts and historical artefacts that are non-philosophical. The result will be a history of the concepts, practices and institutions related to preventive war.With the work of Thucydides as methodological and historical point of departure, our research tries to determine the permanent principles ruling the justification of preventive war. First, we will determine the occurrences of this concept in the corpus of political philosophy, a method that explains the array of authors this thesis surveys, from Thucydides and Cicero to Fichte, Clausewitz, Hegel, or Thomas Schelling, including Saint Augustine, Saint Thomas, Vitoria and the School of Salamanca, Bodin, Gentili, Grotius, Pufendorf and Vattel. We will focus particularly on the way this concept is inseparable of the dialectic between Machiavellism and Antimachiavellism, analyzing authors such as Machiavelli, Francis Bacon, Gentillet, Frederick II of Prussia, Richelieu, Naudé and Botero.Besides, we will analyze the history of preventive war searching for an internal logic at work in the majority of the great conflagrations of the past. The existence of such a preventive logic will lead us to re-evaluate traditional just war theory, imperialism and aggression

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Aggar, Samia. "La responsabilité de proteger : un nouveau concept ?" Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0434/document.

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La responsabilité internationale est un ensemble de conséquences liées à laviolation des obligations internationales, soit le lien juridique par lequel un sujet de droitinternational est tenu, envers un ou plusieurs autres sujets, d’adopter un comportementdéterminé ou de s’en abstenir. S’il y a un comportement illicite, la Communautéinternationale peut intervenir, c’est ce que l’on dénomme souvent « droit d’ingérence ». Cedernier a évolué récemment vers une nouvelle terminologie introduite dans le rapport de laCIISE : « responsabilité de protéger ». C’est un concept selon lequel les Etats souverains ontl’obligation de protéger leurs propres populations contre des catastrophes de grande ampleur.Dans la dynamique du dépassement de l’antagonisme entre souveraineté et intervention, nousanalyserons le comportement de la Communauté internationale face à la « responsabilité deprotéger », le rôle qui lui incombe lorsque l’Etat faillit à ses obligations. Au-delà de cesauteurs, il reste encore à définir quels sont les bénéficiaires de cette protection, sa mise enœuvre et ses limites. Si la notion de « responsabilité de protéger » ne constitue pas seulementune nouvelle terminologie, garantit-t-elle un degré de protection plus élevé par rapport au« droit d’ingérence » International responsibility is a set of consequences connected to the violation ofinternational obligations, this being the legal ties which bind a subject of international law toadopt a defined way of behaving towards another or others or to abstain. If there is illicitconduct the International Community can intervene, which is often named “right ofintervention”. The latter hasrecently developeda new terminology introduced in the (ICISS)report: “responsibility to protect”. It is a concept according to which the sovereign states havethe obligation to protect their own populations against large-scale catastrophes.From theperspective of going beyond the opposition between sovereignty and intervention we willanalyse the behaviour of the International Community faced with the “responsibility toprotect”, its incumbent role when the state fails in its obligations.Aside from its creators itremains to be seen who will benefit from this protection, its implementation and its limits. Ifthe notion of the “responsibility to protect” not only constitutes new terminology, does itchange an issue already raised by the “right of intervention”: military deployment with aimswhich are not purely military?

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Ghezzi, Francesca. "Le Saint-Siège et les catholiques de France et d'Italie face à la guerre au Viêtnam (1963-1966) : entre légitimation de la guerre, action de paix et primauté de la conscience." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEP069.

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Ma thèse de doctorat examine les réactions du Saint-Siège et, à travers une approche comparative, des catholiques français et italiens aux événements survenus au Viêtnam entre la seconde moitié de 1963 et le premier semestre de 1966. Dans cette période une série d'événements attirerait de nouveau l'attention internationale sur le Viêtnam, alors que Paul VI reprenait les travaux du concile Vatican II et les menait à terme. En même temps, le système international et les sociétés de l'Europe occidentale connaissaient des transformations majeures dans leurs structures profondes. Entre 1963 et 1966 le Viêtnam semble avoir été perçu par l'Église comme le théâtre de trois formes différentes de conflit : une guerre de religion (1963, « crise bouddhiste »), une éventuelle troisième guerre mondiale atomique (1964-1965, crise du golfe du Tonkin et intervention armée des États-Unis contre le FLN et le Viêtnam du Nord), une guerre demi-conventionnelle asymétrique qui provoqua une urgence humanitaire (1965-1966, intense escalade). Chacune de ces formes souleva des questions spécifiques et délicates aux yeux de l'Église conciliaire, dont la plupart intéressaient les rapports entre religion et politique. Les questions les plus pressantes concernaient la légitimité de la « guerre juste » à l'âge atomique, la nécessité d'une action concrète de l'Église en faveur de la paix, la primauté de la conscience. Engagée dans une dialectique interne complexe et souvent contradictoire, l'Église semble avoir été divisée entre l'esprit de « l'aggiornamento » de Vatican II, introduit par le magistère de Jean XXIII, et son lien traditionnel avec l'Occident, marqué par le rigide anticommunisme du pontificat de Pie XII des années Cinquante My PhD dissertation analyzes the reactions of the Holy See as well as of French and Italian Catholics, through a comparative approach, to the events in Vietnam between the second half of 1963 and the first half of 1966. Within this time frame, a series of events would bring the international attention back on Vietnam, while Paul VI would resume the work of the Second Vatican council and lead it to a conclusion, and while both the international system and Western European societies would go through major transformations in their deep structures. Based on my study, I argue that between 1963 and 1966 Vietnam would have been perceived as the scene of three different forms of conflict in the eyes of the Church. A religious war (1963, ‘Buddhist crisis’), a potential atomic third world war (1964-1965, Gulf of Tonkin crisis and U.S. full military intervention in Vietnam), and an asymmetric, semi-conventional war that would cause a humanitarian emergency (1965-1966, intense escalation of the war). Each of these forms of conflict would raise specific and delicate issues for the conciliar Church, most of which regarding the relationship between religion and politics. The most pressing of these issues would come to be the legitimacy of the “Just War” doctrine in the atomic age, the need for concrete action in favor of peace on behalf of the whole Church, and primacy of conscience amongst the Catholics. Engaged in a complex and often contradictory internal dialectic, the Church appears to have been divided between the spirit of Vatican II’s ‘aggiornamento’, introduced by John XXIII’s magisterium, and the its traditional connection with the West, marked by Pius XII’s rigid anticommunism of the Fifties

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Park, Ji-Hyun. "Les fondements de la "Révolution nationale" dans la posture du "juste milieu"." Paris 1, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA010564.

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Notre étude porte sur l'idée de la " Révolution nationale ", née et morte avec l'Occupation (1940-1944), et sur son existence avant et après cette période, prenant une perspective " franco- française " et non " franco-allemande ". A travers l'idée communautaire, il est possible de déceler une continuité de la " Révolution nationale " présente dans les revues des années 30 ainsi que dans le discours et les lois du régime de Vichy. " Contre les partis ", " Ni droite et ni gauche ", " au-dessus de la mêlée ". . . Les thèmes des années 30 répondent aux excès politiques qui usent les vies individuelle et collective et opposent l'une à l'autre. Le refus d'" excès " politiques caractérise une conscience commune entre les années 30 et le régime de Vichy: la nécessité d'une vie humaine qui peut intégrer l'individu dans le milieu social et dans laquelle l'idée et l'action s'équilibrent. Sur ce point, l'idée du " retour à la terre ", de 1'" homo faber et humanis " et les lois sur la " Charte du Travail ", la " Médecine du Travail ", ou la " Légion Française des Combattants " définissent la communauté politique du régime de Vichy comme une "société humanisée" entre l'individuel et le collectif. La " Révolution nationale " reste donc le fruit de la réflexion d'intellectuels sur le moyen de remplacer au sein de la société française la division et les choix politiques extrêmes par l'union et l'équilibre. Après la guerre, l'idée de vie communautaire défmie par le régime de Vichy a ouvert la voie à une relation entre la vie privée et de la vie publique, une " communauté sous une autre forme de la société ". A ce sujet, il est temps de considérer la " Révolution nationale " non seulement comme un courant politique mais aussi comme un courant intellectuel plus général pour parvenir enfin à comprendre pourquoi Vichy est " un passé qui ne passe pas ". Cette tendance ne correspond pas à un groupe social en particulier, mais aux intellectuels français qui partagent un même idéal de " juste milieu ".

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Dosquet, Emilie. "Le feu et l'encre : la "désolation de Palatinat" : guerre et information politique dans l'Europe de Louis XIV : Angleterre - France - Provinces-Unies - Saint-Empire." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H069.

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Cette thèse porte sur la «désolation du Palatinat», et explore au travers de ce cas les interrelations qu’entretiennent la guerre et l’information politique dans l’Europe de la fin du XVIIe siècle. Elle s’inscrit dans le «tétraèdre médiatique de l’espace européen» formé alors par la France, le Saint-Empire, l’Angleterre et les Provinces-Unies. Elle montre pourquoi et comment des opérations françaises répondant à une logique stratégique, une chronologie et une géographie composites ont été érigées en une unité historique distincte et chargée de sens. Ce travail met ainsi en lumière le processus complexe de fabrication de cet événement appelé «désolation du Palatinat», et analyse pour cela à la fois les opérations militaires et le traitement informationnel dont elles ont fait l’objet. Dans un premier temps, l’étude de la réalité à la fois stratégique et opérationnelle révèle un ensemble d’opérations de destruction, qui se sont déployées sur près d’un an — de l’hiver 1688 à l’automne 1689 —, et répondaient à une même logique stratégique défensive, dont les principes et les pratiques ont évolué au fil des mois. Les caractéristiques de ces opérations ont participé de la manière dont elles ont été, dès qu’elles sont advenues, rapportées, représentées, comprises et interprétées. C’est dans ce cadre informationnel qu’elles ont acquis une unité chronologique, géographique et opérationnelle, dont elles étaient initialement dépourvues. Dans un second temps, l’étude croisée de la diffusion des informations relatives à ces opérations et de leur mise en forme textuelle et iconographique montre donc comment l’événement a pris forme au fil des mois et des productions imprimées This dissertation focuses on the “Desolation of the Palatinate”, and examines through this case study the interrelations of war and political information in Europe at the end of the 17th century. The “media tetrahedron of early modern Europe”, which was made up of the Dutch Republic, France, Britain, and the Holy Roman Empire, is the geographical frame of this research. This work demonstrates why and how some French operations with a compound strategic logic, a composite chronology and a changing geography became a distinct and meaningful historical unit. This research emphasizes the complex fabrication of this event known today as the “Desolation of the Palatinate”. It studies both the military operations and their process through the European information system. First, the analysis of the strategic and operational reality highlights a group of destructive operations, that were implemented for almost a year — between winter 1688 and autumn 1689 —, and guided by the same strategic logic of defense but with evolving principles and practices over the months. The characteristics of these operations took part in the way in which they were recounted, depicted, understood and interpreted as soon as they occurred. Within this framework of their process through the European information system, they gain a chronological, geographical and operational cohesion, of which they lack initially. Second, this work studies both the dissemination of news on the French operations and the way they were textually and visually shaped. This analysis shows how the French operations were gradually shaped in particular by the print production into a significant event

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Holeindre, Jean-Vincent. "Le renard et le lion : la ruse et la force dans le discours de la guerre." Paris, EHESS, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010EHES0023.

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Cette thèse étudie la dialectique de la ruse et de la force dans le discours de la guerre en se fondant sur une démarche généalogique. L'enquête remonte aux origines grecques, romaines, hébraïques et chrétiennes de la pensée stratégique, puis examine la manière dont le savoir militaire de la ruse a pénétré la science politique (Machiavel), le droit de la guerre (Grotius) et la stratégie (Clausewitz) à l'époque moderne. Se déploie une histoire longue de la pensée stratégique qui inclut de manière systématique l'apport de la ruse. Cette généalogie nous conduit à réfuter la thèse d'un « modèle occidental de la guerre » (V. D. Hanson) exclusivement fondé sur la force et qui s'opposerait à la ruse « orientale ». En réalité, la dénonciation de la ruse ennemie est un élément du discours de la « guerre juste » hérité des Romains, qui agit comme un puissant instrument de légitimation de la force. Considérer l'ennemi comme un combattant rusé et « perfide », c'est faire apparaître par contraste sa propre armée comme le symbole de la force légitime. Sur le plan politico-militaire, la ruse et la force constituent des données essentielles et inséparables d'une grammaire stratégique commune à I'ensemble des cultures. Elles sont complémentaires au plan tactique, stratégique et politique, la ruse étant à la fois un procédé qui multiplie les effets de la force et une forme majeure de l'intelligence stratégique. La thèse ouvre sur une étude des formes contemporaines de la guerre (interétatique, irrégulière, interne) : sur la scène guerrière, la ruse constitue, aux côtés de la force, une ressource pour attaquer et se défendre, employée aussi bien par les « forts» que par les « faibles » This dissertation is an in-depth study of the cunning /strength dialectics in the war discourse. The approach is that of a genealogy. The research probes into the Greek, Roman, Hebraic and Christian foundations of the strategic thought, then focuses on the way the mastery of cunning at war gradually infiltrated political science (Machiavelli), the law of war (Grotius), and modem strategy (Clausewitz). The dissertation unfolds as a long history of the strategic thought and highlights the fact that it has always acknowledged the contribution of cunning. , which counters the theory according to which there is a "western way of war"(V. D. Hanson) exclusively based on strength, which is to be opposed to an "eastern" model relying on cunning. Indeed, denouncing the enemy’s cunning appears as one essential element in the discourse on "just war" which was inherited from the Romans, in so far as it has always worked as a mighty tactics to legitimize strength. Labelling the enemy a cunning perfidious fighter is a way of turning one's own army into the embodiment of legitimate strength. Both in the political and military arena, cunning and strength are to be regarded as Iwo inseparable essential factors in a strategy grammar, whatever the culture. Cunning and strength are complementary from a tactical, strategic and political point of view; cunning being a multiplying factor for the effects of strength and also a major trait of strategic intelligence. The study naturally leads to an analysis of the contemporary forms of war (wars between nations, irregular wars, civil wars). In today's world, cunning, beside strength, still provides both attack and defence solutions, and it is used both by the "strong" and the "weak"

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Jourdain, Édouard. "Le politique entre guerre et théologie : la révision du marxisme et l'ombre de Carl Schmitt." Paris, EHESS, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011EHES0084.

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Depuis quelques décennies, l'œuvre de Carl Schmitt revient sur le devant de la scène en théorie politique, occasionnant de nombreuses controverses. L'actualité de ces vingt dernières années a largement contribué à de nouvelles confrontations avec ses thèses, qu'il s'agisse de la chute du mur de Berlin ou des attentats du 11 septembre. En effet, la fin de l'URSS et le triomphe de la démocratie libérale, mais aussi ce que l'on a appelé à tort ou à raison le retour du religieux, reconfigurent la vision moderne des conflits et renvoient aux idées force développées par Carl Schmitt: le problème théologico-politique et l'opposition de la démocratie et du libéralisme, ou encore la question de la guerre juste et le problème du terrorisme via sa théorie du partisan. Autant de sujets réinvestis par des philosophes contemporains, comme Giorgio Agamben, Antonio Negri, Jacques Derrida, Etienne Balibar, Slavoj Zizek ou encore Chantal Mouffe et Ernesto Laclau pour repenser le politique. Se pose alors la question de savoir en quoi la mobilisation de l'œuvre de Carl Schmitt par ces auteurs leur permet de réviser le marxisme, ce aux dépens de celle de Proudhon qui pourtant a pensé ces problématiques, prises de nouveau au sérieux The last two decades have brought Carl Schmitt's work back in the spotlight as fas as political theory is concerned, not without controversy. Events of the last twenty years, like the fall of Berlin wall or the 9/11 attacks, have led to new debates regarding his theories. Indeed, the end of the USSR and the triumph of liberal democracy, but also the return of the so-called "religious phenomena", give a birth to a new vision of modern conflicts recalling Carl Schmitt's main ideas: political theology, opposition between democracy and liberalism, the theory of fair wars, as well as terrorism via his partisan theory. Those subjects that have been dealt with contemporary philosophers, like Giorgio Agamben, Antonio Negri, Jacques Derrida, Etienne Balibar, Slavoj Zizek or Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau to rethink politics. What is examined here are the terms in which these autors use Carl Schmitt's theories to revise Marxism, regardless Proudhon 's theories, event thought they revolved around these rediscovered problematics

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Jovanović, Miloš. "Légitimité et légitimation du recours à la force dans l'après-guerre froide : Étude de cas : l'intervention militaire de l'OTAN contre la République fédérale de Yougoslavie (1999)." Paris 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010325.

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La fin de la guerre froide a engendré des croyances nouvelles quant à la nature du système international émergeant. Le récit dominant du monde post-bipolaire reposait sur l'affirmation selon laquelle les relations entre États étaient désormais fondées sur le respect de la justice et du droit international et corrélativement, sur l'abandon de la politique de puissance. En ce sens, la rupture post-bipolaire a été qualifiée de rupture morale. Au rebours de cette vision dominante de l'ère post-bipolaire, l'hypothèse principale du présent travail de recherche soutient que la caractéristique fondamentale de la période de l'après-guerre froide réside dans l'émergence d'un nouveau cadre idéologique qui facilite la légitimation d'agissements étatiques fort constants, c'est-à-dire fondés sur la politique de puissance et la loi du plus fort. L'hypothèse principale est démontrée à partir d'un cas d'étude précis: l'intervention militaire de l'OTAN contre la RFY en 1999.

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Durin, Guillaume. "L’énonciation du discours intellectuel de guerre juste aux Etats-Unis de 1971 à 2005 : exploration socio-discursive des trajectoires et des propositions de Jean Bethke Elshtain, James Turner Johnson, Michael Walzer et George Weigel." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO30093.

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Depuis plus d’une soixantaine d’années, le débat de politique étrangère aux Etats-Unis fait référence à la « tradition » ou la « théorie » de la guerre juste et se décline en partie autour de conceptions, de critères et de postures qui y sont apparentés. La pratique est vivifiée par des philosophes, des politologues, des théologiens inscrits dans des contextes variés dont Michael Walzer, Jean B. Elshtain, James T. Johnson et George Weigel. Malgré des trajectoires et des choix dissemblables, ils ont notamment en commun de faire face à d’autres penseurs développant des perspectives moins enclines à admettre la mise en relation qu’ils pratiquent entre guerre et morale. Leurs prises de parole croisent celles de plusieurs séries de référents, d'alliés et de contradicteurs dont Reinhold Niebuhr, Paul Ramsey, William O’Brien, John Courtney Murray mais aussi Hans Morgenthau et plus récemment Richard Rorty, Noam Chomsky, Howard Zinn, Edward Saïd, Drew Christiansen, Martin L. Cook, John Langan, ou Bryan Hehir. La longévité de la communauté socio-discursive démontre la persistance d’un engagement intellectuel marqué par la volonté de promouvoir la justice et les principes éthiques et de dissoudre la dichotomie bellicisme/irénisme, cynisme/messianisme, pour défendre une « réalité morale de la guerre » située dans une forme avancée de « réalisme moral ». Les dynamiques à l’œuvre s’avèrent orientées par la recherche d’une « juste » conjugaison éthico-politique mais aussi par des logiques de positionnement et d’occupation au sein d’espaces délibératifs hautement conflictuels. Leur interprétation mobilise une perspective politologique socio-discursive et conflictualiste : socio-discursive car ancrée dans la pragmatique interactionniste développée par le linguiste Dominique Maingueneau et conflictualiste au sens que lui donne le sociologue Randall Collins. Elle souligne, pour finir, l’intérêt exploratoire des notions d’inter et de contre-discours mais aussi de communauté et de coalition socio-discursives For more than sixty years, the debate about the US foreign policy has referred to the “just war” theory. It has been based on conceptions and paradigms connected to that traditional notion of “just war” and invigorated by philosophers, political scientists or theologians including Michael Walzer, Jean B. Elshtain, James T. Johnson and George Weigel. The latter have different backgrounds and made dissimilar intellectual choices but they have common points, in particular a common aim to confront theorists that are not prone to link war and ethics. The “just war” thinkers interacts with several referred authors, with followers and detractors, including Reinhold Niebuhr, Paul Ramsey, William O’Brien, John Courtney Murray but also Hans Morgenthau and more recently, Richard Rorty, Noam Chomsky, Howard Zinn, Edward Saïd, Martin L. Cook, Drew Christiansen, John Langan, or Bryan Hehir. The durability of the socio-discursive community shows the persistence of an intellectual involvement characterized by the will to promote justice and ethical principles and to make the dichotomy between warmongering and irenicism, between cynicism and messianism, to defend the “moral reality of mar” belonging to an advanced form of “moral realism”. The dynamics at work turn out to be oriented by the seaking of a “just” combination between politics and ethics but also by positioning and occupancy logics within highly controversial deliberative areas. Therefore, the interpretation of the contemporary “just war” intellectual discourse requests the use of a socio-discursive and conflictualist perspective, issued from Dominique Maingueneau’s pragmatic theory and from Randall Collins’ sociology of intellectual conflicts. Lastly, the debates about a “just war” theory highlights interpretative interest of inter- and counter- discourse notions but also of socio-discursive coalitions and communities

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Alassani, Zéinatou. "L'évolution du droit de recourir à la force : vers une reconnaissance de l'« autorisation implicite »." Thesis, Normandie, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019NORMR076/document.

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L’objectif de la présente recherche portant sur l’évolution du droit des États à recourir à la force dans les relations nternationales est de montrer suivant une approche historique fondée sur le droit international que la pratique des États en la matière a changé. Effectivement, du droit de « faire la guerre » reconnu comme un droit souverain, passant par les premières tentatives de son encadrement au XIXe siècle, la rupture significative est venue en 1945 avec la création de l’ONU ; la Charte des Nations Unies ayant consacré un principe d’interdiction du recours à la force, exception faite de la légitime défense et de l’autorisation du Conseil de sécurité. Toutefois, aucune précision n’ayant été apportée sur la forme que doit prendre cette autorisation du Conseil de sécurité, dès 1966 comme dans l’affaire rhodésienne, ce dernier autorisait explicitement l’usage de « la force ». À partir de 1990, il prend de l’assurance avec la technique de l’autorisation et retient la formulation implicite d’« autorise les États Membres à user de tous les moyens nécessaires ». Cependant, il arrive qu’une résolution du Conseil ne soit ni n’explicite, ni implicite, mais des États interviennent, arguant de l’existence d’une autorisation implicite du fait de l’émergence des doctrines comme « guerre préventive », « guerre contre le terrorisme » ou encore « intervention humanitaire ». Des cas d’interventions menées en 1992 au Libéria, 1999 en Sierra Leone et au Kosovo et en 2003 contre l’Irak, sont illustrateurs. Ainsi, sur la base de l’interprétation des résolutions du Conseil, l’autorisation implicite tend à devenir la règle en matière de maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Dès lors, afin d’éviter de réduire le jus ad bellum à un unilatéralisme excessif, et en démontrant la conformité de l’autorisation implicite au régime juridique établi du recours à la force en droit international, nous invitons à la redéfinition de celle-ci The purpose of this research on the evolution of the right of States to use force in international relations is to show, following a historical approach based on international law, that State practice in this area has changed. Indeed, from the right to "make war" recognized as a sovereign right, passing through the first attempts of its leadership in the nineteenth century, the significant rupture came in 1945 with the creation of the UN; the United Nations Charter has enshrined the principle of the prohibition of the use of force,except for the self-defense and the authorization of the Security Council. However, since no details were given as to the form this authorization of the Security Council should take, as early as 1966, as in the Rhodesian case, the latter explicitly authorized the use of "force". From 1990, he gained confidence with the technique of authorization and retained the implicit formulation of "authorizes Member States to use all necessary means". Though, sometimes a resolution is neither explicit nor implicit, but states intervene,arguing the existence of an implied authorization because of the emergence of theories like"preventive war","war on terror" or "humanitarian intervention". Cases of interventions in 1992 in Liberia, 1999 in SierraLeone and Kosovo and in 2003 against Iraq are illustrators. So, based on the interpretation of Council resolutions, implied authorization tends to become the rule in the maintenance of international peace and security. Therefore, to avoid reducing the jus ad bellum to excessive unilateralism, and by demonstrating the conformity of the implied authorization with the established legal regime of the use of force in international law, we invite the redefinition of this one

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Mak, Ariane. "En grève et en guerre. Les mineurs britanniques au prisme des enquêtes du Mass Observation (1939-1945)." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH095.

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Dans le Royaume-Uni de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, malgré une économie de guerre conditionnée par la production en charbon, l’industrie houillère est le premier secteur en grève. Les 3 473 grèves minières qui éclatent entre 1940 et 1944 constituent près de la moitié des grèves britanniques. Accusés de saper l’effort national, les mineurs se heurtent aux impératifs du patriotisme et à la politique de coopération nationale des institutions syndicales. À rebours des approches hors sol des mobilisations qui ont longtemps dominé l’historiographie, nous proposons d’explorer ces grèves from below, saisies sur le vif et ancrées dans le quotidien des communautés minières. Nous nous intéressons à la manière dont le conflit entre patriotisme et justice sociale se manifeste, à la mine comme au pub. Nous proposons en outre une étude nouvelle du décret 1305 interdisant les grèves. Où observe-t-on le heurt entre les grévistes et le droit ? Comment les grévistes sont-ils jugés (ou non) ? Comment, en retour, les mineurs jugent-ils le droit, y résistent ou le contournent ? Les grèves sont donc aussi saisies comme lieu où s’éprouve l’univers normatif des acteurs, ébranlé par l’irruption de la guerre. Les principes du juste salaire, en particulier, sont à réinventer – dans les grandes vagues de grèves du printemps 1942 et de l’hiver 1944, dans la grève emblématique des mineurs de Betteshanger, comme dans les soulèvements plus méconnus des pit boys gallois. La thèse montre notamment que les bouleversements des hiérarchies de statut et de genre provoqués par le conflit jouent un rôle central dans les revendications salariales des grévistes. Elle le fait à travers une ethnographie historique qui conjugue : une revisite historienne des enquêtes de terrain entreprises par le Mass Observation durant la guerre ; une exploration de leurs conditions de production (collectif, dispositif et pratiques d’enquête) ; et un retour contemporain sur ces terrains à travers une enquête orale menée auprès de mineurs et de Bevin Boys. En cela la thèse se veut également une contribution à l’histoire du Mass Observation (1937-1949), ce singulier collectif de recherche extra-universitaire et autodidacte qui constitue un épisode négligé de l’histoire des sciences sociales britanniques During the Second World War, coal was essential to Britain’s war effort. Yet, in 1940-1944, the coal industry accounted for almost half of all strikes. Surprisingly, industrial relations studies have given little attention to the way ‘ordinary miners’ thought about militancy in wartime. Using thickly-textured empirical studies, this thesis unveils how these strikes were experienced and legitimized by the miners. It aims to explore these strikes from below, grounded in the daily life of mining communities. It asks: how did the conflict between patriotism and social justice express itself, both in the mine and at the pub? A central focus of the thesis is on the way the war disrupted the normative worlds and moral economy of miners on strike.A first important avenue of research is centered on Order 1305 which outlawed strikes and criminalized strikers. This thesis starts by providing a detailed analysis of the ways Order 1305 was used and of the difficulties encountered by the ministries in prosecuting strikers. Using a little-known Mass Observation survey, it then provides a reassessment of the January 1942 strike at Betteshanger Colliery, Kent, which has come to symbolize the failure of Order 1305. It then turns to another untapped source: that of the protest letters sent to the Ministry of Labour and the Home Office in the aftermath of the Betteshanger miners’ trial. This thesis then examines how the cry for fair wages became a burning issue for miners in wartime. It highlights the important role played by changing status and gender hierarchies in these claims. In this section, the thesis first turns to the 1942 strikes and to the South Wales pit boys’ strikes. It then pays particular attention to the comparisons made by striking miners with the munitions workers’ high wages. A new perspective on this issue is provided by the survey undertaken by Mass Observation in Blaina and Nantyglo, two Welsh mining towns where miners and munitions workers were close neighbours. They reveal how, within the mining communities, these claims for “fair wages” were connected to issues of consumption, morality, gender, and respectability. Finally, the thesis argues for the need to include Bevin Boys into our understanding of the 1944 Porter Award Strikes. This thesis offers a “historical ethnography”, combining the following features:: first, an analysis of Mass Observation mining surveys; second, a study of the research design and methods of these wartime surveys; third, 43 oral history interviews conducted with miners and Bevin Boys in the very mining communities studied by Mass Observation. In that sense, this thesis also contributes to the history of Mass Observation (1937-1949), which still constitutes a neglected episode in the history of British social sciences

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Guillaume, Marine. ""Fighting Justly" in the XXth century : why do weapons disappear from the battlefield ?" Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0052.

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Pourquoi certaines armes disparaissent des champs de bataille tandis que d’autres ne cessent d’y être déployées? Afin de répondre à cette question, notre travail entreprend d’analyser sous un angle inédit l’influence du droit de la guerre (jus in bello) dans le choix des acteurs (gouvernements et militaires) d’utiliser une arme plutôt qu’une autre. Plus précisément, il s’attache à démontrer que les perceptions collectives de ce que proscrit ou autorise le droit de la guerre concernant les conditions d’utilisation des armes (conceptualisées sous le nom de meta-norme du « combattre justement ») est décisif dans la manière qu’ont les acteurs d’appréhender, évaluer et utiliser leur armement. A travers l’analyse des trajectoires de trois armes différentes (armes chimiques, armes incendiaires et drones de combat) fondée sur des données objectives, archives et sources secondaires, nous démontrons que chacun des pics significatifs de l’utilisation de ces armes s’explique aussi par des changements importants dans les perceptions collectives du « combattre justement ». Ainsi, les acteurs cessent d’utiliser leurs armes, ou prétendent cesser, quand ils ne parviennent plus à justifier et démontrer que leur utilisation s’accorde avec leurs perceptions collectives du « combattre justement », et vice versa. In fine, notre travail démontre que la guerre demeure un processus de justification continu, et, parce que les perceptions du combattre justement forment le socle de ces justifications, elles sont décisives pour comprendre le choix des pratiques de guerre. En second lieu, parce que les perceptions collectives du combattre justement sont décisives pour comprendre les pratiques de guerre, notre travail s’intéresse à leur formation. Il démontre que les acteurs sont plus enclins à imposer leur propre perception comme étant la plus légitime lorsque leur argumentaire perpétue un ordre symbolique dominant et ne révèle pas les fondamentales contradictions inhérentes au droit de la guerre. Ainsi, notre travail propose d’analyser sous un nouvel angle l’impact du droit de la guerre, mais aussi celui des argumentaires et des symboles dans les pratiques de guerre The dissertation investigates why certain weapons continue, or cease to be employed on the battlefields. Employing an interpretivist perspective, it investigates an aspect largely overlooked by the extant literature: the impact of the meta-norm of 'fighting justly' on actors' weapons utilizations. The meta-norm of fighting justly is defined as the collective preconceptions shared by actors, on how and when the extant laws of war (jus in bello) either ban or allow weapons utilization. My work reveals that the significant shift in the utilization of three weapons (chemical weapons, incendiary weapons and unmanned aerial vehicles) can be explained by shifts in the dominant perceptions of the meta-norm of fighting justly. It is when actors believe that they cannot justify their weapons utilization with regards to their own meta-norm of fighting justly, that they decrease (or pretend to decrease by hiding) this utilization, or vice versa. In fine, when engaged in a war, militaries and states constantly seek to justify their actions, and the basis of these justifications is their understanding of the meta-norm of fighting justly. Because the meta-norm of fighting justly impacts on weapons variations, it is crucial to understand who shapes the norm, at the international level. My work reveals that states are engaged in a constant argument, where they defend, articulate and promote their own conception of fighting justly. In this 'battle for legitimacy', states are more likely to enshrine their own conception as the most legitimate one, under two conditions: namely, when their argument does not disrupt the extant symbolic order, and when it does not foster the inherent contradictions of the laws of war. Ultimately, this work aims to shed new light on how the laws of war influence practices of war. It also explores and provides new insights into the 'logic of arguing' and into the symbolic power in international relations

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Deruelle, Benjamin. "De papier, de fer et de sang : chevaliers et chevalerie à l'épreuve du XVIe siècle (ca. 1460-ca. 1620)." Paris 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA010640.

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Le XVIe siècle est considéré aujourd'hui comme celui du « crépuscule de la chevalerie ». Pourtant, jamais l'idéal chevaleresque ne fut autant invoqué et mis en scène par les élites politiques. Diffusé à une échelle sans précédent grâce au développement de l'imprimerie, il hante les bibliothèques, les cérémonies et les pratiques de la guerre de la monarchie et de la noblesse. Suivant les pistes ouvertes par l'anthropologie historique et les réflexions sur la genèse de l'Etat moderne, cette étude propose de réexaminer la question de la chevalerie et de l'idéal chevaleresque dans un long siècle qui court de la fin du Moyen Age à la guerre de Trente ans. Ce travail étudie la recomposition de la culture chevaleresque au prisme de la Renaissance ainsi que ses articulations avec les usages politiques et guerriers des contemporains de la première Modernité. Il reconstitue un système de représentations sociales au sein duquel le chevalier incarne le noble et la chevalerie l'ensemble de la noblesse militaire qui conforte les prérogatives liées au prestige de la fonction guerrière. Au demeurant, il s'agit d'examiner le poids de la culture de la guerre dans la société de la première Modernité dans le cadre d'une histoire sociale et politique des pratiques culturelles.

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Jeangène, Vilmer Jean-Baptiste. "Au nom de l'humanité? : histoire, droit, éthique et politique de l'intervention militaire justifiée par des raisons humanitaires." Thèse, Paris, EHESS, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/4242.

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L’intervention militaire justifiée par des raisons humanitaires est une constante de l’ordre international, désignée par différentes appellations : intervention d’humanité au XIXe siècle, intervention humanitaire (humanitarian intervention) dans la tradition anglophone, droit ou devoir d’ingérence en France, responsabilité de protéger depuis quelques années. L’objectif de cette thèse interdisciplinaire est de comprendre ce phénomène complexe dans toutes ses dimensions – historique, juridique, éthique et politique – et d’élaborer une théorie réaliste de l’intervention par l’analyse de cinq critères : cause juste, autorité légitime, bonne intention, dernier recours et proportionnalité. Nous montrons que le réalisme n’est pas une conception amorale de la politique étrangère mais une exigence épistémologique d’analyser les relations internationales comme elles sont plutôt que comme l’on voudrait qu’elles soient. Que l’intervention dite humanitaire n’est pas, contrairement à un préjugé répandu, un phénomène récent, ni même hérité du XIXe siècle, mais qu’on peut en retracer la généalogie sur plusieurs millénaires dans plusieurs civilisations. Qu’aucune des terminologies employées n’est satisfaisante. Qu’il faut abandonner le critère de bonne intention car l’Etat intervenant n’est pas, ne peut pas et ne doit pas être désintéressé. Qu’il est possible de défendre un interventionnisme minimal, dans certains cas et à certaines conditions, tout en assumant cette absence de désintéressement, la sélectivité des interventions, le risque d’abus et l’incertitude du résultat. Military intervention justified on humanitarian grounds is a constant of the international order, designated by different names: “intervention d’humanité” in the nineteenth century, humanitarian intervention in the English-speaking tradition, “droit” or “devoir d’ingérence” in France, responsibility to protect the last few years. The aim of this interdisciplinary dissertation is to understand this complex phenomenon in all its dimensions - historical, legal, ethical and political - and develop a realistic theory of intervention by the analysis of five criteria: just cause, legitimate authority, right intention, last resort and proportionality. We show that realism is not an amoral conception of foreign policy but an epistemological commitment to analyze international relations as they are rather than as we would like them to be. That so-called humanitarian intervention is not, contrary to a widespread prejudice, a recent phenomenon, or even inherited from the nineteenth century. We can trace its genealogy in several millennia in many cultures. That none of the terminology used is satisfactory. That one must abandon the criterion of good intention because the intervening state is not, cannot and should not be disinterested. That it is possible to defend a minimal interventionism, in some cases and under certain conditions, while assuming the lack of disinterestedness, the selectivity of interventions, the risk of abuse and the uncertainty of the result. Réalisé en cotutelle avec le Centre de recherches politiques Raymond Aron de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) de Paris, pour un doctorat en études politiques.

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Abuhamoud, Alshiabani. "L'ingérence pour la démocratie en droit international." Thesis, Tours, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010TOUR1002.

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La guerre contre l’Irak en 2003 a mis en exergue un problème latent depuis la Révolution Française de 1789. Il s’agit de la question de savoir si le droit international permet une intervention militaire dans le but d’établir des gouvernements démocratiques dans des Etats tiers, ou pour le rétablissement des gouvernements démocratiques de ces pays qui auraient été renversés par la force. Ce genre d’ingérence appelé l’ingérence démocratique a connu un véritable regain de pratique depuis l’émergence des Etats-Unis comme superpuissance sur la scène internationale. En croyant à leur destinée exceptionnelle et à l’universalité de leurs principes, les Etats-Unis ont eu, depuis leur création, une politique étrangère interventionniste basée sur un droit américain- supposé paradoxalement universel- d’intervenir dans les affaires intérieures d’autres Etats non-démocratiques. La guerre en Irak n’est que la dernière application de la doctrine de l’ingérence démocratique The 2003 war against Iraq has focused attention on a problem that has been latent since the French Revolution in 1789. It is about the question whether international law allows states to intervene in the internal affairs of one another in order to overthrow non-democratic regimes and to establish democratic regimes in their place. The emergence of the United States as a superpower has led to a boost in the practice of this kind of intervention called the pro-democratic intervention. In believing that it has a manifest destiny and in believing in the universality of its principles, the United States has, since its creation, an interventionist foreign policy based on the right- supposedly universal- to intervene against despotic regimes. The war against Iraq is the latest example of a long list of American interventions in the internal affairs of other states considered as non-democratic states

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Bienvenu, Gilles. "Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, un philosophe devant la barbarie." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040220.

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La signification de l’œuvre de Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, philosophe et historien espagnol du XVIè siècle ne fait aujourd’hui l’objet d’aucun consensus : s’agit-il d’un scolastique attardé au siècle de la Renaissance, d’un précurseur du catholicisme post tridentin, d’un crypto-luthérien, ou de l’un des grands humanistes de son temps ? Quelle est la portée exacte des thèses qu’il formula en 1550-1551 à Valladolid pour défendre la légitimité des guerres espagnoles dans le Nouveau Monde ? Après avoir suivi pas à pas la formation intellectuelle du philosophe, les débats auxquels il prit part (contre Erasme, Luther, ou Las Casas) et analysé son œuvre d’historien, notre recherche fait apparaître l’orientation profondément rationaliste et universaliste de sa démarche. Elle met en lumière l’importance, pour la pensée politique occidentale, de la définition qu’il donne de la barbarie. Dépourvue de toute connotation inégalitaire fondée sur la race ou la religion, cette définition, politique et morale, décrit la barbarie comme résultant d’institutions publiques attentatoires à la loi naturelle. Elle affirme le pouvoir critique de la Raison humaine à l’égard des institutions et des pouvoirs, dans le Nouveau Monde comme dans l’Ancien There is currently no consensus as to the significance of the work of sixteenth-century Spanish philosopher and historian Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda: was he an anachronistic scholastic in the century of the Renaissance, a precursor of post-Tridentine Catholicism, a crypto-Lutheran, or one of the great humanists of his time? What is the actual import of the arguments he put forward in Valladolid in 1550–1551 in defending the legitimacy of Spain's conquests in the New World? Founded on step-by-step examination of his intellectual training and the debateshe took part in (against Erasmus, Luther and Las Casas), and on close study of his work as a historian, my research reveals the deeply rationalist and universalist tendency of his approach and sheds fresh light on the importance, for Western political thinking, of his definition of barbarism. Devoid of all inegalitarian connotations based on race and religion, this political and moral definition describes barbarism as produced by public institutions detrimental to naturallaw, and asserts the critical power of human Reason with respect to institutions and constituted authority in the New World as in the Old

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Bonansea, Marion. "Le discours de la guerre dans la chanson de geste et le roman arthurien en prose." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO20114.

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La chanson de geste et le roman arthurien en prose aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles dépeignent un univers largement guerrier. Mais loin d’en donner une signification homogène, les œuvres narrent différents types de conflits, des plus terrestres aux plus spirituels, et font entendre des voix diverses – y compris celle du jongleur ou du narrateur – qui tantôt justifient la violence collective, tantôt la condamnent, selon des critères variables. Cette pensée complexe de la guerre s’éclaire lorsqu’on replace les discours littéraires au cœur d’un dialogue avec d’autres textes – surtout ecclésiastiques – concernant l’activité guerrière et sa légitimité : ainsi, la manière de concevoir le sens de la lutte, dans des fictions destinées en premier lieu à un public noble, puise dans des systèmes de valeurs parfois opposés mais aussi complémentaires, laïcs et cléricaux. L’enjeu des relations conflictuelles tel que l’expriment les récits dépend également de schémas d’organisation intellectuelle qui sous-tendent une représentation de l’ordre : la guerre est conçue positivement lorsqu’elle vise à défendre ou à établir une certaine organisation du monde et de la société, parfois fondée sur une exigence de continuité et d’unité du pouvoir, parfois au contraire nourrie par une aspiration à la totalité. En dernier lieu, la valeur de la lutte dépend de son rôle dans la destinée humaine, ce que l’épopée et le roman expriment chacun selon un régime d’historicité distinct : les discours de la guerre sont donc aussi fonction des spécificités poétiques des formes littéraires, de leur écriture de l’histoire, et de la façon dont elles organisent le temps 12th and 13th century chansons de gestes and prose Arthurian romances depict a largely warlike universe. But, far from giving an homogeneous interpretation of it, these works narrate different types of conflicts, from the more earthly to the more spiritual, and let diverse voices be heard – including that of the juggler or of the narrator – which sometimes justify collective violence, sometimes condemn it, according to different criteria. This complex view of war can be better understood if we place these literary discourses at the center of a dialogue with other kinds of texts – mainly ecclesiastical – about war and its legitimacy : thus, the way in which the meaning of fighting is conceived in fictions first of all destined to a noble audience is rooted in sets of values which are sometimes opposed but also complementary, lay and ecclesiastical. The stakes of the conflictual relationships as they are expressed in the narratives also depend on the intellectual constructions underlying a representation of order : war is conceived positively when its aim is to defend or to establish a certain organization of the world and of society, sometimes based on a requirement for continuity and unity of power, sometimes drawing on the contrary on an aspiration for totality. Finally, the value of the fight depends on its role in human destiny, which the epic and the romance each express according to a different regime of historicity : discourses about war thus depend on the poetic specificities of literary forms, on their writing of history, and on the way they organize time

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Barabino, Victor. "Des guerriers d’Odin aux chevaliers du Christ : la relation combattant/divinité au prisme de la christianisation dans la diaspora scandinave médiévale, IXe-XIVe siècle." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Normandie, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023NORMC027.

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Cette thèse se propose d’étudier les représentations qui sont données des relations entre les combattants et leurs divinités au sein de la diaspora scandinave à l’époque de l’adoption officielle du christianisme par les monarchies scandinaves émergentes. Elle s’intéresse à la transition d’un paradigme polythéiste à un paradigme chrétien dans ces représentations, à la lumière de sources textuelles scandinaves et non scandinaves, ainsi que de données archéologiques. L’étude se consacre tout d’abord à la représentation de la conversion des combattants au christianisme pour montrer comment guerriers et chefs de guerre ont progressivement inscrit leurs activités martiales dans une dévotion au dieu chrétien. Ensuite, les différentes catégories d’entités divines avec lesquelles les combattants construisent une relation sont examinées, que ce soit du côté des divinités masculines, des divinités féminines ou de figures surnaturelles intermédiaires (héros, saints). Enfin, les interactions combattant/divinité qui prennent place directement sur le champ de bataille sont étudiées, à la fois du point de vue de la matérialité des combats, de leur déroulement et de leur aboutissement eschatologique. En accordant une place importante aux transferts culturels qui s’opèrent au sein de la diaspora scandinave, cette thèse suggère que le changement de religion a profondément bouleversé le rapport que les combattants entretenaient avec la sphère du divin, faisant alors émerger en Scandinavie l’idée d’une guerre menée au nom de Dieu The aim of this thesis is to study the representations of the relationship between fighters and their gods within the Scandinavian diaspora at the time of the official adoption of Christianity by the emerging Scandinavian monarchies. It examines the transition from a polytheistic to a Christian framework in these representations, in the light of Scandinavian and non-Scandinavian textual sources, as well as archaeological evidence. The study first looks at the representation of the conversion of fighters to Christianity, to show how warriors and warlords gradually made their martial activities part of a devotion to the Christian god. The thesis then examines the various categories of deity with which warriors developed a relationship, whether they be male deities, female deities, or intermediary supernatural figures (heroes, saints). Finally, the interactions between the fighters and the gods that take place directly on the battlefield are studied, from the point of view of the materiality of combat, its proceedings, and its eschatological outcome. By focusing on the cultural transfers that took place within the Scandinavian diaspora, this thesis suggests that the change of religion profoundly altered the relationship that fighters had with the sphere of the divine, leading to the emergence in Scandinavia of the idea of a war waged in the name of God

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Vasques, Rafael Franco. "A dialética do conflito num mundo fechado. Sentido e limites da teoria política de Carl Schmitt." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/16973.

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O pensamento e a obra de Carl Schmitt, contínua a constituir um marco importante para vários pensadores contemporâneos. A sua oposição ao retorno da doutrina da guerra justa no ordenamento jurídico internacional, levou-o a tecer severas críticas ao imperialismo americano após o final da I Guerra Mundial. A queda do jus publicum europaeum, no entender, Schmitt, fez antever o aparecimento de uma guerra global, em nome da humanidade e da justiça, incapaz de distinguir militares de civis, onde o inimigo derrotado é agora perseguido, julgado e criminalizado; The dialectic of conflict in a closed world. Meaning and limits of Carl Schmitt political theory. Abstract: The thought and work of Carl Schmitt continued to be an important milestone for several major contemporary thinkers. Their opposition to the return of just war in international law, led him to weave severe criticism of American imperialism after the end of the First World War. The fall of jus publicum europaeum, according to Schmitt, did foresee the emergence of a global war on behalf of humanity and justice, unable to distinguish military from civilian, where the defeated enemy is now pursued, tried and criminalized

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JordÃo, Marco AurÃlio de Medeiros. "A Guerra Justa no Liberalismo PolÃtico de John Rawls." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2008. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=19963.

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FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico Esse trabalho tem como objetivo estudar o conceito de guerra justa, a partir de uma anÃlise da filosofia polÃtica internacional do filÃsofo americano John Rawls. Tomaremos como base Ã obra Direito dos Povos (2001), e retomaremos alguns conceitos bÃsicos das demais obras, em especial Uma Teoria da JustiÃa (1971) e Liberalismo PolÃtico (1993). O nosso objetivo nessa dissertaÃÃo Ã examinar duas questÃes, a saber: I) Segundo os princÃpios de justiÃa do direito internacional de Rawls, se pode justificar uma intervenÃÃo militar? II) Existem casos em que fazer uma guerra Ã moralmente legitimo? Partiremos do conceito geral de guerra e apresentaremos o pensamento de quatro autores paradigmÃticos que abordaram esse tema, sÃo eles: Voltaire e sua visÃo humanitÃria de bases Iluministas; Kant e seu projeto de paz perpÃtua; Clausewitz e a guerra como caso excepcional da polÃtica; e Carl Schmitt e o conceito do polÃtico e o binÃmio amigo â inimigo. Os conceitos que abordaremos em Rawls sÃo: a) o de liberalismo polÃtico e a idÃia de pluralismo e tolerÃncia a eles atrelados; b) A concepÃÃo de liberalismo abrangente e o porque esse se diferencia do seu liberalismo polÃtico; c) A idÃia de posiÃÃo original, noÃÃo essencial para entender como se darÃ Ã sociedade dos povos e por que a guerra sÃ Ã justa quando travada por essa sociedade especÃfica. Finalmente, investigaremos essas perguntas a partir da retomada que Rawls faz de dois conceitos, a saber, Jus ad Bellum, isto Ã, justiÃa do guerrear, e do Jus in Bello, que em uma traduÃÃo imediata significa justiÃa no guerrear, ou seja, qual o comportamento moral que o soldado deve adotar em luta. This work intends to study the concept of just war from an analysis of the political international philosophy of the American philosopher John Rawls. We will take like base the work Law of People (2001), and will retake some basic concepts of too many works, in special A Theory of the Justice (1971) and Political Liberalism (1993). Our objective in this dissertation is to examine two questions: I) How the principle of justice of the international right of Rawls, justify a military intervention? II) Are there cases in which to do a war it is morally legitimize? Our star point is from the general concept of war and will present the thought of four authors paradigmatic what boarded this subject, and they are: Voltaire and his humane vision of bases Illuminists; Kant and his project of perpetual peace; Clausewitz and the war as exceptional case of the politics; Carl Schmitt and the concept of political and binomial friend â enemy. The concepts what we will board in Rawls are: a)the concept of political liberalism and the idea of pluralism and tolerance what they are harnessed to him; b) The conception of traditional liberalism and the difference of his political liberalism; c) The idea of original position, essential notion to understand why the war is just when is only made of âsociety of the peopleâ. Finally, we will investigate the questions from the recovering that Rawls does from the concept of Jus ad Bellum, what in an immediate translation is it Justice of the war, and therefore, answers which motives of going away to war. And Jus in Bello, whose translation would be a justice in waging war, in other words, which moral behaviour what the soldier must adopt in struggle.

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Ortiz, Sánchez Luis. "¿Legitimidad de la guerra? Una revisión a la teoría de la guerra justa." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de València, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/81306.

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El problema de la legitimidad de la guerra es uno de los problemas fundamentales de la filosofía política y es de especial relevancia desde el punto de vista moral y jurídico. La teoría de la guerra justa ha cumplido un papel ambivalente en el debate sobre la legitimidad de la guerra. Frente a la corriente realista, que está representada por autores como Tucídides, Hobbes y Maquiavelo, ha cumplido una labor limitadora de la guerra. Al mismo tiempo, frente a la corriente pacifista, que parte de rechazar la guerra en sí misma, ha cumplido una labor justificador de la guerra. El objetivo de esta investigación es realizar una revisión crítica a la teoría de la guerra justa. El trabajo se compone de cinco capítulos en los que se analiza de forma sistemática la teoría de la guerra justa, poniéndola en relación con los problemas actuales. En primer lugar se analiza la naturaleza y fundamentación de la teoría de la guerra justa, prestando especial atención al posicionamiento de la misma como una teoría intermedia entre el realismo y el pacifismo. Durante este capítulo de pone de relieve la necesidad de revisar la fundamentación de la teoría. Se desarrolla en profundidad la denominada “analogía doméstica”, que permite extender las consideraciones de la legítima defensa a nivel individual a la defensa de las comunidades políticas. El segundo capítulo está dedicado al desarrollo y evolución de la teoría de la guerra justa. El análisis parte de las primeras referencias a la necesidad de limitar la guerra en los autores clásicos griegos. Posteriormente se examina el desarrollo formal de la teoría de la guerra justa, que tiene su origen en la obra de Agustín de Hipona, y se consolida en los postulados de Tomás de Aquino y Francisco de Vitoria. La investigación se extiende hasta recientes formulaciones como la de Michael Walzer. El análisis histórico permite mostrar que la teoría de la guerra justa no es una teoría unitaria, sino un conjunto de teorías relacionadas. Este conjunto de teorías comparten un origen común, ya que están ligadas al pensamiento cristiano, pero la doctrina no es unánime en la delimitación sustantiva del IUS AD BELLUM y del IUS IN BELLO Los capítulos tercero, cuarto y quinto están dedicados a analizar sistemáticamente el contenido de la teoría de la guerra justa poniéndolo en relación con problemas actuales. A lo largo de estos capítulos se destaca la dificultad de aplicar una tradición doctrinal que surgió y se desarrollo en contextos muy diferentes del actual. Se destaca su utilidad en estos momentos y también sus insuficiencias, es decir, la ambivalencia de la tradición de la guerra justa. En especial, se profundiza en: los riesgos que conlleva la adopción de un concepto laxo de prevención, tal y como propone la Doctrina Bush; la intervención humanitaria, la teoría medieval del doble efecto y la legitimidad de los daños colaterales; la figura de la emergencia suprema; y en la necesidad del denominado IUS POST BELLUM. La teoría de la guerra justa no ha podido dar respuesta clara a los desafíos que representan las “nuevas guerras”, pero se debe concluir que en estas guerras no se respeta el requisito de proporcionalidad y son, en consecuencia, ilícitas. This thesis investigates the problem of the legitimacy of the use of force in the context of the Just War Theory. This theory offers a set of criteria to determine when it is legitimate to go to war (jus ad bellum), and how war must be conducted (jus in bello), and is regarded as a middle ground between two opposing traditions: realism (inter arma silent leges) and pacifism (war is evil). This thesis provides a critical review of the Just War Theory in connection with contemporary dilemmas. It highlights the fundamental and ambivalent role it plays in shaping contemporary judgements about warfare, being applied simultaneously as a justification and a limitation of war. The first chapter focuses on the characterisation of the Just War Theory as a moral reflection about war itself. It explores the idea that the foundations of the Just War Theory need to be revised, in particular the so-called “domestic analogy”. The second chapter looks into the historical development of the Just War Theory. The analysis shows that it is not a settle doctrine, but rather a group of theories developed initially during the Middle Ages and rooted in the works of Augustine of Hippo, Thomas Aquinas, Hugo Grotius and Francisco de Vitoria, amongst others. It also explores more recent revisions of the theory by other authors, such as Paul Ramsey and Michael Walzer. The last three chapters review the content of the jus ad bellum, jus in bello and jus post bellum in connection with contemporary issues. In particular, it analyses the “war” against terrorism and the Bush Doctrine, the humanitarian intervention, the theory of the double effect and the need of jus post bellum as part of the theory.

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Machado, Henrique Bonato. "Guerra justa e guerra santa: fundamentação moral da guerra nos escritos de Francisco de Vitória e Sayyid Qutb." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2017. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/3736.

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Submitted by Eliezer Santos (eliezer.santos@mackenzie.br) on 2018-05-30T22:40:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Henrique Bonato Machado.pdf: 1527591 bytes, checksum: de50f65f94716a894e1ea920354dd1f3 (MD5) Approved for entry into archive by Paola Damato (repositorio@mackenzie.br) on 2018-08-18T17:38:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Henrique Bonato Machado.pdf: 1527591 bytes, checksum: de50f65f94716a894e1ea920354dd1f3 (MD5) Approved for entry into archive by Paola Damato (repositorio@mackenzie.br) on 2018-11-14T13:26:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Henrique Bonato Machado.pdf: 1527591 bytes, checksum: de50f65f94716a894e1ea920354dd1f3 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-14T13:26:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Henrique Bonato Machado.pdf: 1527591 bytes, checksum: de50f65f94716a894e1ea920354dd1f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-15 Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior Programa de Suporte à Pós-Graduação de Instituições de Ensino Superior Particulares The present work has as objective to analyze the doctrines that act as support for the current military performances in groups oriented by Christian and Muslim faiths. Because of the breadth of the theme, two authors were chosen whose influence is major in the moral basis of the war in both groups: the Spanish theologian Francisco de Vitoria, notably recognized as one of the major contributors to the modern form of just war doctrine. And Sayyid Qutb, an Egyptian thinker, whose notions of Islamic state and jihad, underpin the main Islamic paramilitary groups operating on a global scale. The construction of these foundations is pointed out through the influence of precursors of both doctrines, highlighting the evolution of thought to its particular form in Vitória and Qutb, as well as the extension of its theses until its concretization in real conflicts. The method used in this dissertation is the bibliographical review of articles, transcriptions of speeches and works of reference in the subject, prioritizing the use of primary sources of the two main authors. O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar as doutrinas que atuam como suporte moral para as atuações militares atuais em grupos de orientação cristã e muçulmana. Devido à amplitude do tema, fez-se a opção de selecionar dois autores cuja influência é majoritária na fundamentação moral da guerra em ambos os grupos: o teólogo espanhol Francisco de Vitória, notadamente reconhecido como um dos maiores contribuintes para a forma moderna da doutrina da guerra justa. E Sayyid Qutb, pensador egípcio, cujas noções de Estado islâmico e jihad, fundamentam os principais grupos paramilitares islâmicos atuantes em escala global. A construção destes fundamentos é apontada por meio da influência de precursores de ambas as doutrinas, destacando a evolução do pensamento até sua forma particular em Vitória e Qutb, bem como a extensão de suas teses até sua concretização em conflitos reais. O método empregado nesta dissertação é a revisão bibliográfica de artigos, transcrições de discursos e obras de referência no assunto, priorizando o uso de fontes primárias dos dois autores destacados.

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Veloso, Paulo Potiara de Alcântara. "A guerra justa e o papel dos povos infiéis." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2013. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/122992.

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Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Ciências Jurídicas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, Florianópolis, 2013. Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-06T17:39:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 324959.pdf: 1667764 bytes, checksum: dbc4910e957b58dc28637d06db630487 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 Como elemento fundamental para se entender o surgimento do ius gentium medieval e seu caminho em direção ao direito internacional moderno, as teorias da guerra justa são elementos primordiais de análise. Na medida em que este elemento relacional por excelência modifica sua estrutura prática, destinando-se cada vez mais exclusivamente a autoridades superiorem non habent, mais claramente se verifica, na prática das relações entre as autonomias políticas europeias, a existência de uma comunidade internacional e, consequentemente, de um ius gentium cada vez mais próximo de uma concepção moderna de direito internacional. É dentro deste horizonte que a figura dos povos infiéis surge enquanto uma qualificação relevante da guerra e sua relação com o ius gentium, pois, na medida em que os infidelium passam a figurar enquanto autonomias políticas capazes de empreender a guerra dentro de concepções entendidas como justas, imediatamente se verifica que estes povos adquirem um padrão de "igualdade" jurídica com as autonomias políticas cristãs-europeias e, como decorrência deste fato, os ius gentium começam a fugir das fronteiras da Communitas Christiana, universalizando-se em direção a uma comunidade internacional alargada. No entanto, para se chegar a esse ápice argumentativo, o trabalho parte das concepções romanas iniciais de ius gentium e da respectiva regulamentação da guerra, para depois verificar as alterações conceituais impostas pelo medievo cristão. Esta estrutura teórica acaba por instrumentalizar a discussão central do trabalho, ao analisar as obras de Paulus Vladimir, do século XV e de Francisco de Vitoria, do século XVI, que tratam da relação entre os povos infiéis e a guerra, a partir de perspectivas antagônicas, o que refletirá na constituição de distintos modelos de ius gentium, agora algo mais próximo de características modernas. Abstract : Theories of just war are key elements of analysis toones understanding of the emergence of medieval ius gentium and its path towards modern international law. According as this relational element modifies its pratical structure and gradually become designed to superiorem non habent authorities, most clearly ones can verify the existence of an international community and consequently an ius gentium ever closer to a modern conception of international law. It is within this horizon that the figure of infidel peoples arises as a significant qualification of the concept of war and its relation to the ius gentium, because, according as infidels begin to appear as political autonomies capable of waging just wars it is immediately found that these people acquire a standard of juridical "equality" in relation with the European-Christian autonomies. As a result of this fact the ius gentium begins to escape the borders of the Communitas Christiana, universalizing itself in the direction of an enlarged international community. However, to reach this argumentative apex, thiswork departs from the initial Roman conceptions of ius gentium and it´s respective regulation of the war, and goes through leading medieval theories, in orther to verify the conceptual changes imposed by the medieval Christendom. This theoretical framework instrumentalizes the central discussion of the this work, wich explore the works of fifteenth century Paulus Vladimir, of those of sixteenth century Francisco de Vitoriawich deal, from opposing perspectives,with the relationship between infidelpeoples and war. This deviation will reflect in the constitution of two different models of ius gentium, now something closer to modern standards.

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Silva, Davi José de Souza da. "Guerra justa no direito dos povos de John Rawls." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2017. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/178989.

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Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Filosofia, Florianópolis, 2017. Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-05T04:13:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 347979.pdf: 1265915 bytes, checksum: b093427a22b48b5cde25f7371195208d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017 A presente tese buscou analisar a teoria da guerra justa inscrita no Direito dos Povos, última obra do filósofo político John Rawls. Para tanto, no primeiro capítulo defendeu que é possível fazer juízos morais sobre a guerra. Tal posição cognitivista parte do sistema dos afetos de Strawson e explicita que a sociabilidade humana guarda a possibilidade de juízos morais sobre a guerra. De forma reconstrutiva, no clássico Guerras Justas e Injustas de Michael Walzer, verificou-se que os juízos morais sobre a guerra são decorrentes dos sentimentos morais de indignação. Se a moralidade da guerra for possível, então, haveria lugar para o Direito dos Povos. No segundo capítulo foi esclarecido ao leitor no que consiste a Sociedade dos Povos e os princípios que lhe permeiam. Ao final, o foi dedicada atenção a como o Direito dos Povos contemplava os princípios da guerra justa. Rawls tem uma teoria estatocentrica e limitada quanto ás razões de fazer a guerra. Inclusive quanto à novas modalidades como a guerra preventiva e preemptiva. Abstract : This thesis aims analyzes the just war theory that can be found in the project of Laws of Peoples, the least work of American political philosopher John Rawls. In order for, the first chapter has argued that is possible make moral judgements about war. This cognitivist default part is based on moral system of Strawson that could be found in human sociability evidences of morality and this goes until our moral vocabulary about War. This would be verified in Just and Unjust Wars from Michael Walzer. Our moral feelings about war opens the doors for our moral judgements that can be translated in just war principles. If it is possible that morality can judge War, so, Laws of Peoples has place to be. The second chapter clarifies to the reader what consists the Society of Peoples project. The last chapter, at the end, analyses the just war approach from Rawls. His offer is based on collectivists entities and it is not enough to deal with new modalities of war like preventive and preemptive wars.

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Jordão, Marco Aurélio de Medeiros. "A guerra justa no liberalismo político de John Rawls." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFC, 2008. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/26326.

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JORDÃO, Marco Aurélio de Medeiros. A guerra justa no liberalismo político de John Rawls. 2008. 97f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Linguística, Fortaleza (CE), 2008. Submitted by Gustavo Daher (gdaherufc@hotmail.com) on 2017-10-02T16:05:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_dis_mamjordao.pdf: 548126 bytes, checksum: 22ae5d3c543b79e0505bea3a2c50c387 (MD5) Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-10-04T15:42:28Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_dis_mamjordao.pdf: 548126 bytes, checksum: 22ae5d3c543b79e0505bea3a2c50c387 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-04T15:42:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_dis_mamjordao.pdf: 548126 bytes, checksum: 22ae5d3c543b79e0505bea3a2c50c387 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 This work intends to study the concept of just war from an analysis of the political international philosophy of the American philosopher John Rawls. We will take like base the work Law of People (2001), and will retake some basic concepts of too many works, in special A Theory of the Justice (1971) and Political Liberalism (1993). Our objective in this dissertation is to examine two questions: I) How the principle of justice of the international right of Rawls, justify a military intervention? II) Are there cases in which to do a war it is morally legitimize? Our star point is from the general concept of war and will present the thought of four authors paradigmatic what boarded this subject, and they are: Voltaire and his humane vision of bases Illuminists; Kant and his project of perpetual peace; Clausewitz and the war as exceptional case of the politics; Carl Schmitt and the concept of political and binomial friend – enemy. The concepts what we will board in Rawls are: a)the concept of political liberalism and the idea of pluralism and tolerance what they are harnessed to him; b) The conception of traditional liberalism and the difference of his political liberalism; c) The idea of original position, essential notion to understand why the war is just when is only made of “society of the people”. Finally, we will investigate the questions from the recovering that Rawls does from the concept of Jus ad Bellum, what in an immediate translation is it Justice of the war, and therefore, answers which motives of going away to war. And Jus in Bello, whose translation would be a justice in waging war, in other words, which moral behaviour what the soldier must adopt in struggle. Esse trabalho tem como objetivo estudar o conceito de guerra justa, a partir de uma análise da filosofia política internacional do filósofo americano John Rawls. Tomaremos como base à obra Direito dos Povos (2001), e retomaremos alguns conceitos básicos das demais obras, em especial Uma Teoria da Justiça (1971) e Liberalismo Político (1993). O nosso objetivo nessa dissertação é examinar duas questões, a saber: I) Segundo os princípios de justiça do direito internacional de Rawls, se pode justificar uma intervenção militar? II) Existem casos em que fazer uma guerra é moralmente legitimo? Partiremos do conceito geral de guerra e apresentaremos o pensamento de quatro autores paradigmáticos que abordaram esse tema, são eles: Voltaire e sua visão humanitária de bases Iluministas; Kant e seu projeto de paz perpétua; Clausewitz e a guerra como caso excepcional da política; e Carl Schmitt e o conceito do político e o binômio amigo – inimigo. Os conceitos que abordaremos em Rawls são: a) o de liberalismo político e a idéia de pluralismo e tolerância a eles atrelados; b) A concepção de liberalismo abrangente e o porque esse se diferencia do seu liberalismo político; c) A idéia de posição original, noção essencial para entender como se dará à sociedade dos povos e por que a guerra só é justa quando travada por essa sociedade específica. Finalmente, investigaremos essas perguntas a partir da retomada que Rawls faz de dois conceitos, a saber, Jus ad Bellum, isto é, justiça do guerrear, e do Jus in Bello, que em uma tradução imediata significa justiça no guerrear, ou seja, qual o comportamento moral que o soldado deve adotar em luta.

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Salgueiro, Fernanda Elias Zaccarelli. "Defesa, conversão, vingança: a guerra justa contra ameríndios entre letrados e leis castelhanas (1492-1573)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-15102015-125456/.

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Nesta dissertação, partiu-se da herança da tradição cristã do direito de guerra justa a fim de compreender as modulações experimentadas pelo conceito quando de sua aplicação, na legislação castelhana, aos processos de conquista e colonização das Índias Ocidentais de 1492 a 1573. Tendo em conta a polêmica instaurada com a dúvida acerca da legitimidade da conquista, foram consideradas as posições de alguns dos mais influentes teólogos, juristas, conquistadores e administradores coloniais. Deu-se especial atenção ao pensamento de Francisco de Vitoria e Domingo de Soto, os maiores expoentes da Escola de Salamanca, em razão do debate historiográfico pendente na direção da coadunação entre a doctrina communis apresentada por eles quanto à guerra e as normas de Castela. Observou-se que, durante quase todo o período analisado, o teor da legislação pressupôs a inferioridade dos nativos, bem como uma interpretação teocrático-pontifical das bulas papais de 1493. O rol de causas disparadoras da guerra se mostrou variável, conforme o texto e a circunstância, abarcando imperativos de defesa, castigo, conversão, vingança, domínio e civilização. In this thesis, the heritage of the Christian tradition of just war was considered in order to understand the modulation experienced by the concept upon its application, in Castilian legislation, to the processes of conquest and colonization of the West Indies from 1492 to 1573. Taking into account the controversy brought with the doubt concerning the legitimacy of the conquest, the positions of some of the most influential theologians, jurists, conquerors and colonial administrators were analyzed. Special attention was provided to the thought of Francisco de Vitoria and Domingo de Soto, the greatest exponents of the School of Salamanca, given the pending historiographical debate toward coadunition between their doctrina communis about war and the rules of Castile. It was observed that, during most of the period studied, the content of the legislation assumed the inferiority of the natives, as well as a theocratic-pontifical interpretation of the papal bulls of 1493. The list of triggering causes of war was variable, according to the text and the circumstance, covering defense, punishment, conversion, revenge, domination and civilization imperatives.

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Sousa, Renata Floriano de. "Guerra justa : inicio, meio e fim em Francisco de Vitoria." Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica do Rio Grande do Sul, 2017. http://tede2.pucrs.br/tede2/handle/tede/7443.

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Submitted by Caroline Xavier (caroline.xavier@pucrs.br) on 2017-06-30T14:23:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_RENATA_FLORIANO_DE_SOUSA_COMPLETO.pdf: 1346325 bytes, checksum: bd4ca4c9ac55b13e2fd78ecc65544608 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-30T14:23:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_RENATA_FLORIANO_DE_SOUSA_COMPLETO.pdf: 1346325 bytes, checksum: bd4ca4c9ac55b13e2fd78ecc65544608 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-06 This dissertation has the objective to present the construction of the concept of Just War Theory, since its beginning on Ancient Philosophy to its refinement throughout the modern reformulation done by Francisco de Vitoria. It is an attempt to tell the moral evolution of history of war from the perspective of philosophy's history. The core of this work intends to show the philosophical and Christian influences for the moralization of war throughout the centuries until its peak in Francisco de Vitoria. For this, it is presented three distinguished authors from different eras who have constructed throughout their literature and war experiences their conception of just war: Cicero, Augustine of Hippo, and Thomas Aquinas. In this scenario, we will try to connect Cicero's natural Roman law, the adoption of Augustine's Christian principles, and the systematization of Aquinas's just war, all of which are present in the work of Francisco de Vitoria. From this frame of reference, we will investigate the meaning of State in Francisco de Vitoria, as well as explain how his ethics of war follows from such a conception. In the end, we will demonstrate through a detailed exposition the whole theoretical composition of the Victorian "Bellum Iustum" and its historical and philosophical importance for the inauguration of the international rights. Esta disserta??o tem como objetivo apresentar a constru??o do conceito de guerra justa desde os prim?rdios da filosofia antiga at? o seu refinamento atrav?s da reformula??o moderna de Francisco de Vitoria. Trata-se de uma tentativa de contar a evolu??o moral da Hist?ria da Guerra sob a ?gide da Hist?ria da Filosofia. O eixo central deste trabalho pretende mostrar as influ?ncias filos?ficas e crist?s para a moraliza??o da guerra ao longo dos s?culos e at? o seu auge em Francisco de Vitoria. Para esse fim, foram selecionados tr?s autores distintos de diferentes ?pocas que constru?ram atrav?s da sua literatura e experi?ncia com a guerra a pr?pria ideia de guerra justa, s?o eles: C?cero, Agostinho de Hipona e Tom?s de Aquino. Neste cen?rio, tentaremos ligar o direito natural romano de C?cero, a ado??o dos princ?pios crist?os de Agostinho e a sistematiza??o da guerra justa de Tom?s de Aquino, todos presentes na obra de Francisco de Vitoria. A partir deste quadro referencial investigaremos qual o sentido de Estado em Francisco de Vitoria e como desta concep??o se deriva a sua ?tica da guerra. E ao fim, demonstraremos atrav?s de uma exposi??o detalhada toda a composi??o te?rica do Bellum Iustum vitoriano e sua import?ncia tanto hist?rica quanto filos?fica para a inaugura??o do direito internacional.

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Silva, Wendell Williamy Cristye. "Os limites morais da guerra: um estudo sobre a teoria da guerra justa de Michael Walzer." PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM FILOSOFIA, 2017. https://repositorio.ufrn.br/jspui/handle/123456789/25125.

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Submitted by Automação e Estatística (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2018-05-02T23:53:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 WendellWilliamyCristyeSilva_DISSERT.pdf: 1032933 bytes, checksum: f682fc10040e7c1a4deb77e0abdae195 (MD5) Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2018-05-08T21:27:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 WendellWilliamyCristyeSilva_DISSERT.pdf: 1032933 bytes, checksum: f682fc10040e7c1a4deb77e0abdae195 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-08T21:27:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 WendellWilliamyCristyeSilva_DISSERT.pdf: 1032933 bytes, checksum: f682fc10040e7c1a4deb77e0abdae195 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-06 Esta Dissertação se propõe a discutir as problemáticas morais subjacentes ao fenômeno da Guerra, a partir de uma análise da Teoria da Guerra Justa, na forma em que a mesma é delineada na obra de Michael Walzer. A Teoria da Guerra Justa trabalha assumindo como ponto de partida que há situações em que é moralmente justificável fazer uso da guerra e da violência que obrigatoriamente acompanha esta última. Ela se divide em duas partes. A justiça do guerrear (jus ad bellum) diz respeito aos motivos que justificariam o recurso à guerra, concentrando-se na discussão sobre agressão e autodefesa. Já a justiça no guerrear (jus in bello) se concentra na discussão sobre o cumprimento ou a violação das normas de combate, normas estabelecidas tanto pelo costume quanto por instrumentos legais. Uma vez que as duas partes componentes da realidade moral da Guerra se encontram separadas de forma lógica, torna-se possível que se façam julgamentos independentes entre si. Assim, segundo Walzer, é possível travar uma guerra que seja justa, ou seja, cumpra com os requisitos do jus ad bellum, mas de forma injusta, violando as normas que conformam o jus in bello. Da mesma forma, uma guerra que não seja justa pode ser travada em conformidade com as regras. Através deste estudo, procuraremos realizar uma discussão sobre a possibilidade de que a guerra possa ser analisada à luz da moralidade, bem como se é possível determinar as condições em que uma guerra pode ser dita justa ou injusta. This dissertation offers to discuss the moral problems underlying the war phenomenon, starting from an analysis of the Just War Theory, in the feature which is outlined inside Michael Walzer’s work. The Just War Theory starts from the perception of the situations in which it is morally justifiable to dispose the war and the violence that necessarily accompanies the latter. It is divided into two parts. Jus ad bellum concerns the motives which justify the use of war, and it is focused on aggression and self-defense discussing. Jus in bello concentrates on discussion about compliance or violation of combat rules, established rules by both custom and legal instruments. Once the two component parts of the war moral reality are logically separated, it becomes possible to make independent judgments. Thus, according to Walzer, it is possible to wage a war which is just, that is, it complies the jus ad bellum requirements, but unjust, by violating the norms which conform jus in bello. In the same way, an unjust war can be fought in accordance with the rules. Through this study, we will attempt to discuss the possibility that war can be analyzed in the light of morality, as well as whether it is possible to determine the conditions under which a war can be considered just or unjust.

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Chemain, Jean-François. "L’évolution de la notion de « bellum iustum » à Rome des origines à Saint Augustin." Thesis, Angers, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015ANGE0043/document.

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On connaît souvent la conception romaine de la guerre juste (bellum iustum) à travers quelques textes canoniques : la description, par Tite-Live,du rituel fétial de déclaration de guerre (T. L. I, 32), diverses réflexions de Cicéron dans ses traités philosophiques, et des textes de saint Augustin censés fonder une « doctrine chrétienne » de la guerre juste, qui sera reprise par saint Thomas d’Aquin. Le projet de cette thèse est de montrer comment la notion de bellum iustum évolue à travers les siècles, sur plus de mille ans d’histoire romaine. Elle passe ainsi d’un stade magique à un stade religieux, puis institutionnel, devenant l’instrument d’une idéologie impériale, avant d’être nourrie par la philosophie venue de Grèce, récupérée par le christianisme du IVe siècle sous la forme d’une « théologie de la victoire », puis enfin transmuée par saint Augustin. Comme les Romains, très conservateurs, ne rejettent rien de leur passé, nous suivrons les évolutions, plus que les ruptures, qui ont permis à une notion venue du fond de la mythologie indoeuropéenne de parvenir jusqu’au seuil du Moyen Age, puis ensuite jusqu’à nos jours, puisqu’Augustin est toujours considéré comme le fondateur de la théorie moderne de la guerre juste We often know the Roman conception of just war (bellum iustum) through a few canonical texts: Tite-Live’s description of the war-declaration fetial ritual (T.L.I, 32), various reflections from Cicero in his philosophical treaties, and from various writings by Saint Augustine, said to be the foundation of a “Christiandoctrine” of the just war, which will be picked up by Thomas Aquinas. The project for this thesis is to show the evolution through centuries of the notion of bellum iustum over a period of more than 1,000 years of Roman history, from a magical stage to a religious stage, on to an institutional one, when it becomes the instrument of an imperial ideology. It then integrates Greek philosophy before being appropriated by Christianity, in the 4th century, in the form of a “victory theology”. It is finally transmuted by Saint Augustine. As the Romans, being conservative, do not reject anything from their past, we will follow the evolutions,rather than ruptures, that allowed a notion originated in the depths of Indo-European mythology to reach the threshold of the Middle Ages and then the present day, since Augustine is still regarded as the founder of the modern theory of just war

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Pinho, Bruno de Oliveira. "Direito natural em Hugo Grotius." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-05062013-105137/.

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Os estudos da obra de Hugo Grotius apontam a sua importância para a constituição de um conceito moderno de direito natural. A análise do conteúdo de suas principais obras políticas, De Jure Praedae Commentarius e De Jure Belli ac Pacis, permitiu a identificação de noções inspiradas no estoicismo e no ecletismo romano, principalmente de Sêneca e Cícero, sobretudo no que diz respeito ao direito natural. Além disso, a abordagem jusnaturalista do autor serve de base para fundamentar seus argumentos em defesa da possibilidade de se empreender uma guerra justa. Deste modo, uma análise do direito natural grociano requer a reflexão sobre estes dois aspectos. Com vistas a compreender a origem dos conceitos de lei natural e direito natural e as consequências que Grotius retira deles, a presente dissertação investigou a possível influência estoica e eclética na concepção de direito natural formulada por Groitus e o vínculo existente entre esta formulação e a teoria grociana da guerra e da pena. Studies of Hugo Grotius\'s work suggest its relevance for the constitution of a modern concept of natural law. The analysis of the content of his main political works, De Jure Praedae Commentarius and De Jure Belli ac Pacis, opened space for the identification of concepts inspired by the Roman stoicism and eclecticism, specially from Seneca and Cicero, mainly regarding the natural law. Moreover, the author\'s jusnaturalistic approach serves as a base to support his arguments in defence of the possibility to wage a just war. Therefore, an analysis of the Grotian natural law requires a reflection upon these two aspects. Aiming at comprehending the origin of the concepts of natural law and natural rights and the consequences Grotius retrieves from them, the present dissertation investigates a possible stoic and eclectic infuence on the conception of natural rights formulated by Grotius and the link between this formulation and the Grotian\'s theory of war and punishment.

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Lunel, Frédéric. "Roger Braun s.j. (1910-1981) : engagement philosémite et secours aux étrangers." Thesis, Le Mans, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LEMA3014.

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Roger Braun (1910-1981) est un prêtre français qui s’est très tôt intéressé aux juifs, qu’ils soient en France ou en Palestine, au judaïsme et à la culture juive. En 1942, il est nommé Aumônier général adjoint des camps de zone sud et des formations de travailleurs étrangers. Face aux persécutions, il tente de soustraire les internés juifs à l’occupant, cache les enfants, fait son possible pour réunir les familles dispersées, place les vieillards dans des hospices. Il participe au changement de politique de l’Aumônerie en lui permettant d’apporter, en plus d’un secours spirituel, une aide matérielle sans distinction de « race », de religion, de nationalité. Ce faisant, il jette les bases du Secours catholique international (SCI). En 1946, le SCI fusionne avec le Comité catholique de secours de l’Aumônerie des prisonniers de guerre du chanoine Rodhain. L’œuvre de charité confessionnelle ainsi créée adopte le nom de Secours catholique. Après avoir quitté cette instance, en 1957, il reprend son apostolat sous la modalité du dialogue en direction des juifs et d’Israël, aux Cahiers sioniens d’abord, puis en créant sa propre revue : Rencontre chrétiens et juifs. Formation parallèle à l’Amitié judéo-chrétienne, cette revue vise à favoriser la compréhension et le rapprochement entre les fidèles des deux religions. Fervent militant contre l’antisémitisme, il intègre également les rangs de la Ligue internationale contre l’antisémitisme (LICA). Il en devient Président de la Fédération de Paris et membre du Comité directeur. Chevalier de l’Ordre de la Santé publique, premier Français à être distingué par l’État d’Israël pour son rôle en faveur des juifs pendant la Seconde guerre mondiale, « Juste parmi les nations », officier de l’Ordre des Veterans of the Foreign Wars of the United States, chevalier de la Légion d’honneur, récipiendaire du Prix Narcisse Leven contre l’antisémitisme, de la Médaille de Vermeil de la Ville de Paris, ce religieux n’avait curieusement jamais fait l’objet d’aucune étude historique. Ce travail a pour objectif d’établir une biographie la plus exhaustive possible du père Roger Braun, de l’inscrire dans le courant plus large du philosémitisme catholique et de la redécouverte des origines juives du christianisme. Il vise également à comprendre la naissance de l’œuvre de charité catholique et à établir ce qu’a été son action en faveur des étrangers et réfugiés de l’Europe d’après-guerre Roger Braun (1910-1981) was a French Jesuit priest who early took an interest in the Jews, coming from France or Palestine, Judaism and Jewish culture.In 1942, he was appointed chaplain assistant to the camps and groups of foreign workers in the “Free France” area (in the south of the country). Responding to persecutions, he tried to save the lives of interned Jews from the Nazi occupiers by releasing them or organizing escapes and hiding children. He did his utmost to bring together members of families dispersed owing to the war and he placed the elderly in the care of hospices.He was involved in the policy change of the Chaplaincy allowing it to provide, in addition to a spiritual help, a material help without any distinction of “race”, religion or nationality. In so doing, he established the basis of an international Catholic Relief Service (Secours Catholique International – SCI). In 1946, the SCI merged with Catholic Relief Committee (Comité Catholique de Secours) belonging to the Canon Rodhain’s Chaplaincy of prisoners of war. The new confessional charity thus created adopted the name of Secours Catholique.In 1957, after leaving this institution, he returned to his apostolate in the form of a dialogue to the Jews and Israel, being involved in the editorial team of the Cahiers Sioniens, and then, creating his own periodical: Rencontre chrétiens et juifs (Meeting/Encounter Christians and Jews). As a parallel creation to the Amitié judéo-chrétienne de France (Judeo-Christian Friendship of France), this periodical aims at improving a mutual understanding between the faithful of both religions and bringing them together. As a fervent opponent to anti-semitism of any kind, he joined the International League Against Anti-semitism (LICA: Ligue Internationale Contre l’Antisémitisme). He became president of its federation in Paris and member of the steering committee.Roger Braun was made a Knight (Chevalier) of the Order of Public Health, the first French to be honored by the State of Israel as “Righteous Among the Nations” for his involvement in favor of the Jews during World War II, Officer of the Order of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States, Chevalier of the Legion of Honor, recipient of the Narcisse Leven Award against anti-semitism and of the Médaille Vermeil of the City of Paris. And yet, the work of this religious had never been studied from an historical point of view.This thesis aims at making the most detailed possible biography of Father Roger Braun, to establish his work as a significant part of the philo-semitism trend and the rediscovery of the Jewish roots of Christianity. It also seeks to analyze and understand the birth of this catholic charity and to clarify his action and involvement in favor of the foreigners and the refugees of post-war Europe

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Morais, FÃbio AndrÃ da Silva. "âÃs Armas Cearenses, Ã Justa a Guerraâ: NaÃÃo, Honra, PÃtria e MobilizaÃÃo para a Guerra contra o Paraguai na ProvÃncia do CearÃ: (1865-1870)." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2007. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=1994.

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CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de NÃvel Superior O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o processo de mobilizaÃÃo militar para a guerra contra o Paraguai (1865-1870) na ProvÃncia do CearÃ e refletir sobre os impactos sociais do esforÃo bÃlico sobre parte significativa da populaÃÃo cearense do perÃodo. O esforÃo de guerra demandou do governo imperial um amplo movimento de recrutamento militar atÃ antes nunca visto no Brasil e sentido em todo o territÃrio nacional. O processo de extraÃÃo estatal de contingentes recrutados e destacados para o conflito, e a interferÃncia do governo central na dinÃmica da vida local e nas relaÃÃes de poder estabelecidas, gerou uma grande tensÃo social na ProvÃncia do CearÃ. Em outras palavras, a ampliaÃÃo do recrutamento significou adentrar em Ãreas de influÃncia e domÃnio dos poderosos locais, o que exigia do Estado imperial uma complexa e tensa negociaÃÃo com os potentados. Apesar da afluÃncia considerÃvel de soldados no primeiro ano da guerra (1865), os anos posteriores foram de grande violÃncia e terror nos sertÃes do CearÃ. A resistÃncia da populaÃÃo alvo do recrutamento produziu grandes conflitos no interior da provÃncia, com fugas e resgate de recrutados, arrombamento de cadeias, ataques a comissÃes de recrutamento, auto-mutilaÃÃes, lesÃes corporais dentre outros. Conjuntamente ao esforÃo de arregimentaÃÃo de homens para serem incorporados Ãs forÃas militares brasileiras, desenvolveu-se tambÃm no CearÃ, um amplo movimento de convocaÃÃo. O discurso de convocaÃÃo visava tanto legitimar a guerra quanto motivar o engajamento da populaÃÃo no esforÃo de guerra. Por fim, uma das questÃes mais delicadas do processo da mobilizaÃÃo militar para o conflito na ProvÃncia do CearÃ, foi o destacamento de menores da Companhia de Aprendizes Marinheiros do CearÃ a fim de serem tripulados nos vasos de guerra da Marinha brasileira em aÃÃo na Bacia do Prata. The present work has the objective to analyze the process of military mobilization to the war against Paraguay (1865-1870) in the Province of Ceara as well as to reflect on the social impacts of the war effort on significant part of the population of Ceara at that period. The war effort demanded for the imperial government a wide movement of military recruitment never seen before in Brazil and felt in the whole national territory. The process of state-owned extraction of recruited pointed out contingents to that conflict, and the interference of the central government in the dynamic of the local life and in the relationships of established power, created a big social tension in the Province of Ceara. In other words, the enlargement of the recruitment meant to come in areas of influence and domain of the powerful locals, what demanded from the imperial State a complex and tense negotiation with the potentates. In spite of the considerable affluence of the soldiers in the first year of war (1865), the post-war years were of great violence and terror in Ceara backlands. The resistance of the recruited target population produced great conflicts in the countryside of the Province, with escape and rescue of recruited, breaks of prisons, attacks on commissions of recruitment, self-mutilations, body injuries, etc. Together with the efforts of the men enlistment to be incorporated into Brazilian military forces, developed also in Ceara, a wide movement call. The speech of call aimed to make war legitimate as well as to motivate the most delicate matters in the military mobilization to the conflict in Province of Ceara, was the call of underage from the Navy Learners Company of Ceara in order to be crewed in the warships of the Brazilian Navy in action in the Prata basin.

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Araujo, Vinicius Cesar Dreger de. "Honor Imperii: a legitimidade política e militar no reinado de Frederico I Barbarossa." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-05082011-170506/.

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Nossa tese pretende analisar a história do conceito de Honor imperii no reinado de Friedrich I Barbarossa. Para tanto, estudamos as formas de legitimidade real entre os séculos X e XII buscando entender os pesos relativos dos elementos militares e sacros; as especificidades de Friedrich Barbarossa e as transformações estruturais por ele patrocinadas no regnum Teutonicorum. Depois realizamos o estudo quantitativo e o estudo crítico do Honor imperii na documentação produzida pela chancelaria imperial (diplomas e constituições) e na Gesta Friderici de Otto de Freising e Rahewin, principal fonte para o reinado de Friedrich. Também estudamos os significados do termo honra no contexto cultural germânico do século XII. O Honor imperii está ligado à projeção de poder do monarca devido a uma estrutura jurídica (os direitos Romano e Feudal) que o liga ao exercício militar através da doutrina da Guerra Justa e à punição pela quebra das Landfrieden. Our thesis intends to analyze the history of the Honor imperii concept in Frederick I Barbarossas reign. For this we had to study the ways political legitimacy was obtained between the Tenth and Twelfth centuries seeking to understand the relative weights of military and sacred elements, Frederick Barbarossas singularities and the structural transformations sponsored by him in the regnum Teutonicorum After that we stablished a critical analysis of the Honor imperii in the documentation produced by the imperial Chancellery (charters and constitutions) and in Otto of Freising & Rahewins Gesta Friderici, the most important narrative source for Fredericks reign. We also studied the meanings of honor in the german cultural context of the Twelfth century. The Honor imperii was bound to the monarchs power projection by a proper legal structure (Roman and Feudal Laws) connecting it to the military exercise through the Just War Doctrine and the punishment of breaking the Landfrieden.

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Andrade, Daniel Justiniano. "Guerra justa: uma análise teórica a partir do pensamento de João Calvino." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2008. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/2501.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:48:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel Justiniano Andrade.pdf: 548687 bytes, checksum: 40e5317fbd6d4fac3eb692d438312807 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-06-25 Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa This research approaches the justification of the war starting from the point of view of the reformer John Calvin. Is the war fair or sacrilegious, divine or diabolical? Are the safety and the social justice, the individual freedom, the democracy, the equality, the social well-being guaranteed or done annihilate by the war? Does the thought of Calvin possess rational bases of what they justify the war and do they disqualify the religious fanaticism at the same time? Or will it be that his reasons for the war lead unavoidably to the unfaithful conversion for the fire and for the sword? Does it converge or diverge of the classic of the political science? Is it possible to find now in the countries heirs of the Calvino´s politics any likeness the essence of his thought? This research intends to answer these subjects. The starting point is the consideration of the narrow relationship among the several aspects of Calvino´s political theory and of these with certain details of his theology. The justifications of Calvin for the war, link with the authority reputed to the Bible and the history by him, the sovereignty and the providence of God, the existence of natural laws, the depravity of the mankind, the divine institution of the authorities and his duties and the legitimacy of the death penalty. Esta pesquisa aborda a justificativa da guerra a partir do ponto de vista do reformador João Calvino. A guerra é justa ou sacrílega, divina ou diabólica? A segurança e a justiça social, as liberdades individuais, a democracia, a igualdade, o bem-estar social, são garantidos ou aniquilados pela guerra? O pensamento de Calvino possui bases racionais que justificam a guerra e desqualificam ao mesmo tempo o fanatismo religioso ou será que suas razões para a guerra conduzem inevitavelmente à conversão dos infiéis pelo fogo e pela espada? De que forma sua teoria converge ou diverge dos clássicos da ciência política? É possível encontrar atualmente nos países herdeiros da política de Calvino qualquer semelhança à essência do seu pensamento? Esta pesquisa se propõe a responder estas questões. O ponto de partida é a consideração da estreita relação entre os vários aspectos da teoria política de Calvino e destes com certos detalhes de sua teologia. As justificativas de Calvino para a guerra se relacionam com a autoridade por ele reputada à Bíblia e à história, a soberania e a providência de Deus, a existência de leis naturais, a depravação do gênero humano, a divina instituição das autoridades e seus deveres e a legitimidade da pena de morte.

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Araújo, Silvalino Ferreira de. "A guerra justa em Santo Agostinho e seu legado no pensamento cristão." Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11612/904.

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O objetivo da tese é analisar como Santo Agostinho justifica a guerra justa no âmbito da doutrina cristã da ordem e da paz, destacando a relevância de seus argumentos e comparando-os com a tradição filosófica posterior, principalmente Michael Walzer. Pretende-se ver as considerações de Santo Agostinho acerca das seguintes questões: dado que os conflitos e guerras são fenômenos constantes nas sociedades humanas, é possível haver uma guerra justa? Como pode ser fundamentado um direito à guerra? É possível encontrar um fundamento moral racional para a guerra ou ela está sempre fundamentada em paixões e interesses, ambições de poder e ideologias religiosas, políticas ou metafísicas? A tese é que para Santo Agostinho a guerra é justa quando feita para assegurar a ordem e a paz conforme a normatividade da cidade de Deus. O que se pretende mostrar é que as razões ―morais‖ (teológicas) apresentadas por Santo Agostinho para justificar a guerra justa tinham também como objetivo atender as estratégias do jogo de poder dentro do mundo cristão com a finalidade de ampliar o poder material, político e espiritual dos representantes da Santa Sé. Além disso, o Estado não tem nada de diabólico, antes pelo contrário, é necessário e útil, como instituição moral capaz de controlar a maldade humana. The thesis seeks to analyze how Saint Augustine justifies the fair war within the Christian order and peace doctrine, highlighting the relevance of his arguments and comparing them to the later philosophical tradition, especially Michael Walzer ideas. The objective is to study the considerations of Saint Augustine aiming on the following questions: since conflicts and wars are constant phenomena in human societies, is a fair war possible? How can a right to war be justified? Is it possible to find a rational moral basis for a war? Are the motivations for it always based on passions, interests, and power ambitions or even religious, political or metaphysical ideologies? The thesis is that for Saint Augustine war is fair when it is made to ensure order and peace according to the normativity of the city of God. The intention of this research is to show that the "moral" (theological) reasons presented by Saint Augustine to justify the fair war were also supposed to encourage the power game strategies within the Christian world in order to expand the material, political and spiritual of the Holy Faith followers. In addition, the State is not diabolic, it is the opposite, being necessary and useful, as a moral institution capable of controlling human wickedness.

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Schmitt, Michael. "El encuentro del derecho y la moral: reflexiones sobres la guerra justa." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116770.

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Lobo, Fernández Juan Francisco. "Teoría y práctica de la intervención humanitaria en la tradición de la guerra justa." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2013. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/113909.

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Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales) La presente investigación tiene por objeto el estudio de la intervención humanitaria en tanto forma de guerra. En particular, primero se reflexiona en torno a la teoría de la intervención humanitaria, adscribiéndola a la tradición de la Guerra Justa. A continuación, se emprende el estudio de la práctica de la intervención humanitaria a lo largo de la historia y hasta la actual crisis en Siria, a la luz del aparato conceptual desarrollado en la parte teórica, con el fin de desprender una opinio iuris que permita modelar una futura norma de derecho internacional. El método utilizado consiste en el estudio de material académico contenido en libros, revistas y recursos electrónicos disponibles en línea. Como resultado de esta investigación se demuestra que la intervención humanitaria es una forma de Guerra Justa, impulsada a lo largo de su historia por un ethos humanitario de orígenes religiosos y culturales, y practicada en la actualidad por los Estados de manera progresivamente más institucionalizada. Se puede concluir que en las próximas décadas surgirá una nueva norma de derecho internacional, sea convencional o consuetudinaria, que regulará a cabalidad la intervención humanitaria

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Masson, Bérengère. "La guerre des Malouines dans les relations internationales." Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040101/document.

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Le 2 avril 1982, l’Argentine envahit les îles Malouines et réaffirme sa souveraineté sur ces îles perdues en 1833. Pourquoi l’Argentine décide-t-elle reprendre ces îles ? Par lassitude ? Sans doute, les négociations s’enlisent et ne laissaient entrevoir aucune solution. Par intérêt ? Sans nul doute, le rapport Shackleton évoque les richesses naturelles inexploitées de l’archipel (du pétrole et des eaux poissonneuses). Par opportunisme ? Indéniablement, l’Argentine est alors en crise financière et est gouvernée par une dictature militaire fragilisée par les oppositions. La reconquête des Malouines pourrait être une planche de salut pour la Junte. La force de réaction de Margaret Thatcher à cette invasion semble surprendre : pourquoi vouloir conserver des îles lointaines, qui comptent 1800 habitants, et 700 000 ovins ? Le monde est encore en pleine guerre froide, les Etats-Unis et l’URSS s’opposent toujours, le conflit des Malouines vient leur offrir un terrain d’affrontement supplémentaire On the 2nd April 1982, Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands and reclaimed sovereignty over the islands that she had lost in 1833. Why did Argentina decide to retake these islands ? Was it weariness? Without doubt, negotiation had not given hope of a solution. Was it out of interest? Without a doubt the Shackleton connection suggested unexploited natural resources on the islands (petrol and fishable waters). Was it opportunism? Undeniably Argentina was at that time in a financial crisis and governed by a military dictatorship weakened by conflict. The re-conquest of the Falklands could have been the last hope for the Junta. The strength of Margaret Thatcher's reaction to this invasion seemed surprising: why would one want to keep hold of these far flung islands with 1800 inhabitants and 700 000 ovines? The world was still in the middle of a cold war, the United Stated of America and the USSR continued to clash; the conflict in the Falklands offered them an additional battle ground

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Gomes, Inês Dias. "A guerra justa e as intervenções humanitárias: relatório de estágio no Instituto de Defesa Nacional." Master's thesis, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/9565.

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Relatório de Estágio apresentado para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais na área de especialidade de Relações Internacionais Este relatório de estágio divide‐se em duas partes fundamentais. A primeira consiste numa descrição pormenorizada de todo o trabalho desenvolvido no âmbito das atividades organizadas pelo Instituto de Defesa Nacional (IDN) – grupos de estudo, cursos de formação, conferências – e respetivos resultados a nível de aprendizagem. A segunda parte diz respeito ao trabalho de revisão bibliográfica (este, por sua vez, independente das atividades do IDN) desenvolvido ao longo do estágio e cujos resultados foram publicados no IDN Brief, uma das publicações do Instituto de Defesa Nacional. Este trabalho de pesquisa e reflexão incidiu sobre o tema da Guerra Justa e Intervenções Humanitárias, sobre o qual se reacendeu um debate intenso aquando da intervenção militar na Líbia, em março de 2011

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Morais, Fábio André da Silva. "Às armas cearenses, é justa a guerra: nação, honra, pátria e mobilização para a guerra contra o Paraguai na Província do Ceará: (1865-1870)." www.teses.ufc.br, 2007. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/2864.

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MORAIS, Fábio André da Silva. Às armas cearenses, é justa a guerra: nação, honra, pátria e mobilização para a guerra contra o Paraguai na Província do Ceará: (1865-1870). 2007. 206 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2007. Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-25T13:38:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_Dis_FASMoraes.pdf: 1489233 bytes, checksum: 3fc74da0999788b3c55a19cf63f4a774 (MD5) Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-06-25T14:50:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_Dis_FASMoraes.pdf: 1489233 bytes, checksum: 3fc74da0999788b3c55a19cf63f4a774 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2012-06-25T14:50:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_Dis_FASMoraes.pdf: 1489233 bytes, checksum: 3fc74da0999788b3c55a19cf63f4a774 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 The present work has the objective to analyze the process of military mobilization to the war against Paraguay (1865-1870) in the Province of Ceara as well as to reflect on the social impacts of the war effort on significant part of the population of Ceara at that period. The war effort demanded for the imperial government a wide movement of military recruitment never seen before in Brazil and felt in the whole national territory. The process of state-owned extraction of recruited pointed out contingents to that conflict, and the interference of the central government in the dynamic of the local life and in the relationships of established power, created a big social tension in the Province of Ceara. In other words, the enlargement of the recruitment meant to come in areas of influence and domain of the powerful locals, what demanded from the imperial State a complex and tense negotiation with the potentates. In spite of the considerable affluence of the soldiers in the first year of war (1865), the post-war years were of great violence and terror in Ceara backlands. The resistance of the recruited target population produced great conflicts in the countryside of the Province, with escape and rescue of recruited, breaks of prisons, attacks on commissions of recruitment, self-mutilations, body injuries, etc. Together with the efforts of the men enlistment to be incorporated into Brazilian military forces, developed also in Ceara, a wide movement call. The speech of call aimed to make war legitimate as well as to motivate the most delicate matters in the military mobilization to the conflict in Province of Ceara, was the call of underage from the Navy Learners Company of Ceara in order to be crewed in the warships of the Brazilian Navy in action in the Prata basin. O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o processo de mobilização militar para a guerra contra o Paraguai (1865-1870) na Província do Ceará e refletir sobre os impactos sociais do esforço bélico sobre parte significativa da população cearense do período. O esforço de guerra demandou do governo imperial um amplo movimento de recrutamento militar até antes nunca visto no Brasil e sentido em todo o território nacional. O processo de extração estatal de contingentes recrutados e destacados para o conflito, e a interferência do governo central na dinâmica da vida local e nas relações de poder estabelecidas, gerou uma grande tensão social na Província do Ceará. Em outras palavras, a ampliação do recrutamento significou adentrar em áreas de influência e domínio dos poderosos locais, o que exigia do Estado imperial uma complexa e tensa negociação com os potentados. Apesar da afluência considerável de soldados no primeiro ano da guerra (1865), os anos posteriores foram de grande violência e terror nos sertões do Ceará. A resistência da população alvo do recrutamento produziu grandes conflitos no interior da província, com fugas e resgate de recrutados, arrombamento de cadeias, ataques a comissões de recrutamento, auto-mutilações, lesões corporais dentre outros. Conjuntamente ao esforço de arregimentação de homens para serem incorporados às forças militares brasileiras, desenvolveu-se também no Ceará, um amplo movimento de convocação. O discurso de convocação visava tanto legitimar a guerra quanto motivar o engajamento da população no esforço de guerra. Por fim, uma das questões mais delicadas do processo da mobilização militar para o conflito na Província do Ceará, foi o destacamento de menores da Companhia de Aprendizes Marinheiros do Ceará a fim de serem tripulados nos vasos de guerra da Marinha brasileira em ação na Bacia do Prata.

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Soto, Caviedes Sebastián Alejandro. "Jus Post Bellum : un marco orientador para los dilemas normativos de la postguerra." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2017. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/143983.

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Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales) El presente trabajo tiene por objetivo analizar los desafíos normativos que se presentan en la fase posterior a la guerra y ver de qué manera el incipiente campo teórico del jus post bellum puede entregar orientación en la evaluación de la legitimidad del actuar de los vencedores al término del conflicto armado. Particular interés se tiene respecto a la legitimidad de la participación de los vencedores en el proceso de reconstrucción política de las comunidades devastadas en la fase posterior al cese de las hostilidades. Para ello, el desarrollo del trabajo se aboca a: i) revisar las principales experiencias de posguerra en la historia occidental moderna; ii) analizar en el marco de la teoría de la guerra justa, la relevancia y el contenido del ius post bellum en la actualidad; iii) para luego, mediante un caso de estudio que sería la ocupación liderada por Estados Unidos en Iraq entre los años 2003 a 2011, determinar, considerando los principios y criterios del jus post bellum, la legitimidad del actuar de los vencedores. La metodología que se utilizó en esta investigación consistió en el estudio de diversas fuentes de información, principalmente libros, artículos académicos, recursos electrónicos, y demás documentos que resultaron atingentes al fondo de este trabajo. Con el resultado obtenido de esta investigación el lector podrá introducirse en el estudio de los dilemas normativos de la posguerra, contando con una perspectiva histórico normativa y con una propuesta de jus post bellum que contiene principios y criterios orientadores aplicados a un caso concreto.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Guerre juste'

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