Journal articles: 'Gujarat Riots'

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Rajeshwari, B. "Feminist Perspectives on Post-riot Judicial Inquiry Commissions in India." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 4, no. 2 (August 2017): 196–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797017710747.

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This article argues that though communal riots bring different experiences for men and women, yet this reality does not seem to be recognized by post-riot justice mechanisms. Justice post-riots is viewed as a ‘blanket’ term for all the victims irrespective of their gender. In so doing, women’s everyday experiences seem to get pushed under the carpet. Drawing from feminist critique of the legalistic approach to justice, this article problematizes the understanding that there is only one singular, official version of truth in post-riot situations. The article critically examines post-riot judicial commissions that were constituted to inquire into the Mumbai (1992–1993) and Gujarat (2002) riots from a feminist perspective. I argue that the judicial inquiry commissions in their current format are underequipped to deal with gender concerns that emerge after communal riots. And that there is a need for feminist security studies to venture into critically analyzing judicial inquiry commissions.

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Kabir, Nahid Afrose. "Identity Politics in India: Gujarat and Delhi Riots." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 40, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 395–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2020.1813990.

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Shamdasani, Ravina. "The Gujarat riots of 2002: primordialism or democratic politics?" International Journal of Human Rights 13, no. 4 (September 2009): 544–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642980802532879.

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Sááez, Lawrence. "India in 2002: The BJP's Faltering Mandate and the Morphology of Nuclear War." Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 186–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.186.

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This article surveys some of the critical events that took place in India in 2002, paying particular attention to India's uneasy relationship with Pakistan. It also evaluates the significance of internal political developments, such as the significance of state assembly elections and the occurrence of riots in Gujarat. The survey concludes with a brief examination of India's economic developments.

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Janmohamed, Zahir. "Muslim Education in Ahmedabad in the Aftermath of the 2002 Gujarat Riots." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 13, no. 3 (December 2013): 466–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/sena.12061.

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Khan, Tabassum Ruhi. "Sympathetic Coverage of Gujarat Riots’ Muslim Victims: A Case of ‘Split Public’." Asia Pacific Media Educator 23, no. 1 (June 2013): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1326365x13510105.

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Janmohamed, Zahir. "Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 122–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i1.1822.

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While Ashutosh Varshney’s book, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindusand Muslims in India, cannot be judged by its cover, it can be judged byits index. His exhaustive and erudite study of riots in India only includesa paltry three references to the Rashtriya Swayemsevak Sangh (RSS) andVishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), two Hindu nationalist organizations thatplay a central role in such riots. He also fails to mention the Bajrang Dal,the militant Hindu organization responsible for many of the attacks duringthe violence in Gujarat in 2002. This seems to summarize the problemwith his book: It is intriguing yet incomplete.The reason for this omission becomes clear from his central thesis:Riots seldom occur where integrated networks of civic engagement exist;riots are a common feature where interdependency is absent. Varshney, aprofessor of political science at the University of Michigan, surveys sixcities in India: three riot-prone (Hyderabad, Ahmedabad, Aligarh) andthree riot-free (Lucknow, Calicut, Surat).His focus on India’s urban centers is not without reason. Only 4% ofcommunal violence-related deaths have occurred in rural areas, where67% of the Indian population lives. Eight cities (whose total populationis only 5% of the country’s total population) account for 45% of deaths incommunal violence. Varshney seems overly eager to correct the notionthat Hindu-Muslim violence is a pan-Indian experience.His book highlights some important divisions that contribute to interreligiousdiscord. In chapter 5, for example, he notes that Aligarh MuslimUniversity (AMU), once an educational center for both Muslims andHindus, is now largely a university exclusively attended by Muslims.Such divisions at the higher academic levels lead to inevitable cleavagesin society. Varshney concludes that “local patterns of violence underlinehow important associational ties across communities are for peace inmulti-ethnic societies” (p. 11).It is tempting to agree with Varshney. His book suggests the basicpremise that if Muslims and Hindus work together, they will not resort tocommunal violence. One can understand why his ideas have gained supportfrom government officials, apologetic Indian scholars, and ...

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Mehta, Nalin. "Modi and the Camera: The Politics of Television in the 2002 Gujarat Riots." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 29, no. 3 (December 2006): 395–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856400601031989.

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Sanghavi, Nagindas. "From Navnirman to the anti-Mandal riots: the political trajectory of Gujarat (1974–1985)." South Asian History and Culture 1, no. 4 (October 12, 2010): 480–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19472498.2010.507021.

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Rosario, Nandan. "Art of the Effigy." tba: Journal of Art, Media, and Visual Culture 4, no. 1 (January 6, 2023): 16–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/tba.v4i1.14893.

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The Gujarat wing of the BJP, the Ruling Party of India, created controversy on the 19th of February with the publication of a cartoon on its Twitter handle. This cartoon depicting the hanging of a group of Muslim men was read, by the Indian media, in the context of the Gujarat wing's alleged complicity in orchestrating riots that left more than 700 Muslims dead. This article argues that the cartoon was neither a joke nor an insensitive reminder nor provocation. Instead, the cartoon should be read as prophetic, but prophetic in the particular sense of the BJP’s political messaging. The cartoon is prophetic in that its visual distortions create a future which action can transfer from hyperbole to reality. This call to action creates a self-fulfilling prophecy that both the people and the state strive towards. This reading of the cartoon as prophetic reveals the accessory mechanisms of the visual media and the support given by the digital circulation of the cartoon on Twitter to the threat depicted.

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Berenschot, Ward. "The Spatial Distribution of Riots: Patronage and the Instigation of Communal Violence in Gujarat, India." World Development 39, no. 2 (February 2011): 221–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2009.11.029.

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Sekar, K. "(A14) Psychosocial Support Services in Disasters - Indian Experiences." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 26, S1 (May 2011): s3—s4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x11000276.

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India with 1.08 billion populations is vulnerable to earthquake (56%), floods (8%), cyclones (12%) and droughts (28%) every year. It is further compounded with refugees, riots, epidemic and endemic situations. Disaster psychosocial support and mental health services has consistently grown and standardized over the past three decades in India. The initial experiments' started in 1981 with a circus tragedy and documentation of prolonged grief reaction. In the Bhopal gas tragedy (1984) mental health services were integrated through primary care doctors. The Marathwada earthquake (1991) involved primary health care personnel in provision of mental health care to the survivors. The Orissa super cyclone (1999) saw the emergence of psychosocial support to the community using local resources like community level workers who were survivors by themselves. The feasibility study involving 40 such workers was expanded to a pilot model with 400 workers in the Gujarat earthquake (2001) and later to the level of a District model in the Gujarat riots (2002). These developments paved way for the State model when Tsunami struck the eastern coast of India affecting three States and two Union Territories in India. The experiences and experiments led to the development of standardized capacity building tools and intervention kits with level and limits of care being addressed. The Indian experiences has seen a striding change from psychiatry paradigm to public health model, to the development of a standardized psychosocial support models involving community at large. The lesson learnt has been helpful in developing the National Guidelines on Psychosocial Support and Mental Health Services by the National Disaster Management Authority of India. These service models could be adapted to the developing South East Asian countries where there is a paucity of trained professionals to attend the needs of the survivors.

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GOVINDA, RADHIKA. "‘Didi, are you Hindu?’ Politics of Secularism in Women's Activism in India: Case-study of a grassroots women's organization in rural Uttar Pradesh." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 2 (November 21, 2012): 612–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000832.

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AbstractIn this paper I take the women's movement as the site for unpacking some of the strains and tensions involved in practical interpretations of secularism in present-day India. Several sources within and outside the movement point out that there has been a tendency to take the existence of secularism for granted, and that the supposedly secular idioms and symbols used for mobilizing women have been drawn from Hindu religio-cultural sources. Women from Dalit and religious minority communities have felt alienated by this. Hindu nationalists have cleverly appropriated these idioms and symbols to mobilize women as foot soldiers to further religious nationalism. Through a case-study of a grassroots women's NGO working in Uttar Pradesh, I seek to explore how women's organizations may be reshaping their agendas and activism to address this issue. Specifically, I will examine how and why the 2002 Gujarat riots affected the NGO, the ways in which it has started working on the issue of communal harmony and engaging with Muslims since the riots, and the challenges with which it has been confronted as a result of its efforts. In doing so, I will show how the complexities of NGO-based women's activism have become intertwined with the politics of secularism.

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Vasa, Samia. "2002: A Reading Appeal." differences 30, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 34–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10407391-7973988.

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In 2002, the state of Gujarat in India erupted in extreme anti-Muslim violence. The sexual violence against Muslim women and girls was particularly brutal. Survivors bore witness not only to the violence and destruction but also to the intense sexual enjoyment of the Hindu rapists and rioters. My essay returns to the survivor testimonies of 2002 in an effort to rethink, on the one hand, the status of sexual pleasure/sexual violence in the riots and, on the other, the limits of feminist identification with the Muslim victim-survivors. I argue that sexuality was crucial to all the violence of 2002. My account demonstrates the value—and the terrifying consequences—of learning to read the multiple scenes of pleasure in 2002 for feminist politics against sexual violence.

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Patil, Tejaswini. "The Politics of Race, Nationhood and Hindu Nationalism." Asian Journal of Social Science 45, no. 1-2 (2017): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04501002.

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The discussion on Hindu-Muslim conflict in India has revolved around religious or ethno-nationalist explanations. Employing the Gujarat riots of 2002 as a case study, I argue that dominant (Hindu) nationalism is linked to the ideas of “race” and has its roots in Brahminical notions of Aryanism and colonial racism. The categories of “foreign, hypermasculine, terrorist Other” widely prevalent in the characterisation of the Muslim Other, are not necessarily produced due to religious differences. Instead, social and cultural cleavages propagated by Hindu nationalists have their origins in race theory that accommodates purity, lineage, classification and hierarchy as part of the democratic discourses that pervade the modern nation-state. It focuses on how the state and non-state actors create discursive silences and normalise violence against minority communities by embodying emotions of fear, hate and anger among its participants to protect Hindu nationalism.

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Mohan, Smithi. "Fragments Shored Against Ruins: Defragmenting India through the Gathering Storm." Journal of Critical Studies in Language and Literature 6, no. 1 (December 15, 2023): 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.46809/jcsll.v6i1.241.

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Travel between territories which exists contemporaneously is baffling in a psychogeographical sense. What had previously been considered as movement through indifferent space seems to be movement through time, into the future or into the past. The spatial assemblages within which these figures travel each have their own temporality, a rhythm that is produced and maintained by the processes that produce and maintain the human and nonhuman elements of the territory. Therefore travel narrative manifests itself as a narrative of space and difference and consequently travel writing as a format reflects an incessant surge of new concepts, new ways of seeing and being.. In this context, I argue that such an attempt is made by Harish Nambiar in his Defragmenting India: Riding a Bullet through the Gathering Storm, a travelogue narrative of a motorbike trip of the author and his friend across various states. Written in the dramatic backdrop of the 2002 Godhra riots, it provides an account of the various fault lines of Indian society quivering in the temblors that the communal riots of Gujarat sent across the nation. The book maps the urban consciousness of India by juxtaposing lives, issues and situations of educated and the uneducated, craftsman and conservationist, teacher and businessman, daughters and drunks from small towns and non-metro cities of India. It thus succeeds in capturing the undercurrents that flow through the life of a nation, community, city, families and individuals, simultaneously cutting across narrow divisive borders.

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Heuer, Vera, and Brent Hierman. "Substate Populism and the Challenge to the Centre in Post-Riot Asian Contexts." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 13, no. 3 (December 2018): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2018.1505539.

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In this article, we introduce the concept of substate populism to account for dynamics in which populist speech is used to critique national elites for harming the interests of the ‘pure’ local people. We also identify three preconditions for substate populism: decentralisation, preexisting resentment or anxiety, and the capacity to dominate the local narrative. We explore the concept through a comparison of the frames used by Narendra Modi while serving as the chief minister of the state of Gujarat in India and Melis Myrzakmatov while serving as the mayor of Osh, Kyrgyzstan. We demonstrate that in both cases Modi and Myrzakmatov utilised substate populism following deadly ethnic riots to articulate local resentments, maintain popular support, and delegitimise external efforts to promote post-conflict reconciliation. We argue that through eradicating at least one of the three identified preconditions, a national government can undermine substate populism.

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Miklian, Jason, and Kristian Hoelscher. "Smart Cities, Mobile Technologies and Social Cohesion in India." Indian Journal of Human Development 11, no. 1 (April 2017): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973703017712871.

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India’s cities are projected to grow by 300 million people by 2050, but this demographic transition may exacerbate fragile communal and infrastructural tensions. To address these challenges, the ‘Smart Cities’ agenda attempts to leverage India’s rapid embrace of technology to generate societal positive developmental outcomes in urban areas that emphasize the use of Internet and communications technologies (ICTs). However, local, regional and national government agencies struggle to balance embracing technology with inclusive development that protects civil rights and liberties. While the benefits are often stated, the acceleration of technology use in urban development can also create exclusionary cities, and many technologies that drive India’s modernization have also facilitated riots and violence between communities. This article explores these contradictions, examining scholarship on Smart Cities and ICTs in the context of the 2015–2016 Patel/Patidar agitation in Gujarat. We conclude by offering forward pathways for the Smart Cities and mobile technology agendas that support inclusive urban growth and development in India but are also mindful of civil liberties.

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Vyas, Jay Narayan. "Dams, environment and regional development – harnessing the “elixir of life: water” for overall development." Water Science and Technology 45, no. 8 (April 1, 2002): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2002.0148.

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Water – the Elixir of Life – has the potential to sustain human life and also to develop it further, and that is why various international instruments have aptly recognized its role in sustainable development. This paper reviews the global and Indian water scenario before presenting the case of Gujarat State, where perennial water scarcity has raised serious threats to the existence of millions of people and cattle and has led to environmental degradation and constrained economic development. More than 13,000 villages out of 18,028 villages of the State are facing scarcity in terms of crop failure this year. Drinking water supply is maintained by transporting water by road tankers, “water special” trains and even by ships via a sea route. Lack of access to safe and clean water for domestic use has a detrimental effect on the social fabric, and even incidences of migration and water riots are recorded. The paper discusses the efficacy of available options including rain water harvesting. The efforts of the State to harness the untapped waters of Narmada for the survival of millions and sustainable development of western India, are discussed adjudging socio-economic and environmental impacts. The paper concludes that assured water supply is essentially critical for overall development.

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R. Sophia Rani. "The Postmodern Condition of Fragmentation in Githa Hariharan’s “Fugitive Histories”." Shanlax International Journal of English 12, S1-Dec (December 14, 2023): 256–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/rtdh.v12is1-dec.126.

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Post -1980 is the period of postmodernism in Indian English Literature with the postmodern novelists featuring Indian tradition and history in a new light using new narrative strategies. Githa Hariharan as a postmodern writer has used the technique of rewriting myths and histories to liberate women. Lisa Tuttle defines feminist theory as asking “new questions of old texts”. Old texts are revisited to challenge the gender stereotypes embedded in myths that have fashioned this patriarchal society. Githa Hariharan, in her novel “Fugitive Histories” recalls the Gujarat riots that have left an indelible mark in the lives of the affected people who look out to some form of rehabilitation to keep going in this uncertain world. The female characters she depicts, are strong enough to combat the present situation though they face all kinds of suppression and the sense of resignation with which they bring peace into their life really takes Githa Hariharan to another level. She has tried her best to celebrate life amidst chaos that exists in modern society for she understands that there is no use lamenting over the loss of the past or the collapse of selfhood as Tim Woods rightly points out in his book “Beginning Postmodernism”. This paper analyses the postmodern condition of fragmentation in the novel “Fugitive Histories” and shows how women try to reconstruct their lives in the midst of the disparity that prevails in society based on religion and gender.

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Saxena, Stuti. "Trustee meeting: where did Mukti go wrong?" Emerald Emerging Markets Case Studies 3, no. 7 (November 19, 2013): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eemcs-07-2013-0134.

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Subject area The case study is apt for the undergraduate as well as the postgraduate students in courses spanning from human resource management and leadership to non-government organizations' management and organizational visioning issues. Study level/applicability Management courses. Case overview The case veers around an NGO called Mukti, which was established post-Gujarat riots. The NGO seeks to empower the women and the youth by spreading awareness about the basic rights as well as works for the social inclusion of those living at the tangent or far away from the mainstream society. There are serious leadership and manpower management issues in the NGO, which need to be sorted out for the organization to realize its goals and objectives. Mukti is answerable for its performance before the trustees and the funding agency, both of whom are critical about the functioning of the NGO. Therefore, concerns are raised for tackling the issues of employee turnover and leadership structure. Expected learning outcomes The objectives of the case are fourfold: to appreciate the challenges in the face of running a NGO or a voluntary organization; to understand the manpower issues, especially among the frontline staff; to study the impact of authoritarian leadership in an organization; to underscore the need for clearly defining the organization's vision, mission, goals and objectives as well as the need for planning in the short-term and long-term for achieving the targets set by the organization. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email support@emeraldinsight.com to request teaching notes.

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Tolba, Nasser. "From Rebellion to Riots." Research in Social Sciences and Technology 3, no. 2 (May 20, 2018): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.46303/ressat.03.02.6.

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This article aims to explore the phenomenon of political violence at Egyptian universities after the downfall of the Muslim Brotherhood regime on June 30, 2013. It is a critical analysis to identify the underlying causes and factors leading to this excessive violence and its impact on the Egyptian universities. The article drew on qualitative methods by interviewing 16 Muslim Brotherhood students from four public universities. The results indicate that frustration, injustice, the collapse of democracy, and interference of the security in universities played an initial role in the studentsâ€™ violent behaviors. The forms of violence varied from clashes, throwing stones, and destroying university facilities and infrastructure. The effects of violence on the university were large such as, cancelling study several times, eliminating student political and cultural activities, infrastructure losses, and many arrests, injuries and victims between students and staff. Keywords: 30 June events 2013, political violence, Egypt revolution, student protests. G M T Sprache erkennen Afrikaans Albanisch Arabisch Armenisch Aserbaidschanisch Baskisch Bengalisch Bosnisch Bulgarisch Burmesisch Cebuano Chichewa Chinesisch (ver) Chinesisch (trad) DÃ¤nisch Deutsch Englisch Esperanto Estnisch Finnisch FranzÃ¶sisch Galizisch Georgisch Griechisch Gujarati Haitianisch Hausa HebrÃ¤isch Hindi Hmong Igbo Indonesisch Irisch IslÃ¤ndisch Italienisch Japanisch Javanesisch Jiddisch Kannada Kasachisch Katalanisch Khmer Koreanisch Kroatisch Lao Lateinish Lettisch Litauisch Malabarisch Malagasy Malaysisch Maltesisch Maori Marathisch Mazedonisch Mongolisch Nepalesisch NiederlÃ¤ndisch Norwegisch Persisch Polnisch Portugiesisch Punjabi RumÃ¤nisch Russisch Schwedisch Serbisch Sesotho Singhalesisch Slowakisch Slowenisch Somali Spanisch Suaheli Sundanesisch Tadschikisch Tagalog Tamil Telugu ThailÃ¤ndisch Tschechisch TÃ¼rkisch Ukrainisch Ungarisch Urdu Uzbekisch Vietnamesisch Walisisch WeiÃŸrussisch Yoruba Zulu Afrikaans Albanisch Arabisch Armenisch Aserbaidschanisch Baskisch Bengalisch Bosnisch Bulgarisch Burmesisch Cebuano Chichewa Chinesisch (ver) Chinesisch (trad) DÃ¤nisch Deutsch Englisch Esperanto Estnisch Finnisch FranzÃ¶sisch Galizisch Georgisch Griechisch Gujarati Haitianisch Hausa HebrÃ¤isch Hindi Hmong Igbo Indonesisch Irisch IslÃ¤ndisch Italienisch Japanisch Javanesisch Jiddisch Kannada Kasachisch Katalanisch Khmer Koreanisch Kroatisch Lao Lateinish Lettisch Litauisch Malabarisch Malagasy Malaysisch Maltesisch Maori Marathisch Mazedonisch Mongolisch Nepalesisch NiederlÃ¤ndisch Norwegisch Persisch Polnisch Portugiesisch Punjabi RumÃ¤nisch Russisch Schwedisch Serbisch Sesotho Singhalesisch Slowakisch Slowenisch Somali Spanisch Suaheli Sundanesisch Tadschikisch Tagalog Tamil Telugu ThailÃ¤ndisch Tschechisch TÃ¼rkisch Ukrainisch Ungarisch Urdu Uzbekisch Vietnamesisch Walisisch WeiÃŸrussisch Yoruba Zulu Die Sound-Funktion ist auf 200 Zeichen begrenzt Optionen : Geschichte : Feedback : Donate SchlieÃŸen

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Priya, Kumar Ravi. "Trauma Reactions, Suffering, and Healing among Riot-Affected Internally Displaced Children of Gujarat, India: A Qualitative Inquiry." Qualitative Research in Psychology 9, no. 3 (May 14, 2012): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14780887.2010.500353.

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Choudhury, Pallabee, Sumer Chopra, Charu Kamra, and Archana Das. "New Insight into the Recent Earthquake Activity in North Cambay Basin, Western India: Seismological and Geodetic Perspectives." Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America 109, no. 6 (October 15, 2019): 2240–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1785/0120190126.

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Abstract The intraplate Gujarat region located at the trijunction of three failed rifts, Kachchh, Narmada, and Cambay, is one of the most seismically active intraplate regions of the world. Among these three, the Cambay basin has been investigated thoroughly for petroleum. However, the basin has not been studied from a seismotectonic perspective. For the past few years, the northern part of the Cambay basin is becoming active with reasonably frequent earthquake occurrences. In the past 10 yr, ∼995 earthquakes have been recorded from the region with a maximum magnitude up to 4.2. Most of the earthquakes are in the magnitude range 1–3. Since 2009, four Global Positioning System (GPS) stations have been in operation in the vicinity of the Cambay basin, and a maximum deformation of 1.8±0.1 mm/yr has been estimated. The GPS‐derived strain rates of ∼0.02–0.03 microstrain/yr are prevalent in the region. An average strain rate of 0.02 microstrain/yr in the region can generate an earthquake of magnitude 6.4. The focal mechanisms of the earthquakes have been mostly normal with strike‐slip component and corroborated by the geodetic strain tensors. Most of the seismicity is clustered in the basement ridges, striking along pre‐existing Precambrian trends that cross the Cambay basin. Complex geodynamics have developed around the northern part of the Cambay rift because of the various movements along several faults, presence of basement ridges, and subsurface plutonic bodies in a failed rift, which are creating stresses and causing earthquakes in this part of the rift. We postulated that the highly heterogeneous subsurface structure beneath the northern part of the Cambay rift is creating additional stress, which is superimposing on the regional stress field substantially, and this mechanism is plausibly facilitating the localized extensional tectonics in the region where compression is expected.

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-, HARSHITA PRAKASH. "Bilkish Bano Case Analysis." International Journal For Multidisciplinary Research 5, no. 5 (September 20, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.36948/ijfmr.2023.v05i05.6695.

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In my research paper, I talked about the Bilkish Bano case, In 2002, the Indian riots in Gujarat resulted in over 1,000 deaths, primarily among Muslims. Bilkis Bano, a Muslim woman, attempted to evacuate her hometown with her family. On March 3, 2002, she and her mother were brutally abused and raped in the Sabarmati Express massacre. After regaining consciousness, she filed a complaint with the National Human Rights Commission and the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court requested a CBI probe, leading to 11 of Bano's attackers being found guilty and given life sentences. But one of the accused filed an appeal for remission which was allowed by the Hon'ble Gujarat High Court.

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Ülker, Osman. "Politics, Society and Violence: The Role of the Indian Police in the 2002 Gujarat Riots." Journal of Eurasian Inquiries / Avrasya İncelemeleri Dergisi 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.26650/jes.2021.007.

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Patel, Nishant G., and Sanjay R. Nath. "Where Identity and Trauma Converge: Hindu-Muslim Perceptions of the 2002 Gujarati Riots." Journal of Muslim Mental Health 7, no. 2 (April 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.3998/jmmh.10381607.0007.202.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Gujarat Riots'

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