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Journal articles on the topic 'Gypsy-Roma'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 February 2022

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1

Avara, Hayriye, and Bruno Mascitelli. "‘Do as We Say, Not as We Do’: EU to Turkey on Roma/Gypsy Integration." European Review 22, no. 1 (February 2014): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000690.

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For many centuries, Roma/Gypsy people have been an oppressed and stateless minority. Until 1989 most Roma/Gypsy people resided in the former Central and Eastern European communist countries. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Roma/Gypsy became one of the communities that were regarded as a scapegoat for post-Communist society's ills. Despite much rhetoric to the contrary, Roma/Gypsy communities were not welcomed in the West and much of the persecution they endured in the East they saw repeated in the West. The European Union (EU) has sought to place Human Rights as a focal point of its approach in all matters including the issue of Roma/Gypsy communities. Since 2007, Romania and Bulgaria, two states with large numbers of Roma/Gypsy, have become members of the EU. In the last few years France (and Italy) have been cautioned on their expulsion of Roma/Gypsy people. Not only have these actions contravened the European Union charter on Human Rights, but just as seriously, France and Italy have actually expelled citizens who are members of another European Member State because they were Roma/Gypsies. Turkey, on the other hand, as the home of one of the oldest and largest Roma/Gypsy settlements, had for long periods of time subjected Roma/Gypsy people to a life of social and economic disadvantage. Recently this has changed, ironically as part of Turkey's EU accession process. The aim of this article is to explore and compare the actions of European member States (France and Italy primarily) on the question of Roma/Gypsy integration with their integration in future EU accession states such as Turkey. The EU's moral high ground with regard to minorities seems to be ruined by the deplorable behaviour of some of its member states on the question of Roma/Gypsies while Turkey, which has an uneven record on human rights violations, has shown greater, although contradictory concern for the fate of the Roma/Gypsies.

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2

McGraw, Caroline. "Gypsy, Traveller and Roma Health." Primary Health Care 25, no. 10 (November 27, 2015): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/phc.25.10.16.s23.

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3

Pontrandolfo, Stefania, and Marco Solimene. "Flexible Epistemologies: Gypsy/roma Thinking and Anthropology Theory." Nomadic Peoples 24, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 228–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/np.2020.240204.

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This article reflects on the conceptual debt that anthropology has developed towards the peoples it studies, by exploring the case-study of Gypsy/Roma anthropology. We argue that ethnographically-grounded research has enabled anthropologists to access and incorporate Gypsy/Roma visions and practices of the world. The flexible Gypsy epistemologies, which Gypsies/ Roma use in the social and cultural construction of particular forms of identity and mobility, have thus translated into a specific practice of theory, which has provided more adequate tools for grasping the complexity of reality and contributed to a decolonialisation of anthropological thought.

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4

Óhidy, Andrea. "Positive Impact of Teacher Activities on the Educational Career of Roma and Gypsy Women in Hungary." Labor et Educatio 8 (2020): 245–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25439561le.20.014.13005.

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Roma and Gypsy women in Europe suffer from multiple deprivation (Council of the European Union 2011): Firstly, a large part of Roma and Gypsy people live in poverty. Secondly, their different cultural/ethnic traditions often lead to discrimination in school education. Thirdly, they also have disadvantages through the gender aspect, because the traditional Roma/Gypsy culture defines the place of women to be at home with the family and an educational career is not necessary for that (l. Forray, Hegedűs 2003; Durst 2015). That is why Roma and Gypsy women are often called the “minority of the minority” (Vincze 2010: 195). Despite of this multiple deprivation, Roma and Gypsy women are (not only in Hungary) more and more successful in the education system (Forray; Hegedűs 1991) and they increasingly take part in the political life as well (Bak., T.th 2008; K.cz. 2010). The research study focuses on Roma and Gypsy women who have come from a background of multiple deprivation but managed to achieve successful educational careers (defined by their university degree). To answer the research question “Which factors are regarded as beneficial for success in education from the perspective of Roma and Gypsy women?”, we chose the method of biographical narrative interviews. Additionally, we analysed statistical and empirical studies and used expert interviews as well. The aim of the research was to learn about the subjective theories of the interviewed women. The selection of the respondents was done through the snowball-system. The analysis of the interviews was based on the methodology of Fritz Schütze (Schütze 1983). The underclass theory of William Julius Wilson (Wilson, 1978; 1987) adapted by Iv.n Szel.nyi and J.nos Lad.nyi for the Hungarian situation (Lad.nyi; Szel.nyi, 2004) and the theory of Helmut Fend about the functions of the school in society (Fend, 1980; 2003) served as the theoretical framework for this study. For the interpretation we used the categorisation of factors for school success of Hungarian Roma and Gypsy women from Katalin Forray R. and Andr.s Hegedűs T. (Hegedűs, 1996; Forray, Hegedűs, 2003). The study shows that all interviewed women had a very strong learning motivation and were ready to have conflicts with the traditional female role model. Their parents and teachers played mostly a very positive role in this success, but the most important factor was their individual learning motivation.

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5

Gancarz, Natalia. "THE ROMA COLLECTION KNOWN AS THE AMARO MUSEUM." Muzealnictwo 58, no. 1 (September 3, 2017): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.3944.

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The first significant exhibition devoted to Roma/ Gypsy history and culture was organised in the Regional Museum in Tarnów in 1979. After its success, collections connected with the history of this ethnic group were initiated. The Ethnographic Museum in Tarnów (the branch of the Regional Museum) opened a permanent exhibition entitled “Gypsies. History and culture” as the first permanent museum exhibition devoted to Roma matters in 1990. The Gypsy collections of the museum amount to almost 1000 exhibits; moreover, it gathers professional photographic, cinematographic and phonographic documentation and archives, and it runs a specialised library. Based on this permanent Roma exhibition and collections, the museum in Tarnów organises numerous cultural and educational projects, as well as those that promote Roma culture and history. The International Roma Caravan Memorial is a regular event which has been organised since 1996. It is a project which consists in a kind of a reconstruction of a Gypsy wandering caravan, during which the participants visit places connected with Roma martyrdom during the Second World War in Małopolska. In addition, the museum publishes a scientific annual entitled “Studia Romologica”.

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6

Crowe, David M. "The Gypsies of Romania Since 1990*." Nationalities Papers 27, no. 1 (March 1999): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999109181.

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The Roma or Gypsies entered Romania's historic provinces, Wallachia and Moldavia, in the twelfth century. Over the next 200 years, the Roma, who had come to the Balkans from northern India, were enslaved. By the fifteenth century, the practice of Gypsy slavery was widespread throughout the two provinces. In part, their enslavement came about as a means of securing Gypsy skills as craftsmen, metalsmiths, musicians, and equine specialists. Over time, a complex body of laws was passed in Wallachia and Moldavia to strengthen the control of Romanian noblemen over their Gypsy slaves (robi). However, by the eighteenth century, some mild efforts were undertaken to better the plight of Romanian Gypsy slaves.

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Blasco, Paloma Gay y. "Gypsy/Roma diasporas. A comparative perspective*." Social Anthropology 10, no. 2 (January 19, 2007): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8676.2002.tb00053.x.

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8

Trubeta, Sevasti. "Balkan Egyptians and Gypsy/Roma Discourse." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 1 (March 2005): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500053788.

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Since the 1990s, yet another entity has emerged among the wide range of groups and minorities in the Balkans attracting the attention of politicians, scholars and the public. Known as “Egypcani” in Macedonia and Kosovo, or as “Jevgs/Jevgits” in Albania, these Albanophone Muslims are usually identified as Albanianised “Gypsies” by the societies in which they live, although they consider themselves to be descendents of Egyptian immigrants to the Balkans. Today, Balkan Egyptians are officially recognised as a distinct population group in the Republic of Macedonia, while they enjoy political influence through representative and cultural organisations in Kosovo and Albania.

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9

Kaditis, Athanasios G., Konstantinos Gourgoulianis, Pelagia Tsoutsou, Andriana I. Papaioannou, Anastasia Fotiadou, Christina Messini, Konstantinos Samaras, et al. "Spirometric values in Gypsy (Roma) children." Respiratory Medicine 102, no. 9 (September 2008): 1321–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.rmed.2008.03.025.

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10

Grill, Jan. ""It's building up to something and it won't be nice when it erupts"." Focaal 2012, no. 62 (March 1, 2012): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2012.620104.

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Drawing on research among Slovak Roma labor migrants to the UK, this article examines differentiated modalities of belonging and a crystallization of the category of Roma/Gypsy in one neighborhood in a post-industrial Scottish city. This originally working-class, predominantly white area has been transformed, through several waves of migration, into a multicultural neighborhood. Established residents of the neighborhood express a sense of growing crisis and blame for local decline is frequently placed on migrants and, in particular, Gypsy migrants from Eastern Europe. The article focuses on the shifting forms of ethnocultural categorization that mark Roma difference in Glasgow.

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Stewart, Michael. ":Japigia Gagi: Roma (Gypsy) Stories;Pretty Dyana: A Gypsy Recycling Saga." Visual Anthropology Review 23, no. 2 (October 2007): 170–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/var.2007.23.2.170.

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12

Messing, Vera. "Methodological puzzles of surveying Roma/Gypsy populations." Ethnicities 14, no. 6 (November 14, 2014): 811–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796814542180.

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European countries as well as the European Union are continually striving for comparable and reliable statistics about Roma, which is a precondition to efficiently support the design and implementation of national and European Union wide inclusion strategies and sectorial policies as well as monitoring their outcomes. This article aims to provide an overview of the theoretical and practical challenges researchers need to face in the course of designing and conducting survey among ‘Roma’ populations. A number of factors – such as dilemmas about the definition of the target population, methodology of sampling of a population with multiple and threatened identity, difficulties of constructing comparable indicators – have led to greatly diverging outcomes of various ‘Roma’ surveys in terms of the most essential statistics, such as the size of the population, geographical dispersion, level of poverty, level of education and employment rate. This article will summarize the various methodological decisions that research has to make by providing illustrative examples of recent research in Hungary, Romania and the European Union. It attempts to demonstrate the actual consequences of methodological decisions in terms of the varying outcomes of a crucial indicator – employment rate – produced by six independent surveys. The article’s conclusions are further reaching: data on Roma minorities are a requirement for evidence-based, efficient policy making targeted at social inclusion of Roma in Europe, and therefore understanding methodological dilemmas in the collection of this data is essential.

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13

Barany, Zoltan. "Politics and the Roma in state-socialist Eastern Europe." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 33, no. 4 (December 1, 2000): 421–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(00)00014-3.

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This article is a comparative analysis of state-socialist policies towards the East European Gypsies (Roma). I make two related arguments. First, the Gypsy policies of East European states evolved differently and resulted in considerable variation. Second, notwithstanding the state-socialist social control policies, a measure of independent Romani activism did emerge laying the groundwork for post-socialist Gypsy mobilization.

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14

Cupelin, Ekaterina K., and Ibrahim Sirkeci. "Book reviews." JOURNAL OF GYPSY STUDIES 1, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 85–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/jgs.v1i1.531.

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Review of the following books: Brazzabeni, M., M. I. Cunha & M. Fotta (Eds). 2016. Gypsy Economy: Romani Livelihoods and Notions of Worth in the 21st Century. New York: Berghahn Books.Lech Mróz (2015). Roma-Gypsy Presence in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, 15th-18th Centuries. Budapest: Central European University Press.

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15

Toma, Stefánia. "„My gypsy". Informal economical relations between gypsies and Hungarians." Erdélyi Társadalom 3, no. 1 (2005): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.44.

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The aim of Stefania Toma's paper is to describe economical relations between gypsies and Hungarians in a Transylvanian village community, more exactly, to analyse and sketch the specific survival strategies practiced by the Roma population in a changing social and economical context. Toma gives a taxonomy of these. According to her conclusions, for the multiply deprived and marginalised gypsy community, resources are accessible only in a gypsy non-gypsy assymetric relationship, and for this, they cannot be considered integrated neither economically, nor socially

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16

Škobla, Daniel. "Cinematic Representation of the Roma’s Social Position and Mobility: A Comparative Analysis of Two Czech and Slovak Feature Films." Slovenský národopis / Slovak Ethnology 68, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 379–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/se-2020-0022.

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Abstract The focus of this article is on two Czech and Slovak films, My Friend Fabián (Můj přítel Fabián, 1955) and Gypsy (Cigán, 2011). While the former emerged in the 1950s, in the period of socialist industrialisation, the latter was released in the period of post-socialist consolidation of capitalism. Theoretically this article relies on a mix of approaches from film studies, social anthropology, post-colonial studies and archival research. The central research question is how cinematic representation of Roma were approached in the past and how they have changed over time. The film My Friend Fabián is replete with colonial tropes of uninhibited dancing, singing and exotica stereotypes and depicts imaginary Roma as incompetent individuals who are subject to the paternalistic care of the White socialist functionaries. At the same time this film presents a viable model for Roma integration and social advancement via education and full-fledged integration into the working class. In contrast, the film Gypsy is much more respectful towards Roma, contemporary performers and characters are real Roma and their film destinies are realistic. But the world that surrounds film characters is the world of total racial exclusion, which offers no hope and no prospects whatsoever for Roma and their social advance.

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17

Farget, Doris. "Defining Roma Identity in the European Court of Human Rights." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 19, no. 3 (2012): 291–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-01903002.

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This article is an evaluation based on a selection of the European Court of Human Rights’ case law concerning Roma people, namely the three main decisions dealing with the right to a Gypsy way of life. In those cases, the Court interpreted the right to respect for private and family life as giving rise to a ‘positive obligation to facilitate the Gypsy way of life’. This obligation involves a definition of Roma identity and reveals that the Court’s position, founded on specific perceptions of Romanity is restrictive, distorted and stereotyped. Indeed, regarding this European legal protection, I wonder whether the legal conception of Roma identity conveyed by the Court is relevant, since it does not always accord with sociological or anthropological studies on that topic, taking into account a constructivist approach of identity, nor with the description of a wide range of members of that people. First, this article aims at underlying which stereotypes dealing with Roma identity are involved in the Court’s discourse. Second, it shows how these ‘manipulated conceptions’ are fed by the arguments of Roma applicants and those of the respondent State.

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Crowe, David M. "Muslim Roma in the Balkans." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 1 (March 2000): 93–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990050002470.

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The Roma entered the Balkans from India during the Middle Ages. They reached Persia sometime in the ninth century and by the eleventh century had moved into the Byzantine Empire. According to the eleventh-century Georgian Life of Saint George the Athonite, the Emperor Constantine Monomachus asked the Adsincani to get rid of wild animals preying on the animals in his royal hunting preserve. Adsincani is the Georgian form of the Greek word Atsínganoi or Atzínganoi, from which the non-English terms for Roma (cigán, cigány, tsiganes, zigeuner) are derived. Adsincani means “ner-do-well fortune tellers” or “ventriloquists and wizards who are inspired satanically and pretend to predict the unknown.” “Gypsy” comes from “Egyptian,” a term often used by early modern chroniclers in the Balkans to refer to the Roma. Because of the stereotypes and prejudice that surround the word “Gypsy,” the Roma prefer a name of their own choosing from their language, Romani. Today, it is preferable to refer to the Gypsies as Rom or “Roma,” a Romani word meaning “man” or “husband.” Byzantine references to “Egyptians” crop up during this period as Byzantine political and territorial fortunes gave way to the region's new power, the Ottomans. There were areas with large Roma populations in Cyprus and Greece which local rulers dubbed “Little Egypt” in the late fourteenth century.

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O’Donnell, Jamie. "Social Work with Gypsy, Roma and Traveller Children." Practice 26, no. 3 (April 10, 2014): 201–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503153.2014.907964.

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Marushiakova, Elena, and Vesselin Popov. "‘Letter to Stalin’: Roma Activism vs. Gypsy Nomadism in Central, South-Eastern and Eastern Europe before WWII." Social Inclusion 8, no. 2 (June 4, 2020): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v8i2.2777.

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<p>From the beginning, academic research on Gypsies in Western Europe has presented their nomadic way of life as their most important and essential feature, a key pillar of their community identity. Measures for their sedentarisation were perceived as a shackle in a chain of persecutions, and the policy of sedentarisation conducted in the 1950s–1970s in Central, South-Eastern, and Eastern Europe has continuously been interpreted as an example of the crimes of the communist regimes against the human and cultural rights of Roma. What has been missing, however, in these interpretations is the stance on the issue of nomadism as expressed by the Roma themselves and, more specifically, by the Roma civic elite: namely, by the Roma activists who initiated the Roma civic emancipation and created the first Roma organizations in the regions. In recent years, a need to critically re-think the field of Romani Studies in order to take into account the viewpoint of the studied community comes in the foreground of academic and civil society discussions. Such re-consideration is unavoidable also in studying the field of Roma history. This article strives to fill this knowledge gap and to initiate a new discussion about the issue of the so-called Gypsy nomadism. The viewpoints on this issue, coming from the Roma civic elite itself, are presented primarily on the basis of historical evidence from the interwar period, but are not limited to its framework. Finally, later historical developments in the issue of Roma activists’ approach to Gypsy nomadism will also be outlined, including its contemporary dimensions.</p>

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Gezgin, Elif, and Margaret Greenfields. "A Study on the Sociology of Pierre Bourdieu and Conducting Social Research with Gypsy / Roma Groups." JOURNAL OF GYPSY STUDIES 1, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/jgs.v1i1.528.

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In social science discourse, the dichotomy between agency and structure tends to dominate debates pertaining to identity construction. When complex social facts are viewed through a simplistic prism of either individual activities or dominant structural impacts is likely to lead to a conclusion, - particularly when the subjects of research are members of communities at risk of vulnerability which are merely two-dimensional; omitting essential elements and interplays of circumstances, agency and structures which can rapidly shift dependent on both personal and external contexts and stressors. In this article, we discuss ways of utilising Pierre Bourdieu's theoretical model to explore the potential for creating a more nuanced theory of identity construction in the context of case studies focused on Gypsy/Roma(ni) people, whose identities depend both on internal identifications and those of the (dominant) groups with whom they live. We also aim to consider how in two widely contrasting international contexts – that of Roma people in Turkey and Gypsy/Traveller communities in the UK – use of Bourdieuian analysis provides appropriate tools that enable an analysis of daily living and the associated sense of active agency of these populations without minimising or excluding the structural effects which impact them. This approach enables a nuanced relational approach to understanding Gypsy/Roma(ni) groups’ identity construction in its entirety, whilst taking account of the specific geographical context in which the populations reside.

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Lemon, Alaina. "Roma (Gypsies) in the Soviet Union and the Moscow Teatr ‘Romen’." Nationalities Papers 19, no. 3 (1991): 359–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999108408208.

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The Moscow Teatr “Romen,” dating back to 1931, is famous throughout the Soviet Union, and its performers have been some of the country's best-known. The Teatr “Romen” connects Roma from all over the country, and many who work there are related; three generations of a family may appear on the stage at one time. These families, along with Roma working as professionals, make up an lite within the Romani community in Moscow. They are the most outwardly assimilated (wearing European dress, etc.), most fluent and literate in Russian as well as Romani. These families usually move in different spheres than do Roma who live in villages around Moscow and work in cooperatives or as independent merchants, although extended family networks may include Roma of all spheres. Most studies of Gypsies (including those of non-Roma, such as Irish Travellers in the United Kingdom) assume a certain homogeneity of culture and of class: The refusal to acknowledge Gypsy upward mobility in the context of a dominant society has also prevented research of class difference within Gypsy groups and created a sense of marginalized homogeneity that does not reflect reality.The Teatr “Romen” is a case that demands such acknowledgment. Yet, in a sense, these élite performers are doubly marginal, both as performers and as ethnic outsiders who “threaten the rhetoric and narratives of nationalism.” Currently in the USSR, such narratives are in flux, as many national minorities demand greater cultural and political autonomy. Roma, however, are not demanding their own republic, and requests for schools and radio shows are often tempered by the assertion that, “this country has been kind to Gypsies.” Roma élites are also in a peculiar position: charged with representing Roma to outsiders, they are also concerned about maintaining the integrity of the urban community as Roma. Because of this, they must negotiate the interstitial area between cultures.

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Strobl, Staci, Nickie Phillips, Emanuel Banutai, and Danielle Reynolds. "Film-making and Police-minority Relations: Slovenian Police and Roma in Shanghai Gypsy." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 4, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v4i4.187.

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After experiencing riots involving police and a Roma village, a community in north-eastern Slovenia hosted the million-dollar production of a major motion picture, Shanghai Gypsy (2012), which focuses on Roma and criminal justice themes. Several current Slovenian police officers played the role of police while local Roma were ‘extras’ as Roma villagers. This research explored the meaning of cooperating on production of the film for participants from two groups formerly in conflict. The current study consisted of semi-structured interviews conducted approximately 18 months after the film was produced with a sample of participants. We hypothesized that the film participants were able to interact with each other in ways that opened up new modes of communication, improved interpersonal relationships, and aided mutual understanding. Participants indicated that the film was regarded as a powerful means of generating Roma cultural awareness. Both police and Roma tended to downplay the intensity of the original conflict, yet often offered stories and anecdotes that seemed to indicate that relations between the groups had indeed improved as a result of their participation in the film.

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Nemeth, David “Jim.” "Gypsy Architecture: Houses of the Roma in Eastern Europe." Professional Geographer 60, no. 4 (September 16, 2008): 583–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00330120802239902.

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Armitage, R., and L. B. Nellums. "COVID-19 and the Gypsy, Roma and Traveller population." Public Health 185 (August 2020): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.puhe.2020.06.003.

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Kyuchukov, Hristo. "Transformative education for Roma (Gypsy) children: An insider's view." Intercultural Education 11, no. 3 (November 2000): 273–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14675980020002420.

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Güneş, Özge Burcu, Başak Akgül, Danielle V. Schoon, Ibrahim Sirkeci, and Deniz Eroğlu Utku. "Editorial: Introducing the Journal of Gypsy Studies." JOURNAL OF GYPSY STUDIES 1, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/jgs.v1i1.525.

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After much preparation and hard work, we are pleased to release this inaugural issue of the Journal of Gypsy Studies which is an international, peer-reviewed journal aiming to publish quality and rigorous research and scholarship, as well as intellectual conversations/interviews, book reviews, conference reports, viewpoints, and letters on the groups known as and associated with Gypsies. As the production of academic work pertaining to the cultural, social, economic, and political lives of Gypsies is increasing, there is a need for research and theoretical contributions that centre on issues of poverty, discrimination, the sedentary/nomad divide, migration, urban policies, and citizenship and identity, among others. This is particularly important as right-wing political parties are on the rise in many countries where Roma/Gypsies live. Universities that have been influential in Romani studies are being threatened with closure, and Roma/Gypsies face violent attacks and forced evictions everyday. Although some governments and international organizations engage more and more with Roma/Gypsy organisations and development and inclusion programs, tangiable change is rare on the ground.This journal has been created by the hard work and dedication of a small team of academics initiated by Başak Akgül, Doğa Elçin, and Ibrahim Sirkeci in 2015 and among several brilliant colleagues who offered help and support, including Özge Burcu Güneş, Deniz Eroğlu Utku, Danielle V. Schoon, and Margarite Blignaut. We are grateful for their support as well as many colleagues who joined the editorial boards and served as reviewers.

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Talewicz-Kwiatkowska, Joanna. "Roma People in Virtual Reality." Politeja 16, no. 4(61) (December 31, 2019): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.61.08.

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Stereotypical perceptions of Roma people as those who like to walk along forest paths to camps, or stories about Gypsy fairies with crystal balls have nothing in common with such trendy and contemporary terms as new technologies. How can one imagine a stereotypical Roma who loves horses and campfires surfing the Internet? How do we discuss changes in men-women relations in the context of a patriarchal community in which women have no right to express their opinions and are literally captive? Undoubtedly, a lack of knowledge about Roma people, and with often the only alternative in the form of stereotypical information excludes them from the discussion on cultural changes related to technological development. At the same time media, including the Internet, are important not only in the context of activism of Roma leaders and organizations, but also with reference to people who want to fight against the negative image of Roma people in public space, regardless of membership or lack of membership in Roma organizations.

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Illés, Barbara. "A roma képzőművészet korunk modernitásának kontextusában." Belvedere Meridionale 30, no. 3 (2018): 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2018.3.5.

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The objective of the current paper is defining of the notion of fine art of the Roma minority with an overview of its short history as for the largest population of ethnicity who more than six centuries living in Hungary. Apart from the definition of Roma Art, I am discussing the processes of change and the self-representation of the present, mainly from the aspect of the artist, the ethnic classification of Roma identity through self-confessions. I set up the Roma Art scene based on traditions, then the Modern Hungarian-Roma Fine Arts that emerged from it, and finally define the categories of Professional Fine Art in relation to each other and to their association with Hungarian Fine Art and European Gypsy Art and Universal Art. Apart from the interpretation of Roma Art, the study offers an opportunity for contemporary artists to get more accurate and detailed knowledge and to understand and evaluate their works more closely and sophisticated.

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Heaslip, Vanessa, Sarah Hean, and Jonathan Parker. "Lived experience of vulnerability from a Gypsy Roma Traveller perspective." Journal of Clinical Nursing 25, no. 13-14 (March 22, 2016): 1987–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jocn.13223.

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Bertora, P., C. Lovati, P. Gambaro, A. Vicenzi, S. Rosa, M. Osio, F. Resta, and C. Mariani. "Moyamoya Disease in a Member of the Roma Gypsy Community." European Neurology 59, no. 5 (2008): 274–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000115643.

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Greenfields, Margaret. "Good practice in working with Gypsy, Traveller and Roma communities." Primary Health Care 27, no. 10 (November 29, 2017): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/phc.2017.e1263.

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Ryder, Andrew. "One Nation Conservatism: a Gypsy, Roma and Traveller case study." Race & Class 57, no. 2 (October 2015): 76–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396815595803.

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Stewart, Michael. "Roma and Gypsy “Ethnicity” as a Subject of Anthropological Inquiry." Annual Review of Anthropology 42, no. 1 (October 21, 2013): 415–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-092010-153348.

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Marushiakova, Elena, and Vesselin Popov. "Politics of Multilingualism in Roma Education in Early Soviet Union and Its Current Projections." Social Inclusion 5, no. 4 (December 22, 2017): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v5i4.1128.

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This article presents the history of the politics of multilingualism (or lack thereof) in regard to Roma (formerly known as ‘Gypsies’). In the 1920s and 1930s in the newly established Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, against a backdrop of proclaimed principles of full equality of all peoples living in the new state, commenced a rapid creation of schools for Roma children with instruction in Romani mother-tongue along with special training of Roma teachers. The results achieved were impressive in regard to the general literacy of Roma communities, but nevertheless in 1938 the ‘Gypsy schools’ have been closed and Roma children were enrolled into mainstream schools lacking any elements of multilingualism. After World War II individual countries of Eastern Europe implemented various forms of special education for Roma children, neither of which however with elements of multilingualism. Only after the collapse of communist regimes in Eastern Europe, in the conditions of transition and the subsequent Euro-integration, various singular countries in the region have developed individual elements of multilingualism and educational policies targeting Roma children (e.g., introducing under various forms a Romani language instruction). Sporadically there even appeared proposals for teaching instruction conducted entirely in Roma mother-tongue, which were debated and rejected (including by Roma themselves).

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Cortés Gómez, Ismael. "Antigypsyism as Symbolic and Epistemic Violence in Informative Journalism in Spain, 2010–2018." Critical Romani Studies 3, no. 1 (December 11, 2020): 4–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.29098/crs.v3i1.74.

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This study conducts a framing analysis of how Spanish journalism represents “Gypsy identity” within the markers of dangerousness and criminality (in the period from 2010 to 2018). The paper aims to validate the following underpinning hypothesis: as symbolic and epistemic violence, antigypsyism legitimizes systemicracial discrimination and exclusion against Roma in Spain. The article is organized into five sections. First, an analytical framework introduces the notions of “antigypsyism,” “structural discrimination,” “social fear,” “symbolic violence,” “epistemic violence,” and “framing analysis.” Second, a case study is presented on a sample of 150 national news reports that portray Romani characters in a biased way. Third, this analysis informs an ethical and legal debate that challenges the limits of free speech and the uses of discriminatory and biased language in informative narratives. The fourth section examines and provides conclusions regarding thecorrelation between structural discrimination against Roma and the role of media in engendering the stigma of the “Gypsy threat.” Finally, the article includes a series of recommendations that could be used to counteract racism in news narratives.

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Roman, Raluca Bianca. "From Christian Mission to Transnational Connections: Religious and Social Mobilisation among Roma in Finland." Social Inclusion 8, no. 2 (June 4, 2020): 367–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v8i2.2782.

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Based on the analysis of archival material, and combined with ethnographic fieldwork conducted among the Finnish Kaale (the Finnish Romani population) since 2011, this article looks at the historical intertwining of Roma religious and social activism in Finland from the beginning of the 20th century. A focus is placed on the role of the Gypsy Mission (Mustalaislähetys), nowadays Romani Mission (Romano Missio), in shaping both historical and present-day Roma policy, activism and mobilisation within the country. Founded in 1906, and initially led by non-Roma Evangelicals, its impact has nevertheless moved beyond a strictly Roma-focused/non-Roma-led mission. While rarely mentioned, Kaale were active participants within the organisation, and some of the earliest Roma activists were shaped within its midst. Furthermore, Roma mobilisation in the country continues to have a religious undertone, particularly in the contemporary transnational humanitarian work conducted by Finnish Kaale missionaries among Roma communities in Eastern Europe. Tracing the legacy of present-day religious mobilisation among Roma in Finland, as well as Finnish Roma’s active involvement in shaping Roma-projects elsewhere in Europe, is therefore crucial in revealing not only contrasts in how Roma activism may have manifested during the interwar period in Europe (from political to religious, from Roma-led to Roma-focused) but points to the present-day influence of Evangelical missions in shaping particular visions of the ‘future’ among Roma communities across Europe.

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Piotrovska, A. G. "The Romany Musical Versatility: The Case of Gypsy Disco-Polo." Nasledie Vekov, no. 3(19) (September 30, 2019): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.36343/sb.2019.19.3.009.

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Как известно, европейские цыгане всегда тяготели к определенным видам деятельности, из которых ближе всего им была музыка. Свидетельством природной музыкальности цыган в наши дни может служить, например, неизменная популярность таких творческих коллективов, как Gypsy Kings . Несмотря на восприимчивость цыган новым веяниям, постоянно обогащающим жанрово-стилистическую палитру их музыки, она всё ещё легко узнаваема и по-прежнему завораживает своим особым мелодико-ритмическим рисунком, своей романтической экспрессией и ни на что не похожей манерой исполнения. В данной статье поднят вопрос о сущности подлинного цыганства в музыке, на который, как считает автор, можно, по крайней мере частично, ответить при более детальном исследовании произведений, созданных носителями культуры рома, в 2000-х гг. Анна Пиотровска рассматривает современные жанры цыганской музыки, самым популярным из которых в Польше является цыганское диско-поло, в исторической перспективе и приходит к выводу об исключительной универсальности и многогранности цыганских музыкантов, обладающих способностью с лёгкостью подстраиваться под любую культурную ситуацию, позволяющей им и сегодня удовлетворять вкусы широкой слушательской аудитории, одновременно поддерживая жизнеспособность собственных многовековых музыкальных традиций.As commonly known, European Roma (Gypsies) have specialized in certain occupations but predominantly were associated with their excellent musicianship skills. It is also true today as attested, among others, by the never dwindling popularity of such bands as The Gypsy Kings. Gypsy musicians are very much appreciated and their music is still enjoyed. It is the result of the Gypsy versatility and their ability to adapt to musical innovations. Despite the extreme richness of forms, manners of performance, etc. characterising the socalled Gypsy music, or more precisely the music by the Roma, their musical products are still easily identifiable by nonRomany circles who associate them with the colourful world of the highly idealized and romanticised Gypsy life. The paper shows without neglecting the historical perspective that the question of the essence of the genuine Gypsyness in music can be, at least partially, answered by taking a closer look at new genres associated with Gypsies and by analysing contemporary practices exercised by the Romany musicians. Consequently, the article is focused on the contemporary trends in the socalled Gypsy music, especially those which merged in the 2000s with popular genres such as Gypsy discopolo popular till today and enjoyed by large audiences in Poland. The article claims that such new genres as Gypsy discopolo should be considered as fine examples of Romany musical versatility proving the vitality of their tradition as cultivated today. Romany musicians adapt to the new situation in such a way as to address the requirements of contemporary listeners who expect that the socalled Gypsy music should be on a par with uptodate productions known from the mass media, while still adhering to the romanticised vision of the Gypsyness.

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Zajc Petranovic, Matea, Zeljka Tomas, Tatjana Skaric-Juric, Nina Smolej Narancic, Branka Janicijevic, Anita Stojanovic Markovic, and Marijana Pericic Salihovic. "The variability of multi-drug resistance ABCB1 gene in the Roma population from Croatia." Molecular and experimental biology in medicine 2, no. 1 (April 4, 2019): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33602/mebm.2.1.2.

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When overexpressed, a large transmembrane P-glycoprotein, the product of the ABCB1 gene, is a notable impediment to brain-targeted therapies (like antiepileptics) and chemotherapies. Some of the genetic biomarkers with evidence of multi-drug resistance in ABCB1 ― rs1045642, rs1128503, and rs3213619 ― were analyzed in 440 subjects, members of three socio-culturally different Roma (Gypsy) groups of Croatia. Minor allele frequencies (MAFs) of rs1045642 and rs1128503 were the highest in the Balkan Roma (63.6% and 69.4%, respectively) when compared to the Baranja (52.3% and 62.5%) and the Međimurje Roma (48.8% and 54.5%) (p=0.0005 and p=0.0011, respectively). rs3213619 was monomorphic in the Međimurje group, while its MAFs in other two Roma groups were very low (<1.9%). The distribution of five detected haplotypes (four in the Međimurje group) significantly differed between the Roma subpopulations (p<0.0001), just like the frequencies of diplotypes (p=0.0008). At a global scale, the positive relationship between genetic and geographic distances between the 21 investigated populations indicates isolation by spatial distance. However, this is not true for the relationship between Roma and other populations due to their population history. The analyzed ABCB1 loci indicate genetic distinctiveness of the Roma population.

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Moscaliuc, Mihaela. "Accessorizing (with) “Gypsyness” in the Twenty-first Century." Critical Romani Studies 2, no. 1 (November 15, 2019): 92–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.29098/crs.v2i1.35.

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Prefaced with a brief discussion of representation and cultural appropriation, this article examines how the fashion industry recycles and revamps hackneyed tropes that cast Roma into narratives of wanderlust, mystique, and transgression. Such tropes perpetuate epistemic injustice, compromise understandings ofRoma and their culture(s) within non-member groups, and curtail Roma designers’ rhetorical agency. I flesh out the discussion with the case of Mexican American designer Rio Uribe and his line Gypsy Sport and argue that, despite Uribe’s investment in social justice and much touted effort toward inclusiveness, he fails to acknowledge the unethical and harmful dimensions of his work. I turn to the fashion studio Romani Design (founded by Hungarian Roma designers Erika and Helena Varga) as an example of Roma initiatives that counter appropriative practices through reclaiming the heritage for self-representation and empowerment, then envision ways of intervening in the fashion industry’s co-option and misuse of Roma’s cultural heritage.

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Durst, Judit. "Fertility and childbearing practices among poor Gypsy women in Hungary: the intersections of class, race and gender." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 35, no. 4 (December 1, 1997): 457–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(02)00032-6.

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This article explores changes in childbearing practices among Gypsy (Roma) women in a small village in Northern Hungary. The author benefited from several years of ethnographic field research and data collected in this village, where the proportion of the out-of-wedlock births and births to teenage—mostly Gypsy—mothers have increased by a factor of three in the past 10 years as the population of the village has become more and more impoverished and the opportunities for geographic or social mobility declined sharply for the ethnic minority. The author argues that bearing children early is a sign of passage to adulthood in this group of women, a function which had been assigned to other social institutions before 1989. Early childbearing at the same time exacerbates the problem of Gypsy women: this is the first study which documents the consequences of poverty on women's and children's health by showing an increase in low birth weight babies in the community since 1989.

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Heaslip, Vanessa, Valérie Vanceulebroeck, Indrani Kalkan, Nuran Kömürcü, and Isabel Anton Solanas. "Student nurse perceptions of Gypsy Roma Travellers; A European qualitative study." Nurse Education Today 82 (November 2019): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.nedt.2019.07.011.

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Čvorović, Jelena, J. Philippe Rushton, and Lazar Tenjevic. "Maternal IQ and child mortality in 222 Serbian Roma (Gypsy) women." Personality and Individual Differences 44, no. 7 (May 2008): 1604–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2008.01.019.

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Messing, Vera. "Good practices addressing school integration of Roma/Gypsy children in Hungary." Intercultural Education 19, no. 5 (October 2008): 461–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14675980802531721.

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FEHÉR, ÁGNES, ANNA JUHÁSZ, ÁGNES RIMANÓCZY, PÉTER ÁLMOS, JUDIT BÉRES, ZOLTÁN JANKA, and JÁNOS KÁLMÁN. "Dopamine metabolism-related gene polymorphisms in Roma (Gypsy) and Hungarian populations." Journal of Genetics 92, S2 (September 2, 2011): 72–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12041-011-0078-6.

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de Diego Cordero, Rocío. "Student nurse perceptions of Gypsy Roma Travellers; A European qualitative study." Enfermería Clínica (English Edition) 29, no. 5 (September 2019): 318–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.enfcle.2019.08.001.

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Klímová-Alexander, Ilona. "The Development and Institutionalization of Romani Representation and Administration. Part 2: Beginnings of Modern Institutionalization (Nineteenth Century—World War II)." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 2 (June 2005): 155–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500088354.

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This article is the second in this series, following “Part 1: The Legacy of Early Institutionalism: From Gypsy Fiefs to Gypsy Kings”, which covered the period from the arrival of Gypsies to Europe until the mid-nineteenth century and was published in Volume 32, Number 3 of Nationalities Papers. Part 2 describes the birth of the first modern forms of ethnically-based political and social organizations established by Romani elites from the nineteenth century up until the Second World War (WWII). The main pattern of the development of Romani representation and administration until the mid-nineteenth century—as described in Part 1—distinguished between institutionalization from within and without. In the time period described here, the pattern changes because the majority of organizations and institutions established in order to represent and administer Roma are started upon the initiative of Romani leaders. Some are, however, created under the umbrella or patronage of non-Romani authorities or organizations and their activities are controlled by these patrons; others are created in (various degrees of) cooperation with non-Romani authorities or organizations and a few are created and operate independently. In addition, during this period the first few non-Romani non-governmental organizations start to take interest in the plight of Roma, and some organizations are specifically created to address their plight and lobby “on their behalf.” The other pattern of the development that emerges in this period is the gradual ascent of the institutionalization to higher levels. While until the nineteenth century most of the Gypsies organized themselves locally and regionally (with the exception of the Polish Office of the Gypsy Kings and the Chief Voivods in Transylvania and Hungary), in this period we see the first attempts by Roma themselves to expand the institutionalization countrywide and even internationally. These patterns are again explored in the conclusion (and summarized in Table 1), while the main body deals with the various arrangements in a more or less chronological and geographical order.

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Fosztó, László. "Was There a ‘Gypsy Problem’ in Socialist Romania? From Suppressing ‘Nationalism’ to Recognition of a National Minority." Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai Sociologia 63, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 117–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/subbs-2018-0014.

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Abstract After the fall of the socialist bloc some authors celebrated the advent of Romani nationalism, emphasising its Eastern European roots and its potential force to foster emancipation among an ethnic minority oppressed for so long. There is another perspective on the community organisation among the Roma from actors who had much less sympathy towards collective claims on behalf of the ‘Gypsies’. Recently published documents from the archive of the secret police testify that Gypsy nationalism (“naționalism țigănesc”) was systematically denounced in Romania. Roma leaders suspected of being its proponents were persecuted during the late period of the Ceaușescu era. This article is an attempt to interpret a contested category in the context of late socialist Romania.

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Matei, Petre. "Between Nationalism and Pragmatism: The Roma Movement in Interwar Romania." Social Inclusion 8, no. 2 (June 4, 2020): 305–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v8i2.2808.

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In the interwar period, for the first time in their history, Romanian Roma managed to organise themselves on a modern basis, by forming Roma associations and unions, and issuing their own newspapers and programmes. In an effort to define themselves, they became politically active, claiming and negotiating rights. In my article I analyse the context of the interwar Roma movement, how Roma leaders of the time saw themselves and their movement, what programme(s) they had, and how they tried to achieve their goals. This was a serious challenge: As they were not self-sufficient, they heavily depended on support from Romanian institutions, and hence they had to act with caution in order to avoid any hostile reactions from the Romanian majority. Overall, the discourse of Roma elites in interwar Romania ranged between: 1) a national approach directed inwardly, toward the Roma, for ethnic mobilisation purposes, including calls to unite in order to acquire their rights, efforts to combat ethnic stigmatisation, discussions on ethnonyms (Gypsy vs. Roma) or on the importance of Roma in Romania and worldwide, the beginning of a national/ethnic mythology (past, origin, enslavement, heroization vs. victimization, etc.); and 2) a pragmatic approach directed outwardly, toward Romanian authorities and public opinion; rather than a national minority, Roma leaders presented the Roma as a social category with specific needs, due to their historical legacy. Of these two, throughout the interwar period, pragmatism prevailed. Special emphasis was placed on the issue of social inclusion, and on identifying specific problems and solutions (i.e., better access to education, settlement, deconstruction of prejudices, etc.).

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Marushiakova, Elena, and Vesselin Popov. "Gypsy Policy and Roma Activism: From the Interwar Period to Current Policies and Challenges." Social Inclusion 8, no. 2 (June 4, 2020): 260–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v8i2.3036.

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The editorial introduces the key ideas of this thematic issue, which originated within the European Research Council project ‘RomaInterbellum. Roma Civic Emancipation between the Two World Wars.’ The period between WWI and WWII in the region of Central, Southeastern and Eastern Europe was an era of worldwide significant changes, which marked the birth of the Roma civic emancipation movement and impacted Roma communities’ living strategies and visions about their future, worldwide. The aspiration of this thematic issue is to present the main dimensions of the processes of Roma civic emancipation and to outline the role of the Roma as active participants in the historical processes occurring in the studied region and as the creators of their own history. The editorial offers clarifications on the terminology and methodology employed in the articles included in this issue and their spatial and chronological parameters while also briefly introducing the individual authored studies of this issue.

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