Academic literature on the topic 'Gujarat Riots'

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Journal articles on the topic "Gujarat Riots"

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Rajeshwari, B. "Feminist Perspectives on Post-riot Judicial Inquiry Commissions in India." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 4, no. 2 (August 2017): 196–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797017710747.

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This article argues that though communal riots bring different experiences for men and women, yet this reality does not seem to be recognized by post-riot justice mechanisms. Justice post-riots is viewed as a ‘blanket’ term for all the victims irrespective of their gender. In so doing, women’s everyday experiences seem to get pushed under the carpet. Drawing from feminist critique of the legalistic approach to justice, this article problematizes the understanding that there is only one singular, official version of truth in post-riot situations. The article critically examines post-riot judicial commissions that were constituted to inquire into the Mumbai (1992–1993) and Gujarat (2002) riots from a feminist perspective. I argue that the judicial inquiry commissions in their current format are underequipped to deal with gender concerns that emerge after communal riots. And that there is a need for feminist security studies to venture into critically analyzing judicial inquiry commissions.
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Kabir, Nahid Afrose. "Identity Politics in India: Gujarat and Delhi Riots." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 40, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 395–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2020.1813990.

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Shamdasani, Ravina. "The Gujarat riots of 2002: primordialism or democratic politics?" International Journal of Human Rights 13, no. 4 (September 2009): 544–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642980802532879.

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Sááez, Lawrence. "India in 2002: The BJP's Faltering Mandate and the Morphology of Nuclear War." Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 186–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.186.

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This article surveys some of the critical events that took place in India in 2002, paying particular attention to India's uneasy relationship with Pakistan. It also evaluates the significance of internal political developments, such as the significance of state assembly elections and the occurrence of riots in Gujarat. The survey concludes with a brief examination of India's economic developments.
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Janmohamed, Zahir. "Muslim Education in Ahmedabad in the Aftermath of the 2002 Gujarat Riots." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 13, no. 3 (December 2013): 466–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/sena.12061.

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Khan, Tabassum Ruhi. "Sympathetic Coverage of Gujarat Riots’ Muslim Victims: A Case of ‘Split Public’." Asia Pacific Media Educator 23, no. 1 (June 2013): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1326365x13510105.

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Janmohamed, Zahir. "Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 122–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i1.1822.

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While Ashutosh Varshney’s book, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindusand Muslims in India, cannot be judged by its cover, it can be judged byits index. His exhaustive and erudite study of riots in India only includesa paltry three references to the Rashtriya Swayemsevak Sangh (RSS) andVishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), two Hindu nationalist organizations thatplay a central role in such riots. He also fails to mention the Bajrang Dal,the militant Hindu organization responsible for many of the attacks duringthe violence in Gujarat in 2002. This seems to summarize the problemwith his book: It is intriguing yet incomplete.The reason for this omission becomes clear from his central thesis:Riots seldom occur where integrated networks of civic engagement exist;riots are a common feature where interdependency is absent. Varshney, aprofessor of political science at the University of Michigan, surveys sixcities in India: three riot-prone (Hyderabad, Ahmedabad, Aligarh) andthree riot-free (Lucknow, Calicut, Surat).His focus on India’s urban centers is not without reason. Only 4% ofcommunal violence-related deaths have occurred in rural areas, where67% of the Indian population lives. Eight cities (whose total populationis only 5% of the country’s total population) account for 45% of deaths incommunal violence. Varshney seems overly eager to correct the notionthat Hindu-Muslim violence is a pan-Indian experience.His book highlights some important divisions that contribute to interreligiousdiscord. In chapter 5, for example, he notes that Aligarh MuslimUniversity (AMU), once an educational center for both Muslims andHindus, is now largely a university exclusively attended by Muslims.Such divisions at the higher academic levels lead to inevitable cleavagesin society. Varshney concludes that “local patterns of violence underlinehow important associational ties across communities are for peace inmulti-ethnic societies” (p. 11).It is tempting to agree with Varshney. His book suggests the basicpremise that if Muslims and Hindus work together, they will not resort tocommunal violence. One can understand why his ideas have gained supportfrom government officials, apologetic Indian scholars, and ...
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Mehta, Nalin. "Modi and the Camera: The Politics of Television in the 2002 Gujarat Riots." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 29, no. 3 (December 2006): 395–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856400601031989.

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Sanghavi, Nagindas. "From Navnirman to the anti-Mandal riots: the political trajectory of Gujarat (1974–1985)." South Asian History and Culture 1, no. 4 (October 12, 2010): 480–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19472498.2010.507021.

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Rosario, Nandan. "Art of the Effigy." tba: Journal of Art, Media, and Visual Culture 4, no. 1 (January 6, 2023): 16–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/tba.v4i1.14893.

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The Gujarat wing of the BJP, the Ruling Party of India, created controversy on the 19th of February with the publication of a cartoon on its Twitter handle. This cartoon depicting the hanging of a group of Muslim men was read, by the Indian media, in the context of the Gujarat wing's alleged complicity in orchestrating riots that left more than 700 Muslims dead. This article argues that the cartoon was neither a joke nor an insensitive reminder nor provocation. Instead, the cartoon should be read as prophetic, but prophetic in the particular sense of the BJP’s political messaging. The cartoon is prophetic in that its visual distortions create a future which action can transfer from hyperbole to reality. This call to action creates a self-fulfilling prophecy that both the people and the state strive towards. This reading of the cartoon as prophetic reveals the accessory mechanisms of the visual media and the support given by the digital circulation of the cartoon on Twitter to the threat depicted.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Gujarat Riots"

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Kumar, Megha. "Communal riots, sexual violence and Hindu nationalism in post-independence Gujarat (1969-2002)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2b06b4e0-afac-4571-ab46-44968d36b17c.

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In much existing literature the incidence of sexual violence during Hindu-Muslim conflict has been attributed to the militant ideology of Hindu nationalism. This thesis interrogates this view. It first examines the ideological framework laid down by the founding ideologues of the Hindu nationalist movement with respect to sexual violence. I argue that a justification of sexual violence against Muslim women is at the core of their ideology. In order to examine how this ideology has contributed to the actual incidents, this thesis studies the episodes of Hindu-Muslim violence that occurred in 1969, 1985, 1992 and 2002 in the western Indian city of Ahmedabad, Gujarat. An examination of these episodes shows that sexual violence against Muslim women, in both extreme and less extreme forms, were significantly motivated by Hindu nationalist ideology. However, in addition to this ideology, patriarchal ideas that serve to normalize sexual violence as ‘sex’ and sanction its infliction to maintain gendered hierarchies also motivated such crimes. Moreover, this thesis argues that the manifestation of Hindu nationalist and patriarchal motivations in acts of sexual violence was enabled by the breakdown of neighbourhood ties between Hindus and Muslims in 1969 and 2002. By contrast, during the 1985 and 1992 riots Hindus and Muslims strengthened neighbourhood ties despite extensive communal mobilization, which seems to have prevented the perpetration of extreme sexual violence against Muslim women. Thus, by providing a comprehensive analysis of the contribution of Hindu nationalist ideology, and arguing for the significance of the patriarchal ideas and neighbourhood ties in the infliction of sexual violence during conflict, this study contributes to and departs from the existing literature.
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Shankar, Jui. "Understanding Hindus' and Muslims' solutions for peace in Gujarat, India." Virtual Press, 2007. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1379127.

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This research explored Indians' definitions of peace and their solutions for peace between Hindus and Muslims in Gujarat, India. The study also focused on peacebuilding efforts after the Hindu-Muslim violence in Gujarat in 2002.Members of a local NGO collaborated on the project by acting as gatekeepers in the field. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in Hindi with twenty-nine adult men and women (20 to 64 years old) from both the Hindu and Muslim communities. To develop an understanding of the social context of each community, the researcher initiated conversations and walks around the communities with three key informants and she also conducted participatory mapping of the communities.Data analyses of the transcribed interviews was performed by two coders using the Grounded Theory approach in the target language, i.e., Hindi. Four main themes emerged: (1) descriptions of the community, (2) perceptions of relationships Hindus and Muslims, (3) peace and solutions for peace, and (4) hopes for the future. Smaller specific categories were captured under these broader themes.Based on the data analyses, analytic matrices representing the relationships between these categories and the two main research questions were generated. These matrices were developed drawing from data obtained during participants' interviews, conversations with key informants, the researcher's field observations, participatory mapping, and the available literature.Relying on the conceptual frameworks generated from the data, participants' definitions of peace and their solutions for peace in their community were elaborated. Participants' defined peace as the absence of both direct (e.g., physical violence) and structural (e.g., unemployment, crime rates) violence. Further, their solutions for peace incorporated direct (e.g., absence of physical violence) and structural (e.g., opportunities for employment) peacebuilding as ways- to promote non-violence in their communities. The analytic matrices derived from this study provided strong evidence to suggest participants' definitions of peace and their solutions for peace could contribute to peacebuilding between Hindus and Muslims in the communities in Gujarat targeted for this project. Implications for employing peacebuilding strategies to resolve conflict between other individuals are offered, as are recommendations for investigating solutions designed to facilitate peace and limitations of this study.
Department of Counseling Psychology and Guidance Services
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Yeolekar, Mugdha. "Gujarat 2002 riots : an interpretive analysis." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/18735.

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Considering the communal riots in 1969,1985, 1992 and recently in 2002, communal riots between Hindus and Muslims are not new phenomena in Gujarat. Yet the active participation of people from all sections of the society, the scale and the brutality of violence and the spread of violence in new areas (that used to be peaceful earlier) make Gujarat 2002 a unique phenomenon. Why did riots occur in Gujarat? Why are the religious identities so hardened and politicized in Gujarat? This thesis develops an eclectic approach towards understanding communal riots by integrating the approaches of Asagar Ali Engineer, Paul Brass and Ashutosh Varshney. The central argument of this thesis is that the existence of an "institutionalized riot system"- implying the support of the State- as Brass clams, is an essential condition for the occurrence of communal violence. Further, riots are endemic where the civil society organizations are inactive in controlling the riots as well as work in tandem with the State. Taking Gujarat 2002 riots as a case study, this thesis aims at developing a universal eclectic approach towards understanding communal violence.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Books on the topic "Gujarat Riots"

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Catholic Church. Archdiocese of Delhi (India) Justice and Peace Commission. Gujarat sequences. New Delhi: Justice and Peace Commission, Archdiocese of Delhi, 2002.

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L, Sondhi M., and Mukarji Apratim 1941-, eds. The black book of Gujarat. New Delhi: Manak Publications, 2002.

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Amrita, Kumar, and Bhaumik Prashun, eds. Lest we forget, Gujarat 2002. New Delhi: World Report in association with Rupa & Co., 2002.

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Gujarat: Behind the curtain. New Delhi, India: Manas Publications, 2016.

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Kumar, Das Santosh, ed. Santosh Kumar Das: The Gujarat series : an introduction. Austin, Texas: South Asia Institute, The University of Texas at Austin, 2006.

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Medico Friend Circle (Bombay, India), ed. Carnage in Gujarat: A public health crisis. Pune: Medico Friend Circle, 2002.

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N, Rao Ramesh, and Elst Koenraad 1959-, eds. Gujarat after Godhra: Real violence, selective outrage. New Delhi: Har Anand Publications, 2003.

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Siddharth, Varadarajan, ed. Gujarat, the making of a tragedy. New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2002.

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Scarred: Experiments with violence in Gujarat. New Delhi: Penguin Books India, 2006.

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Communist Party of India (Marxist), ed. State sponsored genocide: Factsheet Gujarat 2002 : offical reports. New Delhi: Communist Party of India (Marxist), 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Gujarat Riots"

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Shah, Chinar. "Silenced Ruptures: Images from 2002 Gujarat Riots." In Photography in India, 149–59. London, UK; New York, NY, USA: Bloomsbury Visual Arts, 2018. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003103790-13.

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"The Poetry of Gujarat Riots." In Lunch With a Bigot, 32–36. Duke University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11312z3.7.

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Ghassem-Fachandi, Parvis. "Split City Body." In Pogrom in Gujarat. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691151762.003.0008.

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This chapter examines experiences of separation and how they become expressed with reference to the city's hardware: its bridges, police posts, roadside temples, and the use of interstitial space for urban expiation rituals. Ahmedabad, in particular, involves a series of contradictions that mark its urban experience. Although it has witnessed calamitous events like floods, earthquakes, and communal riots, it is also, for many of the residents, a city of calm and prosperity. Divisions of the city fall into sharp relief during times of violence or in its aftermath, when one difference is able to bridge all others and becomes more prominent. The Hindu–Muslim divide is the default mode of all divisions.
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"Chapter 4. The Poetry of Gujarat Riots." In Lunch With a Bigot, 32–36. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822375395-005.

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"Narratives of Vulnerability and Violence: Retelling the Gujarat Riots." In Vulnerability in Technological Cultures. The MIT Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/9209.003.0008.

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"Some Comments on Media Representations of the Gujarat Riots and the Kargil War." In Tracking the Media, 69–92. Routledge India, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203814147-7.

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Visvanathan, Shiv. "Reflections on the Future of Violence." In Rethinking Law and Violence, 340–56. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190120993.003.0010.

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The essay traces a sequential history of violence of the Indian nation state, marking the Partition and the Bengal famine as its repressed inaugural events, its ‘creation myths’. Outlining the vision of the nascent Indian state which internalized and fetishized development, planning and related economic rationality, he argues how we need ‘iconographic meditation’ and ‘conceptual reflection’ to understand the genocidal violence of these categories. Further, reflecting on the paradigmatic moments of violence in the post-independent India—Emergency, Narmada, Naxalbari, Bhopal, and Gujarat—the essay unravels hidden layers of statist and developmental violence. As the state marvelled in the ‘new possibilities of evil’ in its systematic apathy to the phenomenology of suffering, there was routinization of disasters and normalization of riots. The essay concludes with an articulation of an urgent need for a new language, a new discourse to understand the routinization of violence and fragility of citizenship that are built into the value system of the current political regime.
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Ghassem-Fachandi, Parvis. "The Gujarat Pogrom." In Pogrom in Gujarat. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691151762.003.0004.

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This chapter talks about how middle-class Ahmedabadis either simply denied the massacres at Gulbarg Society and Naroda Patiya, or they explained everything by the reciprocal logic of anger (krodh), riot (tofan), and reaction (pratikriya). Most middle-class residents of the city speak pejoratively about the quality of life in the mill areas of east Ahmedabad, and they invoked these notions when accounting for the violence there. They routinely refer to a lack of economic discipline and ethic cultivation as explanations for social neglect and destitution. People also frequently used ambiguous expressions, such as je thayu te joyu (what has happened, that I have seen), in their depictions. In contrast to this ambiguity, there was often clarity of details narrated in an air of unself-conscious fascination, which leads to the conclusion that most of the details were from secondhand accounts and not personally witnessed.
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