Academic literature on the topic 'Guerre napoleoniche'
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Journal articles on the topic "Guerre napoleoniche"
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Prosdocimi, Maritza. "London Transformed: John Nash e l'ibrido progettuale." TERRITORIO, no. 96 (September 2021): 174–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/tr2021-096016.
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Nella prima metà dell'Ottocento i ‘London Improvements' realizzano trasformazioni urbanistiche che testimoniano un nuovo atteggiamento rispetto alla città in Europa, all'indomani del trauma delle guerre napoleoniche, nel confronto col nuovo assestamento post-bellico. Questi progetti sono da attribuire alle abilità creative di John Nash, cui dobbiamo i pioneristici lavori di Regent's Park e Regent Street, che lo consacrano come ‘architect of the Picturesque'. Qui, il Pittoresco travalica la definizione di categoria estetica, si concretizza nell'espressione architettonica e trova scenografica applicazione nella progettazione urbanistica. In quale modo e in quale fase John Nash adotta il Pittoresco e, soprattutto, quali sono le ragioni di tale scelta?
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Putz, Hannelore. "Bayerische Blicke auf den römischen Kunstmarkt (1790–1815)." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 97, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 264–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qfiab-2017-0013.
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Riassunto A partire dal Rinascimento, Roma fu il centro europeo del mercato delle antichita e delle opere d’arte, nonche dell’attivita artistica. L’importanza politica e culturale, assunta dalla citta quasi senza soluzione di continuita fin dai tempi antichi, aveva fatto nascere, nel corso dei secoli, straordinarie collezioni di opere d’arte. Al contempo gli artisti producevano nuove opere, e giovani artisti confluivano in questa „metropoli europea dell’arte“ per studiare, per imparare dai grandi, per raccoglierne gli impulsi in maniera creativa, per riportare in patria le cognizioni acquisite. I rivolgimenti e le crisi politiche, economiche e belliche, che verso la fine del XVIII secolo scuotevano tutta l’Europa, ebbero dirette consequenze sul delicatissimo mercato d’arte romano, cambiandone radicalmente le condizioni complessive che sarebbero rimaste critiche fino al riordinamento dell’Europa dopo le guerre napoleoniche. Nel 1810 il principe ereditario bavarese, Lodovico, mando a Roma lo scultore Johann Martin von Wagner che nella qualita di agente d’arte doveva rappresentare i suoi interessi in loco. L’intensa corrispondenza tra i due, che duro fino alla morte di Wagner sopravvenuta nel 1858, getta una luce particolare sul mercato romano dalla prospettiva del committente e nell’ottica professionale dell’artista. Si apre cosi uno squarcio singolare sulle condizioni e sui meccanismi del mercato e i suoi attori durante gli ultimi anni dell’eta napoleonica a Roma.
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Putz, Hannelore. "Bayerische Blicke auf den römischen Kunstmarkt (1790–1815)." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 97, no. 1 (March 5, 2018): 264–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2017-0013.
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Riassunto A partire dal Rinascimento, Roma fu il centro europeo del mercato delle antichità e delle opere d’arte, nonché dell’attività artistica. L’importanza politica e culturale, assunta dalla città quasi senza soluzione di continuità fin dai tempi antichi, aveva fatto nascere, nel corso dei secoli, straordinarie collezioni di opere d’arte. Al contempo gli artisti producevano nuove opere, e giovani artisti confluivano in questa „metropoli europea dell’arte“ per studiare, per imparare dai grandi, per raccoglierne gli impulsi in maniera creativa, per riportare in patria le cognizioni acquisite. I rivolgimenti e le crisi politiche, economiche e belliche, che verso la fine del XVIII secolo scuotevano tutta l’Europa, ebbero dirette consequenze sul delicatissimo mercato d’arte romano, cambiandone radicalmente le condizioni complessive che sarebbero rimaste critiche fino al riordinamento dell’Europa dopo le guerre napoleoniche. Nel 1810 il principe ereditario bavarese, Lodovico, mandò a Roma lo scultore Johann Martin von Wagner che nella qualità di agente d’arte doveva rappresentare i suoi interessi in loco. L’intensa corrispondenza tra i due, che durò fino alla morte di Wagner sopravvenuta nel 1858, getta una luce particolare sul mercato romano dalla prospettiva del committente e nell’ottica professionale dell’artista. Si apre così uno squarcio singolare sulle condizioni e sui meccanismi del mercato e i suoi attori durante gli ultimi anni dell’età napoleonica a Roma.
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Pertot, Gianfranco. "Milano e le difese militari da Napoleone al 1900: dismissioni, distruzioni, restauri." STORIA URBANA, no. 136 (March 2013): 29–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/su2012-136002.
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L'occupazione napoleonica di Milano portň con sé la demolizione dei baluardi del castello, una nuova piazza d'armi, un piano rivoluzionario quanto idealistico (quello dell'Antolini). Con la nuova concezione di guerra, di difesa e di offesa le mura persero la loro principale funzione e rimasero in auge come confine tributario, le porte divennero nuovi capisaldi monumentali o scomodo intralcio alla circolazione, le truppe trovarono spazi e ospitalitŕ in un gran numero di conventi del centro espropriati al tempo della dominazione austriaca. Questo stato di cose perdurň per buona parte dell'Ottocento, fino a quando le mutate condizioni politiche e socio-economiche, unitamente ad una rapida crescita demografica, videro la cittŕ scavalcare le sue mura, e porre il problema della regolazione della crescita attraverso nuovi strumenti urbanistici, mentre una spregiudicata imprenditoria del denaro avviava enormi speculazioni immobiliari sulle aree del demanio militare, in particolare sulla piazza d'armi napoleonica. S'innescarono a catena questioni paradigmatiche: la costruzione del nuovo Quartiere delle Milizie, lo spostamento reiterato della nuova piazza d'armi, la stipula di convenzioni fra Comune e demanio per la permuta di aree e caserme, la demolizione di Porte, Pusterle e delle mura spagnole. Un processo che ha generato contraddizioni che si consegnano ancora irrisolte alla Milano del Piano di Governo del Territorio (PGT).
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Levchenko, Illia, Oleksandra Kotliar, and Stefaniia Demchuk. "Idea of common good (el bien general) in the series of etchings “The Disasters of War” (“Los Desastres de la Guerra”) by Francisco Goya (based on the Bohdan and Varvara Khanenko Museum of Art funds)." Text and Image: Essential Problems in Art History, no. 1 (2019): 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2519-4801.2019.1.03.
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The ideas of the Enlightenment (first of all the French, with the most famous of its representatives – Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Charles-Louis de Secondat, Baron de La Brède et de Montesquieu and François-Marie Arouet Voltaire) not only influenced the political sphere of the Eighteenth century but also art. Francisco José de Goya y Lucientes (1746-1828) was directly convinced by these ideas: he took a passive part in the Napoleonic wars and was a friend of the prominent representatives of the Spanish Enlightenment. The study aims at analyzing interactions between text and image in the series of etchings of F. Goya “The Disasters of War” and the reception of the idea of «common good» in the etching 71 “Against the common good”. We have chosen several theoretical and methodological tools to deal with narrative and visual sources. Hermeneutics and semiotics belong to the specific methods used in the process of analysis of engravings. Comprehensive approach is determined by the usage of F. Goya both extraverbial and verbal (double numbers of etchings and artionims, ekfrasis) means. The methodological basis of the study is made up wit the principles of complexity, historicism and scientific character. The main methods were iconographic and iconological; empirical, prosopographical, method of synthetic and analytical source criticism; comparative-historical analysis. Probably, Francisco Goya, who also criticized the contemporary obscurantism in Spain (which is especially reflected in the series of etchings “Los Caprichos”), turned to the ideas of the French enlightenment, which gave rise to possibly unconscious reminiscences and allusions in his work. Thus, we are interested mainly how Goya indirectly or even unconsciously borrowed ideas from the Enlightenment movement, which spread rapidly all over Europe. In this case studying direct borrowings from J.-J. Rousseau’s ideas played only minor role.
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Andries, Annelies. "Mobilizing Historicity and Local Color in Fernand Cortez (1809)." French Historical Studies 45, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 245–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-9531982.
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Abstract This article interrogates why the creators of Napoleonic opera, specifically of Gaspare Spontini's Fernand Cortez (1809), were so eager to publicize their source-based method for representing history. The article frames this eagerness in broader developments toward historical realism in nineteenth-century France and its epistemological claims, namely, that history provides true knowledge about the past. These epistemological claims are foundational to how historians and artists sought to mobilize historicity and local color to champion narratives of empire as founded on the supposedly transhistorical process of civilization. In Fernand Cortez these mobilizations revised eighteenth-century skepticism toward sixteenth-century colonialism into a narrative of imperial success that the government hoped would garner support for Napoléon's Spanish campaign. Ultimately, the emphasis on historicist detail undermined the opera's specific propagandistic message, but it did provide a model that popularized and disseminated general ideologies about empire and civilization beyond France's intellectual circles. Pourquoi les créateurs d'opéras napoléoniens étaient-ils si zélés de souligner que leur méthode de représenter l'histoire s'appuyait sur des sources de référence ? L'analyse de Fernand Cortez de Gaspare Spontini (1809) montre que ce désir s'est développé dans le cadre d'une épistémologie du « réalisme historique » qui promet une véritable connaissance du passé. Cette confiance épistémologique a poussé les historiens et les artistes à mobiliser l’ « historicité » et la « couleur locale » pour propager des récits d'empire fondés sur le processus de civilisation. Dans Cortez, ces techniques visaient à transformer le scepticisme des philosophes vis-à-vis le colonialisme du XVIe siècle en un récit de succès, en vue de susciter l'enthousiasme pour la guerre napoléonienne contre l'Espagne. Bien que ces détails historisants aient brouillé le message propagandiste de Cortez, cet opéra a réussi à fournir un modèle qui sert à vulgariser et diffuser des idéologies d'empire et de civilisation au-delà du monde savant.
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Wiley, Michael. "British Poetry and the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars: Visions of Conflict. Simon Bainbridge.Romanticism and War: A Study of Romantic Period Writers and the Napoleonic Wars. J.R. Watson.British War Poetry in the Age of Romanticism, 1793-1815. Betty T. Bennett, Orianne Smith, Doug Guerra, Kate Singer, and Steven Jones." Wordsworth Circle 35, no. 4 (September 2004): 156–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/twc24045067.
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Olechowski, Thomas. "Das ABGB Rechtseinheit für Zentraleuropa." European Review of Private Law 20, Issue 3 (June 1, 2012): 685–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/erpl2012047.
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Abstract: The aim of the codification of the Austrian General Civil Code (ABGB), a work which started in 1753 and took more than half a century to complete, was not only to renew the law but more importantly to unify the law. The multitude of kingdoms and provinces which had been connected by a loose constitutional union in 1713, were to be merged regarding all civil matters. The "Oberste Justizstelle" (predecessor of the Austrian Supreme Court), established in 1749, was responsible for the Austrian, Bohemian and Galician hereditary lands and it was only in these regions where the incomplete Civil Code laid out by Joseph II. was applied in 1787. By the time the new ABGB replaced the aforementioned code in 1812, the reach of the monarchy had been considerably reduced due to the Napoleonic wars. It was in the years after the Vienna Congress of 1815 that the ABGB was continuously introduced in all the new and recently re-acquired provinces. The introduction of the ABGB in the rest of the monarchy in 1853 was an unprecedented political achievement. It was introduced at the time of Neo-absolutism with the intention of fully integrating all provinces into a centrally controlled monarchy. The end of Neo-absolutism in 1861 led to the removal of the ABGB in Hungary, but the Code continued to be used in Croatia and Transylvania. However, it developed independently from Austria in these countries. The end of the Habsburg Empire did not mean the end of Austrian legal unity. The ABGB was maintained in all successor states and was even extended. During the interwar period, the newly created states of Czechoslovakia, Poland and Yugoslavia attempted but failed at creating their own national codes. After 1945, the new communist regimes replaced the ABGB in favour of new laws in line with their ideologies. Since 1964, the Republic of Austria and the Principality of Liechtenstein are the only states, where the ABGB is still in force. Résumé: Le but de la codification du Code civil général autrichien (ABGB), ouvrage qui débuta en 1753 et mit plus d'un demi-siècle avant d'être achevé, ne fut pas seulement de renouveler le droit mais,de manière plus importante, d'unifier le droit. La multitude de royaumes et de provinces qui avaient été réunis en 1713 parune union constitutionnelle assez vague devaient être unifiésen ce qui concerne toutes les affaires civiles. L'Oberste Justizstelle' (qui précéda la Cour suprême autrichienne) établie en 1749, avait sous sa juridiction les terres héréditaires d'Autrichie, de Bohème et de Galicie et ce n'est que dans ces régions que le Code civil incomplet établi par Joseph II fut appliqué en 1787. Au moment où le nouvel ABGB remplaça le code sus-mentionné en 1812, l'influence de la monarchie avait été considérablement réduite suite aux guerres napoléoniennes. C'est au cours des années qui suivirent le Congrès de Vienne de 1815 que l'ABGB fut peu à peu introduit dans toutes les provinces nouvelles et récemment récupérées. L'introduction de l'ABGBdans le reste de la monarchie en 1853 constitua un achèvement politique sans précédent. Il fut introduit à l'époque du Néo-absolutisme avec l'intention d'intégrer complètement toutes les provinces dans une monarchie aux pouvoirs centralisés. La fin du Néo-absolutisme en 1861 conduisit à la suppression de l'ABGB en Hongrie, mais le Code resta en vigueur en Croatieet en Transylvanie bien que dans ces pays, il se développa indépendamment de l'Autriche. La fin de l'Empire des Habsbourg ne signifia pas la fin de l'unité juridique autrichienne. L'ABGB fut maintenu dans tous les états successeurs et fut même étendu. Durant la période d'entre deux guerres, les &e
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Rizo-Patrón de Lerner, Rosemary. "El ideal de humanidad y las humanidades. Dialogando con Kant, Fichte y Husserl." Investigaciones Fenomenológicas, no. 7 (February 22, 2021): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rif.7.2018.29939.
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El papel de filosofía y humanidades en forjar un “ideal de humanidad” se refiere no sólo a las difíciles relaciones que éstas tradicionalmente han tenido con los poderes mundanos, sino, sobre todo, a su papel protagónico como guías de un ideal de humanidad y valores espirituales en tiempos de crisis. Kant defendió el papel de los ideales racionales de la “facultad de filosofía” a fines del s. XVIII, ante la teología, el derecho y la medicina. La reflexión de Fichte cuando la nación alemana luchaba por su existencia luego de su derrota por los ejércitos napoleónicos a inicios del s. XIX, da un impulso decisivo a los valores del idealismo alemán. Un siglo después, ante la misma nación alemana, nuevamente derrotada en la primera guerra mundial y sin hallar respuestas a su aflicción en las ciencias exactas ni en su cultura determinada por la técnica, Husserl ve en “el ideal de Humanidad de Fichte” la respuesta a aquello que puede darle su ultima satisfacción: la producción teleológica de un mundo humano, en el que pueda realizarse un orden mundial moral, único fin, fundamento y valor absoluto de la humanidad. Hoy nos hallamos en otro momento de peligro: no sólo el del positivismo naturalista desplazando desde el s. XIX a la formación humanística. El mayor de los peligros es ahora la alianza de ese naturalismo con el mundo globalizado del presente, bajo el imperio de la estan-darización burocrática y corporativa al servicio de la producción desenfrenada de dinero.The role of philosophy and the human sciences in forging an “ideal of humanity” concerns not only the tensions that they traditionally have had with worldly powers. It mostly deals with their primal role as guides of an ideal of humanity and spiritual values in times of crisis. Kant defended the central role of the “Faculty of Philosophy”’s rational ideals by the end of the 18th century, as opposed to Theology, Jurisprudence and Medicine. Fichte’s reflection when the German nation was fighting for its survival after its defeat by the Napoleonic armies at the beginning of the 19th century, gives a decisive impulse to the values brandished by German Idealism. A century later, facing the same German nation newly defeated at World War I, and without any answers to its affliction either in exact sciences nor in its culture determined by technology, Husserl finds in “Fichte’s Ideal of Humanity“ the answer to that which can give it its lasting satisfaction: the teleological production of a human world, in which a world moral order may arise, as humanity’s sole goal, foundation, and absolute value. Today we find ourselves in another moment of danger: not only that of a naturalistic positivism displacing a humanistic education. The greatest of all dangers is currently the alliance of this naturalism with the Golden calf installed in the globalized world of today, under the empire of the bureaucratic and corporative standardization at the service of the frenzied production of money.
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Renard, Nils. "Being a Jewish Soldier in the Grande Armée: The Memoirs of Jakob Meyer during the Napoleonic Wars (1808–1813)." Zutot, February 22, 2022, 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750214-bja10006.
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Abstract The Memoirs of Jakob Meyer offer a precious account of what Jewish soldiers experienced during the Napoleonic wars. Written in German in 1836–1838, they were translated into French and published, thanks to the work of Ernest Kallmann and Françoise Lyon-Caen (J. Meyer, Jakob Meyer, soldat de Napoléon. Mes aventures de guerre, 1808–1813 [Paris 2009]). The narrative of Meyer’s experience is a unique testimony of the way Jewish soldiers experienced their being Jewish, while indicating the way in which Jews reacted to wars. From his idealistic enlistment in the army, driven by hopes of emancipation, to the disaster of the Russian campaign and retreat, we follow Meyer, who seems to get closer to Jewish communities and his Jewish identity, while the dislocation of the Grande Armée makes these communities’ help increasingly more valuable. This narrative can be interrogated through the anthropological categories of ‘Jewish Warrior’ and ‘War Jew.’
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Guerre napoleoniche"
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Frasca, Francesco Corvisier André De Rosa Gabriele. "Reclutamento e guerra nell'Italia napoleonica /." Padova : Ed. Programma, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36703410j.
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Texte remanié de: Th. Doctorat--Histoire moderne--Paris--Sorbonne, 1988. Titre de soutenance : Les Italianes [sic] dans l'armée française (1796-1814) : recrutement et encadrement.Notes bibliogr.
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ABBIATI, MICHELE. "L'ESERCITO ITALIANO E LA CONQUISTA DELLA CATALOGNA (1808-1811).UNO STUDIO DI MILITARY EFFECTIVENESS NELL'EUROPA NAPOLEONICA." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/491761.
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L’esercito italiano e la conquista della Catalogna (1808-1811)
Uno studio di Military Effectiveness nell’Europa napoleonica
Settori scientifico-disciplinari SPS/03 – M-STO/02
La ricerca ha lo scopo di ricostruire e valutare l’effettività militare dell’esercito italiano al servizio di Napoleone I. In primo luogo attraverso un’analisi statistica e strategica della costruzione, e del successivo impiego, dell’istituzione militare del Regno d’Italia durante gli anni della sua esistenza (1805-14); successivamente, è stato scelto un caso di studi particolarmente significativo, come la campagna di Catalogna (1808-11, nel contesto della guerra di Indipendenza spagnola), per poter valutare il contributo operazionale e tattico dei corpi inviati dal governo di Milano e la loro integrazione con l’apparato militare complessivo del Primo Impero.
La tesi ha voluto rispondere alla mancanza di studi sul comportamento in guerra dell’esercito italiano e, allo stesso tempo, introdurre nella storiografia militare italiana la metodologia di studi, d’origine anglosassone e ormai di tradizione trentennale, di Military Effectiveness.
La ricerca si è primariamente basata, oltre che sulla copiosa memorialistica a stampa italiana e francese, sulla documentazione d’archivio della Secrétairerie d’état impériale (Archives Nationales di Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Parigi), del Ministère de la Guerre francese (Service historique de la Défence, di Vincennes, Parigi) e del Ministero della Guerra del Regno d’Italia (Archivio di Stato di Milano).
Dal punto di vista dei risultati è stato possibile verificare come l’esercito italiano abbia rappresentato, per Bonaparte, uno strumento duttile e di facile impiego, pur in un contesto di sostanziale marginalità numerica complessiva di fronte alle altre (e cospicue) forze messe in campo da parte dell’Impero e dei suoi altri Stati satellite e alleati. Per quanto riguarda la campagna di conquista della Catalogna è stato invece possibile appurare il fondamentale contributo dato dal contingente italiano, sotto i punti di vista operazionale e tattico, per la buona riuscita dell’invasione; questo primariamente grazie alle elevate caratteristiche generali mostrate dallo stesso, ma anche per peculiarità disciplinari e organizzative che resero i corpi italiani adatti a operazioni particolarmente aggressive.The Italian Army and the Conquest of Catalonia (1808-1811) A Study of Military Effectiveness in Napoleonic Europe Academic Fields and Disciplines SPS/03 – M-STO/02 The research has the purpose of reconstruct and evaluate the military effectiveness of the Italian Army existed under the reign of Napoleon I. Firstly through a statistic and strategic analysis of the development, and the following deployment, of the military institution of the Kingdom of Italy in the years of its existence (1805-14). Afterwards, a particularly significant case study was chosen, as the campaign of Catalonia (1808-11, in the context of the Peninsular War), in order to assess the operational and tactical contribution of the regiments sent by the Government of Milan and their integration in the overall military apparatus of the First Empire. The thesis wanted to respond to the lack of studies on the Italian army’s behavior in war and, at the same time, to introduce the methodology of the Military Effectiveness Studies (of British and American origin and, by now, enriched by a thirty-year old tradition) in the Italian historiography. The research is primarily based, besides the numerous memoirs of the Italian and French veterans, on the archive documentation of the Secrétairerie d’état impériale (Archives Nationales of Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Paris), of the French Ministère de la Guerre (Service historique de la Défence, of Vincennes, Paris) and of the Italian Ministero della Guerra (Archivio di Stato di Milano). About the results, it has been verified how the Italian army has become a flexible and suitable instrument for Bonaparte, albeit in a context of substantial overall numerical marginality in comparison to the heterogeneous forces available to the Empire and its others satellites and allied states. Regarding the campaign of Catalonia, instead, it was possible to ascertain the fundamental contribution of the Italian regiments, in an operational and tactical perspective, for the success of the invasion. This was primarily due to the excellent general characteristics shown by the expeditionary force, but also to disciplinary and organizational peculiarities that have made the Italian corps suitable for particularly aggressive operations.
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Töppel, Roman. "Die Sachsen und Napoleon : ein Stimmungsbild 1806-1813 /." Köln Weimar Wien Böhlau, 2008. http://d-nb.info/988815354/04.
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Ndiaye, David. "Les chambres de commerce napoléoniennes de Gênes, Bruges et Cologne (1802-1815) : intégration impériale, modèles institutionnels et pouvoirs locaux." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCC094/document.
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Ce travail s’intéresse aux relations entre l’économie, la société et l’État au travers de la comparaison de trois institutions économiques – les chambres de commerce de Gênes, Bruges et Cologne – dans le contexte de la construction de l’Empire napoléonien. En s’appuyant sur une documentation issue des archives des chambres de commerce dans les trois villes étudiées, de fonds préfectoraux et des archives du ministère de l’Intérieur à Paris, il s’agit d’étudier les modalités du transfert culturel opéré à partir de 1802 avec la création des premières chambres de commerce dans les départements annexés de l’Empire français. Cette perspective, inscrite dans un questionnement global portant sur la rationalité du modèle institutionnel des chambres de commerce napoléoniennes, permet d’analyser les formes d’appropriations locales des institutions et pose la question de la spécificité de ces constructions institutionnelles dans les départements annexés. Ce travail montre que les règles, les ressources et les compétences des chambres sont en grande partie déterminés par les acteurs locaux, plutôt que par l’État. Il souligne également l’enracinement du fonctionnement de ces institutions dans un ensemble de réseaux sociaux et institutionnels construits sur l’initiative des négociants membres des chambres, sur lesquels reposent également les pouvoirs qui leur sont conférés par l’État et son administration dans la régulation des économies locales. Enfin, la localisation des chambres étudiées dans les départements annexés constitue plutôt une ressource dans la mesure où leur position d’intermédiaire auprès de l’État et des négociants locaux est renforcéeComparing three economic institutions – the chambers of commerce of Genoa, Bruges and Cologne – this research focuses on the relationships between the economy, society and the State at the time of the expansion of Napoleon's Empire.Based on documents from the archives of these three chambers of commerce, as well as on archives from the Prefecture and the Ministry of the Interior in Paris, this research aims to study the process of cultural transfer from 1802 onwards, starting with the creation of the first chambers of commerce in departments annexed by the French Empire. This perspective, which is part of a broader reflection on the rationality of the model of the Napoleonic chambers of commerce, allows us to analyze the degrees of local ownership of the institutions and raises the question of the specific institutional construction of the chambers of commerce in the new French departments.This research intends to show that the rules, resources and competence of the chambers depend mostly on local actors, rather than on the State. It also highlights the fact that the workings of these institutions are rooted in social and institutional networks, established by merchants who are also members of the chambers of commerce. The power to regulate the local economy, vested in the chamber by the State, relies heavily on these valuable networks. Finally, the distant location of the three chambers, in newly annexed departments, proves to be an asset, by strenghtening their position as an intermediary between the State and local merchants
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Espinosa, Gonzague. "Maximien Lamarque : un général en politique (1770-1832)." Thesis, Avignon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AVIG1174/document.
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Immortalisé par Victor Hugo dans Les Misérables, le général Lamarque est surtout connu pour ses funérailles qui ont dégénérées en juin 1832, en une insurrection républicaine réprimée par le pouvoir orléaniste. Pourtant, sa vie ne saurait se résumer à cette image d’Épinal : grâce à des archives souvent inédites ou peu exploitées, le travail de l'historien a permis de dissocier le mythe, qui s'est construit autour du personnage, de la réalité historique pour dresser un portrait inédit de ce Landais engagé dans les affaires de son temps. Issu de la bourgeoisie de robe, il adhère rapidement aux idées d'une Révolution qui lui donne les moyens d'être un acteur des événements : garde national,Jacobin, officier dans un bataillon de volontaires. Instruit et cultivé, il est également pourvu d'un grand courage physique. Sans jamais appartenir aux premiers cercles du pouvoir, il est proche des membres de la famille Bonaparte qui assurent son ascension.Sa carrière militaire sous l'Empire n'est toutefois que de second ordre et c'est à la périphérie de l'Europe qu'il se distingue dans la contre-guérilla. Déçu par la Restauration, il rallie Napoléon lors des Cent-Jours qui l'envoie en Vendée. Cette affectation le compromet durablement aux yeux du pouvoir royaliste qui ne voit plus en lui qu'un général bonapartiste. Exilé, il ne revient en France qu'en 1818 et embrasse une carrière littéraire tout en cherchant à garder son rang dans la société. Au contact de l'opposition libérale, il renoue avec la politique au quotidien. Sa reconversion en politique n'est pourtant pas une évidence. Ce n'est qu'en 1828 qu'il devient député et ce n'est que sous la monarchie de Juillet qu'il devient un héros populaireImmortalized by Victor Hugo in « Les Misérables », General Lamarque is mainly known for his funerals in June 1832, which turned into a republican insurrection,suppressed by Orléanist power. However, his life could not be summarized by this stereotyped image : thanks to unexploited or less exploited archives, the historian’swork permitted to dissociate the myth shaped around his character from historical reality, to get an original portrait of this character from the Landes. Coming originally from the bourgeoisie of the robe, he soon stuck to Revolution ideas which gave him the means to be an actor of events : National Guard, Jacobin, officer in a Volunteers Battalion. Educated and cultured, he also came complete with his physical courage. He never was a part of first circles of power, he was close to the House of Bonaparte which provided his rise. His military career under the Empire is yet only second-rate. It is atthe Europe's periphery he stands out in Guerrilla warfare. Disappointed by theRestoration, he rallied to Napoleon during The Hundred Days, who sent him to theVendée. This posting sustainably compromised him to the eyes of royalist power whichonly saw him as a Bonapartist general. Exiled, he only came back to France in 1818 and decided for a literary career as well as he tried to keep his position in society. Through contact with the liberal opposition, he joined politic in everyday life. This change of career was not obvious though. He only became a Member of Parliament in 1828. Hewas only recognized as a popular hero under July Monarchy
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Denis, Béatrice. "Le bivouac d’Austerlitz selon Louis-François Lejeune : les guerres napoléoniennes entre construction identitaire et construction historique." Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/25087.
Full textAbstract:
Le peintre, soldat et mémorialiste Louis-François Lejeune (1775-1848) entendait faire de son corpus de peintures de bataille et de ses Souvenirs d’un officier de l’Empire (1851) des témoignages historiques de la période napoléonienne, destinés à la postérité. Or, cette conjugaison entre peintures et mémoires renvoie aussi à la dualité médiale de la propagande napoléonienne, qui diffuse un récit unique des événements militaires à l’aide d’organes d’information inédits tels que les Bulletins de la Grande Armée. Ce récit, déjà médiatisé comme étant historique, est repris en images par le mécénat impérial. Ce mémoire vise à démontrer comment Lejeune contribue à ce récit historicisant, d’abord à un niveau individuel en construisant son identité par rapport à sa participation aux guerres napoléoniennes, puis aussi à un niveau étatique. Son Bivouac d’Austerlitz, présenté au Salon de 1808, est une commande du gouvernement. Il sera question de la façon dont ce tableau de Lejeune s’insère d’abord dans sa carrière, ensuite dans son corpus de peintures de bataille, puis finalement dans le récit napoléonien sur Austerlitz. La forme épisodique du tableau, empruntée à la ligne narrative du 30e bulletin de la Grande Armée, où Napoléon rapporte la victoire d’Austerlitz, peut s’expliquer par la complémentarité voulue entre récit textuel et visuel. Ce tableau contribue ainsi à la construction historique de la bataille. Au milieu des transformations profondes du monde académique et de la hiérarchie des genres, la dualité peintre-soldat de Lejeune répond en tous points à la vocation historique attribuée à la peinture sous Napoléon.Painter, soldier, and memorialist Louis-François Lejeune (1775-1848) conceived his battle paintings and his memoirs, Souvenirs d’un officier de l’Empire (1851), as historical testimonies of the Napoleonic period, destined for posterity. This twinning of paintings and memoirs mirrors the duality of Napoleonic propaganda as a whole, which disseminates a single version of military events with the help of unprecedented information tools such as the Bulletins de la Grande Armée. This written narrative, already thought of as historical, is picked up again in the paintings commissioned by the government. This master’s thesis argues that Lejeune contributes in a unique way to this historical narrative, first at an individual level by constructing his identity from his participation in the Napoleonic wars, and also at a state level. His Bivouac d’Austerlitz, presented at the 1808 Salon, was commissioned by the government as part of a larger order. It is shown that this painting fits first into Lejeune’s career, then into his cycle of battle paintings, and finally into the narrative of Austerlitz that Napoleon himself promoted. The episodic form of this painting can be explained by the deliberate pairing of written and pictorial narratives, which borrows from the 30th bulletin de la Grande Armée where Napoleon recounts the victory at Austerlitz. This painting thus contributes to the historical construction of the battle. As deep transformations threatened the academic genre hierarchy at the turn of the nineteenth century, the duality of Lejeune’s persona as soldier and painter helped promote the historical function given to paintings under Napoleon.
Books on the topic "Guerre napoleoniche"
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P, Crociani, Boeri Giancarlo, and Italy. Esercito. Corpo di stato maggiore. Ufficio storico., eds. Le Due Sicilie nelle guerre napoleoniche: 1800-1815. Roma: Stato maggiore dell'esercito, Ufficio storico, 2008.
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Ilari, Virgilio. Il regno di Sardegna nelle guerre napoleoniche e le legioni anglo-italiane, 1799- 1815. Invorio (Novara): Widerholdt Frères, 2008.
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3
Artoni, Carlo. La Valle di Fassa nei secoli della trasformazione: Dalle guerre napoleoniche all'avvento del turismo (1800-1940). [Vigo di Fassa, Trento, Italy]: Istitut cultural ladin, Majon di Fascegn, 2001.
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Frasca, Francesco. Reclutamento e guerra nell'Italia napoleonica. Padova: Editoriale Programma, 1993.
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Malacrida, Luigi. 1796: L'incendio di Binasco nella guerra napoleonica. Pavia: Cardano, 2000.
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Il caso letterario dell'Ipercalisse: Foscolo, le feroci guerre di penna, l'Italia dell'età napoleonica. Firenze: Firenze Atheneum, 2008.
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Bernard, Léonce. Les prisonniers de guerre du Premier Empire. Paris: Christian, 2000.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Guerre napoleoniche"
1
Moliner Prada, Antonio. "Capítulo 6. La estrategia Napoleonica y las Ciudades Sitiadas: Los Ejemplos de Évora y Tarragona en la Guerra Peninsular." In O «saque de Évora» no contexto da Guerra Peninsular, 119–50. Publicações do Cidehus, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.cidehus.4151.
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