Journal articles: 'Gun control Gun control Gun control Gun control Firearms Firearms Firearms Firearms'

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Dudley, Michael, Chris Cantor, and Greg de Moore. "Jumping the Gun: Firearms and the Mental Health of Australians." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry 30, no. 3 (1996): 370–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/00048679609065001.

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Objectives: The aims of this study were to (i) survey mental health-related correlates of firearms ownership and availability in Australia, and (ii) assess possible causal relationships between civilian gun deaths, gun availability and mental disorders. Method: Available data regarding firearms ownership, injuries and deaths were reviewed as well as studies of (i) gun ownership, suicide and homicide, and (ii) gun control laws and suicide. Results: Findings indicated that 85% of firearm deaths are triggered by distress, as opposed to crime. Most firearm homicides are intrafamilial or involve familiar persons. Firearm suicide rates, athough tapering off in recent years, continue to rise among certain groups. It was also found that: (1) Beyond reasonable doubt, a causal relationship exists between gun ownership and firearm suicides and homicides. The role of method substitution is controversial, but is probably less important among the young. (2) Outside the United States, legislation may be useful in reducing firearm and possibly overall suicide rates. (3) If firearm owners are representative of the community, then 15–20% suffer from a psychiatric disorder at any time. While a modest increase in risk of firearms misuse exists for this group, especially those with a history of substance abuse or violence, concern also arises regarding those with mental disorders who access firearms because owners have not secured them. No uniform definition or way of verifying self-reports exists for gun licence applicants regarding these issues. Conclusions: Further regulation of firearm safety and availability is warranted. Public health measures include improved surveillance regarding firearm events, advocacy for appropriate firearm legislation, and better education and communication about firearms.

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Bridges, F. Stephen. "Gun Control Law (BILL C-17), Suicide, and Homicide in Canada." Psychological Reports 94, no. 3 (2004): 819–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.94.3.819-826.

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Canadian Bill C-17 was implemented in 1991 to restrict the use of firearms, providing a chance to investigate the effect of firearm control laws in the use of firearms for suicide and homicide. Following Lester and Leenaars' comprehensive studies, the present study examined the use of firearms for suicide and homicide during the period prior to the bill and during the period after the passing of Bill C-17 to assess the association of the bill with rates of suicide and homicide by method. Analysis showed a significant decrease after passage of Bill C-17 in the rates of suicides and homicides involving firearms and the percentage of suicides using firearms. The analysis provides support for the position that restricting the availability of firearms as a lethal means of committing suicide and homicide may help reduce the numbers of suicides and homicides.

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Walters, Reece. "Serious Firearm Offending in New Zealand — Issues for Gun Controls and Public Safety." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 33, no. 1 (2000): 64–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000486580003300105.

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Reducing or preventing the misuse of firearms (whether criminal, suicidal or accidental) is central to gun controls policy. In June 1997 the New Zealand Government received the recommendations of the Review of Firearms Control, an independent inquiry commissioned by the Minister of Police and chaired by Sir Thomas Thorp. The Review comprehensively examined several firearm-related issues, including the nature and extent of serious firearm offending in New Zealand. The research presented in this article was commissioned by the Review. Based on a population of 709 offences for the 12 months ending 30 June 1996, this study provides an analysis of serious firearm offending in New Zealand and discusses the implications of these findings for gun controls policy.

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Bruckner, Donald W. "Gun Control and Alcohol Policy." Social Theory and Practice 44, no. 2 (2018): 149–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract20185834.

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Hugh LaFollette, Jeff McMahan, and David DeGrazia endorse the most popular and convincing argument for the strict regulation of firearms in the U.S. The argument is based on the extensive, preventable harm caused by firearms. DeGrazia offers another compelling argument based on the rights of those threatened by firearms. My thesis is a conditional: if these usual arguments for gun control succeed, then alcoholic beverages should be controlled much more strictly than they are, possibly to the point of prohibition. The argument for this thesis involves developing a careful analogy between firearms and alcohol and defending the analogy against objections.

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Zimring, Franklin E. "Firearms, Violence, and the Potential Impact of Firearms Control." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 32, no. 1 (2004): 34–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2004.tb00446.x.

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This paper organizes the question of gun controls as violence policy under two quite different headings. The first issue to be discussed is the relationship between gun use and the death rate from violent crime. The second question is whether and how firearms control strategies might reduce the death rate from violence. When we review the evidence on the relationship between guns and violence, it seems clear that gun use, usually handgun use, increases the death rate from violence by a factor of three to five. Nobody in mainstream social science or criminology argues against such weapon effects these days, although some are more skeptical of the magnitude estimated than others (one example is Lance Stell; please see his essay in this issue). Thus the problem is both genuine and important.

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Mauser, G. A., and M. Margolis. "The Politics of Gun Control: Comparing Canadian and American Patterns." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 10, no. 2 (1992): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c100189.

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In this paper two questions are asked: To what extent do the Canadian and US publics differ in their beliefs about firearms-control legislation, and to what extent do these differences help to account for the stricter firearms legislation found in Canada? Surveys indicate that Canadians and Americans have remarkably similar attitudes towards firearms and gun control. Linear regression is used to analyze the factors that underlie the popular support for (or opposition to) stricter gun-control legislation. It is found that, with respect to support for gun control, cultural differences between Canadians and Americans are overshadowed by socioeconomic variables, such as gender and gun ownership. The similarities in public attitudes between Canadians and Americans suggest that the explanation for stricter firearms legislation in Canada lies more with the differences in political elites and institutions than with differences in public opinion. The differences in public attitudes in the two countries are insufficient to explain the stark contrast in firearms legislation.

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Lester, David, and Antoon Leenaars. "Suicide Rates in Canada before and after Tightening Firearm Control Laws." Psychological Reports 72, no. 3 (1993): 787–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1993.72.3.787.

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In Canada, Bill C-51 was implemented in 1977 to restrict the use of firearms, providing a good opportunity to study the effects of gun control laws in the use of firearms for suicide. The present study examined the use of guns for suicide during the period prior to the bill and during the period after the passing of Bill C-51 to assess the association of the bill with suicide rates. Analysis showed a significant decreasing trend after passage of Bill C-51 on the firearm suicide rate in Canada and the percentage of suicides using firearms. The analysis supports the position that restricting easy access to lethal methods of suicide may assist in reducing suicide.

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Meyler, Erin, and David Lester. "Attitudes toward Gun Control." Perceptual and Motor Skills 84, no. 3 (1997): 962. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1997.84.3.962.

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A factor analysis of intercorrelations based on 85 students' responses to a scale measuring attitudes toward gun control yielded three factors of restrictions on purchasing/owning, sales, and carrying firearms.

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Fleming, Anthony, Dylan S. McLean, and Raymond Tatalovich. "Debating Gun Control in Canada and the United States: Divergent Policy Frames and Political Cultures." World Affairs 181, no. 4 (2018): 348–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820018812609.

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The weakness of the antigun lobby in the United States is attributed to the “collective action problem” of trying to mobilize “free riders” behind a public purpose. But the Coalition for Gun Control emerged in Canada to successfully lobby for the Firearms Act of 1995. If the “collective action problem” is not limited to the United States, then are its effects “mediated” by political culture? To address this research question, we content analyze (1) media coverage, (2) party platforms, (3) presidential, and (4) ministerial rhetoric. Three frames represent “restrictive” gun policies that ban or regulate firearms, “punitive” gun policies that penalize the person for the unlawful use of firearms, or “lenient” gun policies that encourage gun ownership and gun rights. Marked differences in framing the gun debate help explain why an antigun coalition emerged in Canada but not the United States.

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Rasmussen, Chris. "From Garden State to Gun Control State: New Jersey’s 1966 Firearms Law and the NRA’s Rise as a Political Lobby." New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 6, no. 2 (2020): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njs.v6i2.214.

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In 1966, the New Jersey legislature passed An Act Concerning Firearms and Other Dangerous Weapons, which imposed significant regulations on gun buyers and dealers. Two years later, members of Congress frequently cited the Garden State’s tough gun control law as a model for the Gun Control Act of 1968. Although New Jersey’s 1966 firearms law has received little attention from scholars, the battle over gun control in New Jersey marked a significant turning point in the nationwide debate between supporters and opponents of gun control and exposed political fissures that endure today. The National Rifle Association (NRA) mobilized its membership to pressure New Jersey legislators to reject gun control. In its effort to oppose gun control in New Jersey, the NRA honed its arguments that gun control infringed upon citizens’ Second Amendment right “to keep and bear arms,” contended that gun laws would not reduce crime, and charged that keeping records of gun sales would ultimately lead to confiscation of firearms. The NRA’s fight against gun control in Trenton revealed the organization’s enormous influence and signaled its emergence as one of the most effective political interest groups in the United States.

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Leenaars, Antoon A., and David Lester. "Effects of Gun Control on Homicide in Canada." Psychological Reports 75, no. 1 (1994): 81–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1994.75.1.81.

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Data from Canada from 1969 to 1985 showed that the passage of a stricter firearms control law in 1977 was associated with a decrease in the use of firearms for homicide but an increase in the use of all other methods for homicide.

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Pritting, Shannon. "Book Review: Gun Politics in America: Historical and Modern Documents in Context." Reference & User Services Quarterly 56, no. 2 (2017): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.56n2.144a.

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Gun Politics in America: Historical and Modern Documents in Context is an affordable two-volume set comprised of eight chapters ranging from the early eighteenth century to President Obama’s first term. Each chapter is made up of about fifteen primary source documents covering major periods in firearms and politics in the United States, with 134 sources total. In addition, each chapter has a roughly ten-page introduction that provides an overview of the social and cultural climate of the period covered by the chapter, with the focus on how the period connects with gun control and the politics surrounding firearms. The chapter introductions do an excellent job of connecting themes in gun control such as race relations, crime rates, organized crime, drugs, and other specific issues related to gun control such as the right to self-defense and concealed carrying of firearms.

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Kelsay, James D., Jordan Papp, Jennifer Wareham, and Brad W. Smith. "In Guns We Trust: A Reexamination of the Collective Security Hypothesis." Criminal Justice and Behavior 45, no. 12 (2018): 1936–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093854818793688.

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This study reexamines the collective security hypothesis of gun ownership using data collected from residents of the city of Detroit, Michigan. In addition, we seek to determine whether the effects of perceptions of police, fear of crime, and victimization on individual-level gun ownership are attenuated by neighborhood levels of informal social control. Our findings indicate that police satisfaction remains a robust predictor of gun ownership, in that those who are less satisfied with police are more likely to own a firearm for defensive purposes. Moreover, the effects of this variable remain unaffected by the inclusion of informal social control. These results confirm a number of previously identified correlates of gun ownership remain influential and suggest that improving perceptions of police among the public may lead to fewer firearms in circulation among the public.

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Fine, J. David. "Issues in firearms control: a critique of the 1985 New South Wales legislation." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 18, no. 4 (1985): 257–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000486588501800406.

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New South Wales recently has adopted significant amendments to its firearms control laws. In so doing it has evinced certain fundamental policy choices. These relate to matters including gun registration and the licensing of gun owners; controls on ammunition; the appropriate locus of discretion in firearms control matters; the appropriate controls for especially dangerous types of firearms; the situation of primary producers; reciprocity in firearms licensing within Australia; and the collection of historically significant firearms. This article identifies the policy preferences implicit in the 1985 New South Wales law. It then proceeds to critique these policy decisions with reference to patterns of law (present and emerging) in the country's other jurisdictions, and the relevant secondary literature in the field. While concluding that the newly amended New South Wales legislation remains “functional and purposive”, on the whole, the article ends with a problematic for the future. VII. And be it further enacted, That every person who shall be found with any fire-arms, or other instruments of a violent nature, in his possession, and shall not prove to the satisfaction of the Justices of the Peace as aforesaid, that the same was or were not intended to be illegally used, as hereinbefore is provided, shall be deemed to be guilty of a high misdemeanour, …A

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Lymar, Marharyta, and Iryna Tykhonenko. "The US gun policy: domestic and external dimensions." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 10 (2020): 42–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.10.4.

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The purpose of the article is to explore proliferation of firearms in the United States due to social problems (mass shootings) and public demand for increasing gun control. Primary challenges cover exploring the U.S. firearms history, which provides a key to understanding the causes of the current situation in this area; reviewing of Americans’ attitudes toward gun ownership; studying the U.S. foreign policy in the context of arms exports from Ukraine to the United States. Moreover, attention is paid to exploring the influence of the National Rifle Association (NRA) on Donald Trump’s decision on arms control and a comparative analysis of his gun policy with the policy of his predecessors. The methodological basis of the study includes a set of general and special research methods. Systematic approach is used to consider the U.S. gun policy as a complex system with the determinism of domestic and foreign policy levels. A significant role is played by descriptive-historical and chronological methods that allow to examine the evolution of the U.S. legal framework for firearms and small-arms control. The comparative method makes it possible to compare the approaches of George W. Bush’s, Barack Obama’s and Donald Trump’s administrations to the gun policy. The statistical method allows to consider the peculiarities of the U.S. exports of small arms and Ukraine’s exports of such type of weapons to the USA. The scientific novelty lies in one of the first attempts among Ukrainian authors to make a comprehensive analysis of the interdependence of internal and external aspects of firearms trafficking among the U.S. civilians. In this context, the paper examines the U.S.–Ukrainian relations. The study concludes that the U.S. gun traditions are the main stumbling block for tightening firearms legislation. On the gun issue, the U.S. domestic policy, which is heavily influenced by the NRA, determines the state’s foreign policy. At the same time, society is demanding reforms aimed at restricting the possession of firearms by the civilian population, which may increase the level of domestic security.

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Green, Ronald M. "Legally Targeting Gun Makers: Lessons for Business Ethics." Business Ethics Quarterly 10, no. 1 (2000): 203–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3857706.

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Abstract:As a “case” in business ethics, the conduct of the firearms industry is hardly dilemmatic. The responsible choices before firearm manufacturers have long been clear, if largely neglected. The great interest here for business ethicists lies in understanding how civil law and ethics can work together to bring a rogue industry under control. Business ethicists have a role to play in shaping the formation of legal standards in this area. In turn, emerging concepts of manufacturers’ liability can make a contribution to the teaching of business ethics.

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Brown, R. Blake. "Firearm “Rights” in Canada: Law and History in the Debates over Gun Control." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 32, no. 01 (2017): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2017.5.

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AbstractThis article explains why and how some Canadians have asserted a right to possess firearms from the late nineteenth century to the early twenty-first century. It demonstrates that several late-nineteenth-century politicians asserted a right to arms for self-defence purposes based on the English Bill of Rights. This “right” was forgotten until opponents of gun control dusted it off in the late twentieth century. Firearm owners began to assert such a right based upon the English Bill of Rights, William Blackstone, and the English common law. Their claims remained judicially untested until recent cases finally undermined such arguments.

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Hilgard, Joseph, Christopher R. Engelhardt, and Bruce D. Bartholow. "Brief use of a specific gun in a violent game does not affect attitudes towards that gun." Royal Society Open Science 3, no. 11 (2016): 160310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsos.160310.

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Although much attention has been paid to the question of whether violent video games increase aggressive behaviour, little attention has been paid to how such games might encourage antecedents of gun violence. In this study, we examined how product placement, the attractive in-game presentation of certain real-world firearm brands, might encourage gun ownership, a necessary antecedent of gun violence. We sought to study how the virtual portrayal of a real-world firearm (the Bushmaster AR-15) could influence players' attitudes towards the AR-15 specifically and gun ownership in general. College undergraduates ( N = 176) played one of four modified video games in a 2 (gun: AR-15 or science-fiction control) × 2 (gun power: strong or weak) between-subjects design. Despite collecting many outcomes and examining many potential covariates and moderators, experimental assignment did little to influence outcomes of product evaluations or purchasing intentions with regard to the AR-15. Attitudes towards public policy and estimation of gun safety were also not influenced by experimental condition, although these might have been better tested by comparison against a no-violence control condition. By contrast, gender and political party had dramatic associations with all outcomes. We conclude that, if product placement shapes attitudes towards firearms, such effects will need to be studied with stronger manipulations or more sensitive measures.

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Roberto, Anthony J., Amy Janan Johnson, Gary Meyer, Steve L. Robbins, and Patricia K. Smith. "The Firearm Injury Reduction Education (Fire) Program: Formative Evaluation Insights and Implications." Social Marketing Quarterly 4, no. 2 (1998): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15245004.1998.9960994.

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The Firearm Injury Reduction Education (FIRE) Program is a comprehensive community-based initiative aimed primarily at reducing the number of unintentional firearm injuries and deaths in Michigan. The FIRE Program is a multifaceted intervention that includes the following components: (1) videotaped testimonials; (2) radio public service announcements (PSAs); and (3) pamphlet distribution. In all cases, target audience members have an opportunity to receive a free gun trigger-lock. Several aspects of the social marketing model will be adopted by the FIRE Program. Pre-production formative evaluation is one important part of social marketing. The information reported here contains results of formative evaluation conducted to obtain feedback to develop and improve program components. Specifically, focus groups ( N = 6) were conducted with adults and children who owned firearms and/or were members of an at-risk population. Individual in- depth interviews were also conducted ( N = 11) with law enforcement officers and gun shop owners and/or operators. Results suggest that one can learn a reasonable amount of information from a limited number of focus groups and interviews. Injuries and deaths from guns represent a pervasive problem in American society. Firearms are the second-leading cause of fatal injuries in this country (Kellermann, 1994), and have surpassed automobile accidents in many states to become the leading cause of fatal injuries (Marwick, 1995). In 1994, firearms were involved in 17,866 homicides, there were 1,356 deaths due to unintentional gun injuries and 18,765 individuals prematurely ended their lives through suicide with a firearm (Singh, Kochanek, & MacDorman, 1996). Though fewer individuals died from unintentional shootings, estimates suggest that for every unintentional gun- related death, there are 13 unintentional gun-related injuries (Annest, Mercy, Gibson, & Ryan, 1995). Overall, for every gun-related death, estimates indicate that approximately seven people are injured by guns (Kellermann, 1994). The availability of a gun in a home is cited as a major contributing factor in each of these cases (Michigan Task Force on Interpersonal Violence Prevention and Reduction, 1994; Cook, 1979; Zimring, 1968; McDowall, 1991; Brent et al., 1991; Kellermann et al., 1992; Cotton, 1992), especially when the gun is stored loaded but not locked (Wintemut, Teret, Kraus, Wright, & Bradfield, 1987). Funding for this program was provided by the Michigan Department of Community Health to the Michigan Public Health Institute. Gun-related injuries and deaths carry a heavy price tag in terms of years-of-life lost and money spent to treat victims. National estimates indicate that annual costs related to firearm injuries and deaths average $14 billion (Voelker, 1995). Additionally, the life lost is often a young one, losing the potential for many years as a productive citizen. With regard to intentional firearm deaths, 20- to 24-year-olds have the highest death rate (National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 1993). Unintentional gun injuries are the third leading cause of death for 15- to 24-year-olds and the fourth leading cause of death for 5- to 14-year-olds in the United States (Kellermann, Lee, Mercy, & Banton, 1991). The populations at greatest risk for gun-related suicide include males 10- to 34-years-old and those 70 and older (Rosenberg, 1993). These statistics illustrate the seriousness of firearm injuries and deaths. Treating this issue as a public health concern has been growing in popularity as a realistic option to reduce gun violence. Firearm injuries and deaths are increasingly being referred to as an “epidemic” (Mason & Proctor, 1992; Novello, Shosky, & Froehlke, 1992; Randall, 1990), “a public health emergency” (Novello et al., 1992), and one of “the most critical health problems this country faces” (Randall, 1990).

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Anestis, Michael D., Samantha E. Daruwala, and Neil Carey. "Suicide attempt trends leading up to and following gun lock changes in the 2013 National Defense Authorization Act." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 11, no. 2 (2019): 100–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-11-2018-0389.

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PurposeFirearms account for the majority of suicide deaths in the US military and general population. The percentage of suicides resulting from firearms is higher in the military, however, and as such, the ratio of non-lethal to lethal suicide attempts is lower in the military than in the general population. In 2013, Congress passed the National Defense Authorization Act, which facilitated a Department of Defense (DoD) shift toward allowing commanding officers and clinicians to inquire about personal firearms with service members perceived as being at risk and also began giving free cable locks to firearm-owning military personnel. The purpose of this paper is to provide a preliminary understanding of the effectiveness of this change, the authors examined trends in firearm suicide attempts within the US military and general population from 2010 to 2015.Design/methodology/approachData on non-lethal and lethal suicide attempts overall and within specific methods were extracted from the Department of Defense Suicide Event Report and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System (2011–2015).FindingsContrary to expectations, firearms were not utilized in a smaller proportion of suicide attempts within the military post-law change. Consistent with expectations, however, the ratio of non-lethal to lethal suicide attempts increased, particularly after the change in law, with the ratio in the military converging somewhat with that of the general population.Originality/valueOverall, results were mixed, with only limited and tangential evidence that the change in law has proven effective. More precise data collection will be required in order to fully evaluate such laws.

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Ausman, James I., and Miguel A. Faria. "Is gun control really about people control?" Surgical Neurology International 10 (October 4, 2019): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.25259/sni_480_2019.

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The Second Amendment of the USA Constitution states: “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.” Today around the USA and the world some people are advocating the removal of guns from the citizens, called “Gun Control,” as the solution to violent crime that they associate with guns in the hands of the public, contrary to what the Second Amendment states. This review provides a factual background to the debate about the issues surrounding the arguments for and against “Gun Control.” The paper documents many factors that lead to violent crimes committed by people. The means used to cause violent crimes cover the history of human civilization. They include weapons of all types, bombs, toxic substances, vehicles of many kinds, and planes, all to cause the death of others. Some who commit or threaten violent crime against others are emotionally disturbed and in many cases are known to the police through screening systems. Family dysfunction, alcohol and drug abuse, an incessant stream of media and entertainment featuring gun violence, and an educational system that does not equip the young with the proper civic and ethical principles to deal with life’s challenges all contribute to violent behavior using guns and other lethal means. With this background of multiple factors leading to the commission of violent crimes against others, the focus has been concentrated on banning firearms from public ownership rather than understanding the reasons for this criminal behavior. Why? There is the overwhelming evidence that disarming the public from using firearms will not reduce violent crimes and will render people defenseless. Other facts indicate that allowing citizens to carry arms will prevent or reduce violent crimes. The debate over Gun Control has become politicized and emotionally based, because the real goal is not stated. In respected scientific journals and in the Media, factual information about the causes and prevention of violent deaths has been misrepresented or is blatantly false. Using censorship, the medical press and the mass media have refused to publish articles or print opposing opinions such as those supporting the rights of citizens to bear arms. There is evidence that tax-exempt foundations and wealthy individuals are financially supporting Gun Control efforts with the goal of disarming the public to establish a centrally controlled government and to eliminate the US Constitution. It is obvious that in the rapidly changing world we need to find answers to the many factors behind Violent Crime in which guns are used. That will take time and patience. In the meantime, is there a gray area for compromise in the Guns and Violence issue? Yes, logically, from all the evidence presented in this review, citizens should be encouraged to carry arms for self, family, and fellow citizen protection, and as a check on government, a right guaranteed by the constitution and endowed by our God-given natural right. The challenges facing us are multifaceted. Is Gun Control really about People Control?

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Holly, Cheryl, Sallie Porter, Mary Kamienski, and Aubrianne Lim. "School-Based and Community-Based Gun Safety Educational Strategies for Injury Prevention." Health Promotion Practice 20, no. 1 (2018): 38–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1524839918774571.

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Background. Nearly 1,300 children in the United States die because of firearm-related injury each year and another 5,790 survive gunshot wounds, making the prevention of firearm-related unintentional injury to children of vital importance to families, health professionals, and policy makers. Objective. To systematically review the evidence on school-based and community-based gun safety programs for children aged 3 to 18 years. Study Design. Systematic review. Method. Twelve databases were searched from their earliest records to December 2016. Interventional and analytic studies were sought, including randomized controlled trials, quasi-experimental studies, as well as before-and-after studies or cohort studies with or without a control that involved an intervention. The low level of evidence, heterogeneity of studies, and lack of consistent outcome measures precluded a pooled estimate of results. A best evidence synthesis was performed. Results. Results support the premise that programs using either knowledge-based or active learning strategies or a combination of these may be insufficient for teaching gun safety skills to children. Conclusions. Gun safety programs do not improve the likelihood that children will not handle firearms in an unsupervised situation. Stronger research designs with larger samples are needed to determine the most effective way to transfer the use of the gun safety skills outside the training session and enable stronger conclusions to be drawn.

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Bryant, Robin. "Psychiatrists should tread cautiously in firearms risk assessment." BJPsych Advances 26, no. 1 (2019): 48–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bja.2019.59.

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SUMMARYAnn Mortimer's article on gun control and licensing in the UK makes some important points concerning the role of the psychiatrist during the licensing process and the complexities surrounding this. However, the risk-assessment framework (describing low, medium and high risk) that she proposes is problematic.

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Sheptycki, James. "Guns, crime and social order." Criminology & Criminal Justice 9, no. 3 (2009): 307–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895809336379.

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Canada has undergone intensive public debate concerning firearms over the past two decades, much of which has concerned the effectiveness of gun control legislation. Since about 2005 public discourse has focused increasingly on an upsurge in gun-crime perpetrated by street-level criminals. The article examines the projection of these concerns within the Canadian mass media and through official statistics. It shows that gun control legislation appears to have had a positive effect on gun-related crime in Canada, but that a residuum of gun-crime has remained. Evidence suggests that a process of pistolization is ongoing in some places, but that it is not a dominant strain. The article also looks at some examples of grassroots resistance to pistolization in Canada in some communities that are worst affected by street-level gun crime.

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Crummett, Dustin. "Freedom, Firearms, and Civil Resistance." Journal of Ethics 25, no. 2 (2021): 247–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10892-021-09365-3.

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AbstractThe claim that guns can safeguard freedom is common in US political discourse. In light of a broadly republican understanding of freedom, I evaluate this claim and its implications. The idea is usually that firearms would enable citizens to engage in revolutionary violence against a tyrannical government. I argue that some of the most common objections to this argument fail, but that the argument is fairly weak in light of other objections. I then defend a different argument for the claim that guns can safeguard freedom. I claim that firearm ownership among members of oppressed groups can hinder the use of systematic violence aimed at preventing them from exercising their basic liberties. I show how a commitment to armed self-defense is compatible with non-violent civil resistance as a tool of political change, and show how the former facilitated the latter during the Civil Rights Movement. Finally, I consider the policy implications of my argument. I don’t think it vindicates lax gun control policies. However, it may vindicate some individuals acquiring guns and learning how to use them, and some organizations aiding them in doing so.

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MACOLA, GIACOMO. "REASSESSING THE SIGNIFICANCE OF FIREARMS IN CENTRAL AFRICA: THE CASE OF NORTH-WESTERN ZAMBIA TO THE 1920S." Journal of African History 51, no. 3 (2010): 301–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000538.

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ABSTRACTBased on a close examination of European travelogues and the evidence produced in the wake of the formulation of colonial gun policies, this article contends that the significance of firearms in Central Africa in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries has been unduly played down in the existing literature. The first substantive section of the article charts the movement of the gun frontier in nineteenth-century north-western Zambia. It foregrounds the new technology's economic and military applications, the means through which north-western Zambians overcame some at least of its limitations, and the plurality of innovative social roles that they attributed to it. Successive sections centre on the pervasiveness of gun-running in the early twentieth century and the implementation and profound social consequences of gun control laws.

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Buttrick, Nicholas. "Protective Gun Ownership as a Coping Mechanism." Perspectives on Psychological Science 15, no. 4 (2020): 835–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745691619898847.

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Firearms are one of the central flashpoints in American life, and yet the motivations underlying their ownership have been generally understudied by psychologists. In this article, I review work from across the social sciences to model the psychological utility that people get from gun ownership. I propose the coping model of protective gun ownership and argue that those who own their weapon for protection are using their gun symbolically as an aid to manage psychological threats—to their safety, control, and sense of belongingness—that come from their belief that the world is a dangerous place and that society will not keep them safe. I discuss the ramifications of this coping strategy and present a research agenda for exploring this framework.

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28

Mundt, Robert J. "Gun Control and Rates of Firearms Violence in Canada and the United States." Canadian Journal of Criminology 32, no. 1 (1990): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjcrim.32.1.137.

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29

Roka, Yam Bahadur, and Narayani Roka Bhattarai. "Self-Inflicted Orbito-Cranial Injury Secondary to Gunshot: Case Report." Journal of College of Medical Sciences-Nepal 13, no. 3 (2017): 363–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jcmsn.v13i3.17080.

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The eye may be injured by various penetrating and non-penetrating injuries like sticks, pencils, rods, gunshot and chopsticks. Self-inflicted gunshot injuries have been rarely reported in literature. This case is interesting in multiple aspects which include poverty, lack of education and the failure of government to ensure control of the use of firearms in Nepal. We report a case of self-inflicted gun injury which was managed successfully.

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30

Buchalter, Gregory M., Leland P. Johnson, Mark V. Reichman, and John Jacobs. "Penetrating Trauma to the Head and Neck from a Nail Gun: A Unique Mechanism of Injury." Ear, Nose & Throat Journal 81, no. 11 (2002): 779–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014556130208101112.

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Published reports of nail gun injuries to the head and neck are rare. We describe the cases of three patients who sustained nail gun injuries to the head and who were managed at our institution. All patients were treated successfully and all recovered with minimal morbidity. Any physician who is called on to manage a nail gun injury to the head or neck should understand that most likely the patient will have sustained a surprisingly limited amount of tissue injury, owing to the relatively low velocity of the projectile compared with that delivered by firearms. Computed tomography and selective angiography can play a vital role in assessing the integrity of relevant vascular structures. Moreover, catheter angiography with embolization can be a most useful nonsurgical adjunct to control the extent of vascular injury.

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31

Wood, Gordon, Robert Churchill, Edward Cook, et al. "Counting Guns." Social Science History 26, no. 4 (2002): 699–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012438.

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At the fall 2001 Social Science History Association convention in Chicago, the Crime and Justice network sponsored a forum on the history of gun ownership, gun use, and gun violence in the United States. Our purpose was to consider how social science historians might contribute nowand in the future to the public debate over gun control and gun rights. To date, we have had little impact on that debate. It has been dominated by mainstream social scientists and historians, especially scholars such as Gary Kleck, John Lott, and Michael Bellesiles, whose work, despite profound flaws, is politically congenial to either opponents or proponents of gun control. Kleck and Mark Gertz (1995), for instance, argue on the basis of their widely cited survey that gun owners prevent numerous crimes each year in theUnited States by using firearms to defend themselves and their property. If their survey respondents are to be believed, American gun owners shot 100,000 criminals in 1994 in selfdefense–a preposterous number (Cook and Ludwig 1996: 57–58; Cook and Moore 1999: 280–81). Lott (2000) claims on the basis of his statistical analysis of recent crime rates that laws allowing private individuals to carry concealed firearms deter murders, rapes, and robberies, because criminals are afraid to attack potentially armed victims. However, he biases his results by confining his analysis to the years between 1977 and 1992, when violent crime rates had peaked and varied little from year to year (ibid.: 44–45). He reports only regression models that support his thesis and neglects to mention that each of those models finds a positive relationship between violent crime and real income, and an inverse relationship between violent crime and unemployment (ibid.: 52–53)–implausible relationships that suggest the presence of multicollinearity, measurement error, or misspecification. Lott then misrepresents his results by claiming falsely that statistical methods can distinguish in a quasi-experimental way the impact of gun laws from the impact of other social, economic, and cultural forces (ibid.: 26, 34–35; Guterl 1996). Had Lott extended his study to the 1930s, the correlation between gun laws and declining homicide rates that dominates his statistical analysis would have disappeared. An unbiased study would include some consideration of alternative explanations and an acknowledgment of the explanatory limits of statistical methods.

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32

Leenaars, Antoon A., and David Lester. "The effects of gun control on the accidental death rate from firearms in Canada." Journal of Safety Research 28, no. 3 (1997): 119–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0022-4375(97)80001-1.

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33

Kahan, D. M. "Harry L. Wilson. Guns, Gun Control, and Elections: The Politics and Policy of Firearms." Public Opinion Quarterly 71, no. 2 (2007): 318–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfm005.

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34

Sproule, Catherine F., and Deborah J. Kennett. "The Use of Firearms in Canadian Homicides 1972-1982: The Need for Gun Control." Canadian Journal of Criminology 30, no. 1 (1988): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjcrim.30.1.31.

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35

Hamilton, David, and Augustine Kposowa. "Firearms and Violent Death in the United States: Gun Ownership, Gun Control and Mortality Rates in 16 States, 2005-2009." British Journal of Education, Society & Behavioural Science 7, no. 2 (2015): 84–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/bjesbs/2015/16126.

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36

Batey, Robert. "Strict Construction of Firearms Offenses: The Supreme Court and the Gun Control Act of 1968." Law and Contemporary Problems 49, no. 1 (1986): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1191616.

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37

Caron, Jean. "Gun Control and Suicide: Possible Impact of Canadian Legislation to Ensure Safe Storage of Firearms." Archives of Suicide Research 8, no. 4 (2004): 361–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13811110490476752.

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38

Miller, Larry S., and Ramona Lainhart. "Prevention of Handgun Accidents through Owner Training." International Quarterly of Community Health Education 10, no. 2 (1989): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/91xf-fbtn-1eqv-u8q3.

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Government control of handguns for the purpose of reducing the incidence of accidental and/or intentional death and injury has not proven effective. Much of the research concerning accidental death and injury from firearms approaches the problem epidemiologically and identifies the gun as the agent. This study examined “control” of the handgun user through required training which stressed safety and legal use of the handgun. This study examined data involving 294 handgun owners for a five-year time period to determine the effectiveness of handgun training on accident reduction. The results were significant and supported the need for owner training in handgun use to reduce the incidence of accidents.

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39

Roberts, Colin H., and Martin Innes. "The 'death' of Dixon?" Criminology & Criminal Justice 9, no. 3 (2009): 337–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895809336383.

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Informed by qualitative data from a study of formal and informal social control responses to gun crime in Lambeth, South London, this article seeks to map the contours of some of the key aspects of the policing of firearms offending in England and Wales. It is proposed that policing responses can be distinguished between a `preventative' disposition in areas where gun-related offending is rare, and a pragmatic `manage and suppress' reaction that is implemented in the small number of areas of the country where gun crime is comparatively more common. Focusing in particular upon the work of Operation Trident in London, the discussion seeks to identify some of the complex social forces at work within communities where gun violence is comparatively prevalent and how police seek to engage with such situations. This focus is utilized to construct an argument about a broader and deeper nascent trend in British policing that is exemplified by the response to gun crime. It is suggested that key components of the police function are increasingly being cast as requiring specialist expertise and skills if they are to be performed effectively. As such, the internal social organization of policing is coming to be organized around an increasingly complex architecture and division of labour.

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40

Sorenson, Susan B., and Rebecca A. Schut. "Nonfatal Gun Use in Intimate Partner Violence: A Systematic Review of the Literature." Trauma, Violence, & Abuse 19, no. 4 (2016): 431–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1524838016668589.

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Guns figure prominently in the homicide of women by an intimate partner. Less is known, however, about their nonfatal use against an intimate partner. Following Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines, we searched eight electronic databases and identified 10 original research articles that reported the prevalence of the nonfatal use of firearms against an intimate partner. Results indicate that (1) there is relatively little research on the subject of intimate partners’ nonfatal gun use against women. (2) The number of U.S. women alive today who have had an intimate partner use a gun against them is substantial: About 4.5 million have had an intimate partner threaten them with a gun and nearly 1 million have been shot or shot at by an intimate partner. Whether nonfatal gun use is limited to the extreme form of abuse (battering) or whether it occurs in the context of situational violence remains to be seen. Regardless, when it comes to the likely psychological impact, it may be a distinction without a difference; because guns can be lethal quickly and with relatively little effort, displaying or threatening with a gun can create a context known as coercive control, which facilitates chronic and escalating abuse. Implications for policy, practice, and research are discussed, all of which include expanding an implicit focus on homicide to include an intimate partner’s nonfatal use of a gun.

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41

Mundt, Robert J. "Rejoinder to comments on “Gun control and rates of firearms violence in Canada and the United States”." Canadian Journal of Criminology 35, no. 1 (1993): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjcrim.35.1.42.

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42

Lester, David, and Antoon A. Leenaars. "IN MY OPINION ... Gun control and rates of firearms violence in Canada and the United States: A comment." Canadian Journal of Criminology 36, no. 4 (1994): 463–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjcrim.36.4.463.

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43

Leitzel, Jim. "Gun Culture or Gun Control? Firearms, Violence and Society. By Peter Squires. London and New York: Routledge, 2000. Pp. xiv+252. $85.00 (cloth); $27.95 (paper)." American Journal of Sociology 107, no. 3 (2001): 851–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/343159.

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44

Reville, Patrick J. "Supreme Court Guns Down State Firearm Restrictions, The Chicago Way." Journal of Business Case Studies (JBCS) 7, no. 3 (2011): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jbcs.v7i3.4258.

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It was February 14, 1929. The United States was still experiencing the Roaring Twenties. The stock market had not yet crashed, and Prohibition, that noble experiment, was nearing the end of a tumultuous decade. A group of five apparent law enforcement personnel, some in uniform, some not, paid a visit to a warehouse on the north side of Chicago. Illegal/bootlegged booze trafficking was the ostensible target. When the visit was over, 6 men lay dead, and the apparent lone survivor, rushed to the hospital where he declined to elaborate on the incident, promptly passed away. The departed were part of the George Bugs Moran organization, while the visiting police contingent was actually made up of members of the Al Scarface Capone mob. The event would go down in history as The St. Valentines Day Massacre, and the main method of communication at the warehouse was the Thompson submachine gun. In the aftermath of that notorious gangland rubout, and other instances of outlaw use of machine guns, the automatic weapon was virtually taxed and legislated out of legal existence. Along with the abolishment of legal automatic weapons, restrictions on all types of firearms became a cause and a reality. Yet, in 2008, a group of five black-robed members of a Washington, D.C., organization took aim at the outright restriction on handguns in the District of Columbia. The result was a rubout of the D.C. restrictions.(1) Then, two years later, the same Gang of Five donned their black robes, and, in essence, paid the City of Chicago a visit regarding its ban of firearms. The outcome was a bloodbath that may end up being remembered by Gun Control enthusiasts on the same level as the St. Valentines Day Massacre.(2)

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45

Lytton, Timothy D. "Using Litigation to Make Public Health Policy: Theoretical and Empirical Challenges in Assessing Product Liability, Tobacco, and Gun Litigation." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 32, no. 4 (2004): 556–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2004.tb01961.x.

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In recent years, a number of prominent scholars have touted the use of litigation as an effective tool for making public health policy. For example, Stephen Teret and Michael Jacobs have asserted that product liability claims against car makers have played a significant role in reducing automobile-related injuries, Peter Jacobson and Kenneth Warner have argued that litigation against cigarette manufacturers has advanced the cause of tobacco control, and Phil Cook and Jens Ludwig have suggested that lawsuits against the firearms industry can reduce gun violence. Critics have attacked this use of litigation as doing more harm than good to public health and as a misuse of the courts. This debate involves two distinct controversies: one over whether the public health benefits of litigation outweigh its costs and the other over the proper role of courts within our system of government.

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46

Livingston, Mary Margaret, and Marvin W. Lee. "Attitudes toward Firearms and Reasons for Firearm Ownership among Nonurban Youth: Salience of Sex and Race." Psychological Reports 71, no. 2 (1992): 576–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1992.71.2.576.

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Few studies have examined firearm attitudes and reasons for gun ownership among nonurban youth. Analysis of responses of 367 northern Louisiana elementary and secondary students showed sex and race, more than hunting or shooting experience, appear responsible for their differences in attitude White girls and black youth express greater discomfort in shooting game animals than intruders. White boys were more likely to hunt, own and use firearms, as well as express progun attitudes. 80% of students were willing to restrict gun ownership, with girls generally favoring more controls than boys. Despite the presence of firearms in most households, few students had gun-safety training. Further research on differences in attitude by sex and race and the discrepancy between availability of firearms and safety training is suggested.

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47

Hung, C. Kwing. "IN MY OPINION ... Comments on the article ...“Gun control and rates of firearms violence in Canada and the United States” by Robert J. Mundt." Canadian Journal of Criminology 35, no. 1 (1993): 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjcrim.35.1.37.

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48

Tait, Gordon, and Belinda Carpenter. "Firearm suicide in Queensland." Journal of Sociology 46, no. 1 (2009): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783309337673.

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The purpose of this article is to examine firearm suicide in Queensland. In 2006, statistical data were gathered from all closed paper coronial files for the 12-month period of December 2003—December 2004. Of the 567 people who committed suicide in Queensland during this period, 48 (8.5%) used firearms. The following results emerge from this data: first, gun suicides are continuing to decrease in Queensland, most likely as a function of ongoing gun controls, a decrease accompanied by a lesser increase in other methods of suicide, thereby providing little support for substitution theory; second, men continue to be more likely to shoot themselves, particularly elderly men; third, firearms are more likely to be used in rural settings, and by those with no known history of mental illness or previous suicide attempts. Finally, in spite of otherwise very high suicide rates, Aborigines rarely employ firearms, using instead the culturally significant method of hanging.

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Primm, Eric. "Book Review: Wilson, H. L. (2007). Guns, Gun Control, and Elections: The Politics and Policy of Firearms. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. xiv, 277 pp." Criminal Justice Review 34, no. 2 (2009): 276–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0734016809331679.

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50

Pomeranz, Jennifer L., Diana Silver, and Sarah A. Lieff. "State Gun-Control, Gun-Rights, and Preemptive Firearm-Related Laws Across 50 US States for 2009–2018." American Journal of Public Health 111, no. 7 (2021): 1273–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2021.306287.

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Objectives. To assess state policy environments and the relationship between state gun-control, gun-rights, and preemptive firearm-related laws in the United States. Methods. In 2019 through 2020, we evaluated substantive firearm laws and preemptive firearm laws across 50 US states for 2009 through 2018. For each state, we compared substantive measures with preemptive measures on the same policy topic for 2018. Results. The presence of state firearm-related laws varied across states, but with the exception of “punitive preemption” the number of gun-control, gun-rights, and preemptive measures remained unchanged in most states from 2009 through 2018. As of 2018, a majority of states had preemptive measures on almost all gun-control policy topics without enacting substantive gun-control measures. Several states had a combination of gun-control and preemptive measures. Only a small number of states had gun-control measures with few to no preemptive measures. Conclusions. Even where state legislators were unable to pass statewide gun-rights measures, they succeeded in passing preemption, preserving state authority over a wide range of gun-control and gun-rights policy topics. The majority of states used preemption as a tool to support policy frameworks favoring gun rights.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Gun control Gun control Gun control Gun control Firearms Firearms Firearms Firearms'

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