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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Gundissalinus, Dominicus

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Academic literature on the topic 'Gundissalinus, Dominicus'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 8 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Gundissalinus, Dominicus"

1

SOTO-BRUNA, María J. "La «causalidad del uno» en Dominicus Gundissalinus / The Causality of the One in Dominicus Gundissalinus." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 21 (October 1, 2014): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v21i.5905.

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This article deals with the arguments which the metaphysical work of Dominicus Gundissalinus uses in order to explain the kind of unity found in the many, as well as the status of multiplicity, which proceeds from a being who is both one and unique. From the notion of a creating cause the article will show the possibility of the existence of the many, having as background the thesis which appears in the texts of Gundissalinus: omne creatum a creante esse diversum.

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2

POLLONI, Nicola. "Gundissalinus and the Application of al-Fārābī’s Metaphysical Programme. A Case of Philosophical Transfer." Mediterranea. International Journal on the Transfer of Knowledge, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/mijtk.v0i1.5174.

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This study deals with Dominicus Gundissalinus’s discussion on metaphysics as philosophical discipline. Gundissalinus’s translation and re-elaboration of al-Fārābī’s Iḥṣā’ al-ʿulūm furnish him, in the De scientiis, a specific and detailed procedure for metaphysical analysis articulated in two different stages, an ascending and a descending one. This very same procedure is presented by Gundissalinus also in his De divisione philosophiae, where the increased number of sources –in particular, Avicenna– does not prevent Gundissalinus to quote the entire passage on the methods of metaphysical science from the Iḥṣā’ al-ʿulūm, with some slight changes in his Latin translation. The analytical procedure herein proposed becomes an effective ‘metaphysical programme’ with regards to Gundissalinus’s onto-cosmological writing, the De processione mundi. The comparative analysis of this treatise with the procedure received by al-Fārābī shows Gundissalinus’s effort to follow and apply this metaphysical programme to his own reflection, in a whole different context from al-Fārābī’s and presenting doctrines quite opposed to the theoretical ground on which al-Fārābī’s epistemology is based, like ibn Gabirol’s universal hylomorphism. Nevertheless, thanks to the application of the ‘metaphysical programme’, one can effectively claim that Gundissalinus’s metaphysics is, at least in the author’s intentions, a well-defined metaphysical system. In appendix to this article the three Latin versions of al-Fārābī’s discussion on metaphysics are reported, e.g., Gundissalinus’s quotations in De scientiis and De divisione philosophiae, and Gerard of Cremona’s translation in his De scientiis.

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3

Fidora, Alexander. "ON THE SUPPOSED “AUGUSTINISME AVICENNISANT” OF DOMINICUS GUNDISSALINUS'." Veritas (Porto Alegre) 47, no. 3 (December 30, 2002): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-6746.2002.3.34885.

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A partir da noção gilsoniana de 'agostinismo avicenisante', procura-se mostrar que o pensamento filosófico de Gundissalino é, sim, devedor de Avicena, mas que a principal fonte cristã que o orienta não é propriamente Agostinho, mas Boécio. Para tanto são analisados três tópicos da obra de Gundissalino referentes às ciências: o objeto delas, o caráter axiomático e o método.

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Polloni, Nicola. "GUNDISSALINUS ON NECESSARY BEING: TEXTUAL AND DOCTRINAL ALTERATIONS IN THE EXPOSITION OF AVICENNA'S METAPHYSICA." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 26, no. 1 (February 2, 2016): 129–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423915000144.

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AbstractThis article examines the textual alteration strategy carried out by Dominicus Gundissalinus in his original works. One of the most striking examples of this approach can be detected in the large quotation of Ibn Sīnā's Metaphysica I, 6–7 in Gundissalinus’ cosmological treatise De processione mundi, in which the Spanish philosopher variously modifies the text he translated a few years before. After a short presentation of Gundissalinus’ double role as translator and philosopher, the study moves on to the analysis of Ibn Sīnā's doctrine of necessary and possible being, and the five demonstrations of the unrelated uniqueness of necessary being offered by Ibn Sīnā. These arguments are directly quoted by Gundissalinus: nevertheless, the author modifies the text in many passages, here examined through the analysis of some representative excerpts. The results of this enquiry suggest that Gundissalinus is following an effective alteration strategy, envisaging at least two main purposes: the clarification of Ibn Sīnā's line of reasoning, and the doctrinal assimilation of Metaphysica's theories in his original philosophical system. In appendix to this article the whole text of the two versions of Metaphysica I, 6–7 is presented.

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5

Mensa i Valls, Jaume. "Dominicus GUNDISSALINUS, De divisione philosophiae. Über die Einteilung der Philosophie. 2009." Enrahonar. Quaderns de filosofia 42 (January 7, 2009): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/enrahonar.293.

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6

Burnett, Charles. "The Coherence of the Arabic-Latin Translation Program in Toledo in the Twelfth Century." Science in Context 14, no. 1-2 (June 2001): 249–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889701000096.

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This article reassesses the reasons why Toledo achieved prominence as a center for Arabic-Latin translation in the second half of the twelfth century, and suggests that the two principal translators, Gerard of Cremona and Dominicus Gundissalinus, concentrated on different areas of knowledge. Moreover, Gerard appears to have followed a clear program in the works that he translated. This is revealed especially in the Vita and the “commemoration of his books” drawn up by his students after his death. A new edition of the Vita, Commemoratio librorum and Eulogium, based on all the manuscripts, concludes the article.

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7

Freudenthal. "Abraham Ibn Daud, Avendauth, Dominicus Gundissalinus and Practical Mathematics in Mid-Twelfth Century Toledo." Aleph 16, no. 1 (2016): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aleph.16.1.61.

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8

Gutman, Oliver. "On the Fringes of the Corpus Aristotelicum: the Pseudo-Avicenna Liber Celi Et Mundi." Early Science and Medicine 2, no. 2 (1997): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338297x00087.

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AbstractIn this article, I examine a Latin paraphrase of Aristotle's De caelo known as the Liber celi et mundi. The text was translated from Arabic in the third quarter of the twelfth century, and thus pre-dates all four Latin translations of De caelo in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. It was probably written by the ninth century Arab, Hunayn ibn Ishaq. I show the weakness of a previous theory that the Liber celi et mundi derives indirectly from Themistius's paraphrase of De caelo. The text was translated into Latin by Dominicus Gundissalinus and his Jewish colleague, Johannes Hispanus. From c.1250, it was mis-attributed to Avicenna, and there is evidence that it had earlier been attributed to Aristotle by certain English writers. I consider the function of the Liber cell el mundi within the corpus of early Aristotelian translations, and the date of its expulsion from the corpus.

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9

Pick, Lucy K. "Michael Scot in Toledo: Natura naturans and the Hierarchy of Being." Traditio 53 (1998): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012095.

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Michael Scot was a central figure both for the transmission of Arabic philosophy to the Latin West and for the development of medieval science and astrology, yet much still remains unknown about his life and career. In part of a longer article dedicated to teasing out some of the strands of Michael Scot's influences and impact, Charles Burnett poses intriguing questions about the importance of his early sojourn in Toledo. He shows that Michael, along with Salio of Padua and Mark of Toledo, continued the translating activity begun in the twelfth century in Toledo, and he wonders whether Michael — like the twelfth-century translators Dominicus Gundissalinus, Gerard of Cremona, and John Hispanus — was closely associated with the cathedral of Toledo. Burnett hypothesizes that Toledo could have been the place where Michael first came across the works of Aristotle, Avicenna, and Averroes that he is credited with translating from the Arabic, and he notes that many of Michael's sources for his astrological treatise, the Liber introductorius (hereafter LI), were available in Toledo. Burnett suggests that by Michael's final departure from Spain to Italy, around 1220, he may have already made considerable headway in both his translating and astrological activities.

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Burnett, Charles S. F. "A new source for Dominicus Gundissalinus's account of the science of the stars?" Annals of Science 47, no. 4 (July 1990): 361–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00033799000200291.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Gundissalinus, Dominicus"

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Sekizawa, Izumi. "Le naturalisme linguistique de Boèce de Dacie : enjeux et discussions." Paris 7, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA070061.

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Boèce de Dacie est un philosophe du 13e siècle, connu comme modiste et « averroïste ». Notre thèse consiste à donner une interprétation exacte de la 16e question de ses Modi significandi, un texte philosophico-grammatical, où l'auteur développe un certain innéisme linguistique. Selon certains chercheurs contemporains, par cet innéisme, Boèce est considéré comme précurseur du nativisme de Noam Chomsky. Selon d'autres, cet innéisme n'a pas de valeur théorique importante dans la philosophie de Boèce. Boèce souligne plutôt l'ancrage du langage dans la structure des choses, et de ce point de vue, sa position n'a pas de particularité à l'époque. Selon notre analyse, ce sont deux versants du même naturalisme : tout doit être expliqué par sa propre nature. Par là, Boèce minimise le rôle de la volonté dans l'institution des langues et à la place de la volonté humaine, il introduit la nature humaine, qui est comparable à la nature de n'importe quelle espèce animale, comme le fondement des sciences du langage. Pour bien fonder cette interprétation de la théorie de Boèce, nous remontons au douzième siècle et analysons le texte de Gundissalinus, qui forme un horizon pour les auteurs du treizième siècle ; nous comparons la théorie de Boèce avec celle d'un contemporain Michel de Marbais qui insiste sur le rôle de la volonté ; nous la comparons aussi avec celles de Siger de Brabant ou des anonymes en lisant les manuscrits qui nient pour la plupart la position de Boèce de Dacie et reprennent la position plus traditionnelle. Boèce n'est jamais un précurseur de Chomsky, mais un auteur particulier à l'époque par son naturalisme linguistique ayant deux versants
Boethius of Dacia is a 13th-century philosopher, known as a modist and "averroist". In this thesis, we intend to give an exact interpretation of the 16th question of his Modi significandi, a philosophico-grammatical text, where the author develops a certain linguistic innateness argument. Some modem scholars consider him, by this innateness argument, as a precursor of Noam Chomsky's nativism. Others believe that such an innateness argument is not theoretically important for his linguistic philosophy. Boethius rather emphasizes the anchoring of language in the structure of things, and for this argument, his position isn't so peculiar at the time. According to our analysis, these are two sides of the same naturalism: everything must be explained by its own nature. From this point of view, Boethius minimizes the role of the human will in the constitution of language and instead of the human will, he introduces, as the foundation of the linguistics, the human nature, which is comparable to the nature of any other animal species. To establish this interpretation of Boethius's theory, we go back to the 12th century and analyze the text of Gundissalinus which gives a horizon for the authors of the 13th century; we compare the theory of Boethius with that of a contemporary Michel de Marbais who emphasizes the role of the will; we also compare it with those of Siger of Brabant or anonymous authors, in reading manuscripts. The majority denies the position of Boethius of Dacia and chooses to renew more traditional positions. Boethius is not a precursor of Chomsky, but a very particular author at that time by his two sided linguistic naturalism.

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Books on the topic "Gundissalinus, Dominicus"

1

Fārābī. De scientiis: Secundum versionem Dominici Gundisalvi = Über die Wissenschaften : die Version des Dominicus Gundissalinus : Lateinisch--Deutsch. Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 2006.

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2

Conrad. The commentary of Conrad of Prussia on De unitate et uno of Dominicus Gundissalinus. Lewiston, NY, USA: E. Mellen Press, 1989.

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3

Conrad. The commentary of Conrad of Prussia on the De unitate et uno of Dominicus Gundissalinus. Lewiston, NY, USA: E. Mellen Press, 1989.

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4

Die Wissenschaftstheorie des Dominicus Gundissalinus: Voraussetzungen und Konsequenzen des zweiten Anfangs der aristotelischen Philosophie im 12. Jahrhundert. Berlin: Akademie, 2003.

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5

Conrad and Joseph Bobik. Commentary of Conrad of Prussia on De Unitate Et Uno of Dominicus Gundissalinus (Study in the History of Philosophy, Vol 12). Edwin Mellen Pr, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Gundissalinus, Dominicus"

1

Fidora, Alexander. "Dominicus Gundissalinus." In Encyclopedia of Medieval Philosophy, 1–4. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1151-5_147-2.

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2

Rupp, Teresa, Edward Grant, Stefano Caroti, Ivan Christov, Alessandro Palazzo, Burkhard Mojsisch, Orrin Finn Summerell, et al. "Dominicus Gundissalinus." In Encyclopedia of Medieval Philosophy, 274–76. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-9729-4_147.

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3

Houser, R. E. "Dominicus Gundissalinus." In A Companion to Philosophy in the Middle Ages, 247–48. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470996669.ch36.

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4

Fidora, Alexander. "Dominicus Gundissalinus." In Encyclopedia of Medieval Philosophy, 466–70. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1665-7_147.

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5

Fidora, Alexander. "Zum Verhältnis von Metaphysik und Theologie bei Dominicus Gundissalinus." In Textes et Etudes du Moyen Âge, 67–84. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.tema-eb.3.2053.

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6

Mandosio, Jean-Marc. "La place de la logique et ses subdivisions dans l’Énumération des sciences d’al-Fârâbî et chez Dominicus Gundissalinus." In Ad notitiam ignoti, 285–310. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.sa-eb.5.101362.

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7

Galonnier, A. "Dominicus Gundissalinus et Gérard de Crémone, deux possibles stratégies de traduction: le cas de l’encyclopédie farabienne du De scientiis." In Reminisciences, 103–17. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.rem-eb.3.2744.

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8

"Dominicus Gundissalinus und die arabische Wissenschaftstheorie." In Wissen über Grenzen, edited by Andreas Speer and Lydia Wegener. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110194319.467.

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9

"The Medieval Hebrew Translations of Dominicus Gundissalinus." In Latin-into-Hebrew: Texts and Studies, 19–45. BRILL, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004252875_004.

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10

"Dominicus Gundissalinus und die Rezeption der aristotelischen Wissenschaftstheorie." In Erkenntnis und Wissenschaft/ Knowledge and Science, 93–102. Akademie Verlag, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/9783050047034-008.

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