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1

Almuqren, Abdullah. "The Contemporary Public Sphere-Habermas’ Perspective." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 10, no. 6 (2023): 183–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.106.14848.

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Undoubtedly, the contribution of public opinion and involvement is a critical aspect in shaping and influencing the political, social, and democratic courses within a nation. The concept of the public sphere acknowledges the presence and studies the initiation of integral discourses conducted by the public. Indeed, the German philosopher, Jürgen Habermas, instigated and established the understanding of such a concept. He critically highlights that the presence and participatory nature of the public sphere is crucial for a democracy. His theory, espoused in his 1985 Theory of Communicative Acti
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2

Morris, Martin. "Deliberation and Deconstruction: Two Views on the Space of a Post-National Democracy." Canadian Journal of Political Science 34, no. 4 (2001): 763–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423901778080.

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Theorists of deliberation and deconstruction each claim commitments to a more open and legitimate democracy than existing liberal democracy. Eschewing traditional foundations such as natural law, historical inheritance, or the constitutive formation of the nation, they seek to develop a theory of democracy that is more inclusive in conditions of social diversity and complexity. This article investigates the meaning of the open political space that fosters the democratic experience under such conditions. First, a sociologically informed political theory, such as Jürgen Habermas' powerful if fla
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Sharbaugh, Patrick E., and Dang Nguyen. "Make Lulz, Not War: How Online Remix and Meme Culture are Empowering Civic Engagement in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam." Asiascape: Digital Asia 1, no. 3 (2014): 133–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142312-12340010.

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Although social media platforms have garnered much attention in recent years for their putative role in dramatic social and political movements around the world, scholars such as Clay Shirky and Ethan Zuckerman have suggested that the real potential of such tools for change exists in the way they empower citizens to publicly articulate and debate an array of conflicting views throughout society. In this view, social media matters most not in the streets and squares but in the social commons that Jürgen Habermas termed the public sphere. New image-based social media platforms and creative pract
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4

Hafiz, Abdul, Leli Romdaniah, Rasya Ahmad Nizar, and Syifa Mauliza. "Konsep Pendidikan Hasan Langgulung (Berbasis Psikologi dan Agama) dan Konsep Pendidikan Jürgen Habermas (1929) Mazhab Frankfurt; Perbandingan tentang Tujuan, Kurikulum, PBM, Guru, Evaluasi dan Lingkungan Pendidikan." Rayah Al-Islam 7, no. 3 (2023): 1357–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.37274/rais.v7i3.832.

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Konsep Pendidikan Hasan Langgulung (Berbasis Psikologi dan Agama) dan Konsep Pendidikan Habermas (1929) Mazhab Frankfurt dapat dibandingkan dalam beberapa aspek, terutama dalam konteks pembebasan dari ideologi kapitalis dan penghormatan terhadap nalar spiritual serta positivisme. Meskipun Hasan Langgulung adalah tokoh pemikir Islam Indonesia yang hidup pada abad ke-20 dan memiliki sudut pandang yang berbeda dengan pemikiran Habermas yang berasal dari Mazhab Frankfurt, perbandingan ini akan mencoba untuk mengeksplorasi beberapa elemen kunci dalam kedua konsep pendidikan ini. Penelitian ini akan
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5

PEFFER, RODNEY G. "SYMPOSIUM ON GLOBALIZATION AND JUSTICE: INTRODUCTION." Economics and Philosophy 22, no. 1 (2006): 113–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267105000726.

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For over half a century in more than a dozen books and 600 philosophical articles Kai Nielsen has developed and defended a radically egalitarian theory of social justice as well as a political vision demanding a democratic, humane form of socialism and, on an international level, a federative world socialist government embodying these values. In Globalization and Justice Nielsen applies his acute analytical abilities and his substantive theories and views to the present ongoing reality of corporate, capitalist globalization, arguing that this sort of globalization is unjust in that it further
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Ebijuwa, Temisanren. "The Public Sphere, Deweyan Democracy and Rational Discourse in Africa." Dialogue and Universalism 31, no. 9999 (2021): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du202131supplement37.

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The quest for a decent political order in many societies is imperative today because of the heterogeneous nature of our social existence and the complexity of our ever increasing socio-economic and political experiences. Since the public sphere is a domain of freedom exemplified by dialogical engagements, the outcome of such encounter must involve the intelligible thoughts of all discussants with the sole aim of dealing with the concerns and commanding the commitment of all to the decisions reached. In this study, it is argued that Deweyan democracy as an alternative theory of rational inquiry
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7

Haiden, Michael. "Jürgen Habermas." Res Philosophica 101, no. 2 (2024): 191–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/resphilosophica20241012123.

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Jürgen Habermas has defended Germany’s cautious support for Ukraine against the ongoing Russian invasion. Instead of trying to defeat Russia on the battlefield, he argued that Western nations should seek a compromise with the attacker. Critics worried that this would lead to more suffering than the war, encourage further Russian aggression, and ignore the concerns of the Ukrainian population. However, one question that has not been addressed is if Habermas’s pleas are part of a wider pacifist commitment—and if so, what kind of pacifist he is. Examining Habermas’s writings on the Ukraine War, h
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8

Кочанович, Лешек. "DIALOGUE FOR SPACE, SPACE FOR DIALOGUE." ΠΡΑΞΗMΑ. Journal of Visual Semiotics, no. 4(26) (November 22, 2020): 90–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2312-7899-2020-4-90-97.

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В статье рассматриваются основные проблемы современной демократии, особенно городской демократии. Массовые протесты и демонстрации свидетельствуют о том, что существующие механизмы либеральной демократии перестали выполнять свою роль. В статье анализируются причины такого положения вещей. Также приводятся причины, по которым демократия в городе имеет особое значение для понимания функционирования демократического общества. Далее описываются три концепции демократии, которые имеют особое значение. Это: прагматическая концепция, концепция коммуникативной деятельности и концепция неконсенсусного
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9

Finlayson, James Gordon. "Happy Birthday Jürgen Habermas." Studies in Social and Political Thought 29 (September 2, 2019): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.20919/sspt.29.2019.115.

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[No abstract] First paragraph: Habermas turned ninety on June 18th 2019. Over the last six decades he’s been Germany’s foremost social theorist, philosopher, public intellectual, and journalist. His political writings currently stretch to twelve volumes. Cue a host of different public events across Germany celebrating his life and work. Cue also the usual paeans and panegyrics, and, as anyone who has followed the on-line discussion will know, some remarkably harsh criticism.
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10

Winter, Rainer. "On the Contemporary Relevance of Jürgen Habermas’ Social Theory." Theory, Culture & Society 37, no. 7-8 (2020): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276420959438.

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This introduction discusses the contemporary relevance of Jürgen Habermas’ social theory following the publication of his recent work, Auch eine Geschichte der Philosophie (2019). It deals with his key topics and interventionist style of thinking. The essence of Habermas’ critical theory is its unwavering commitment to the utopia of communicative reason.
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11

Carleheden, Mikael, and René Gabriëls. "An Interview with Jürgen Habermas." Theory, Culture & Society 13, no. 3 (1996): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026327696013003001.

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12

Oraldi, Antonio. "Technology and Society in Habermas’ Early Social Theory: Towards a Critical Theory of Technology beyond Instrumentalism." Krisis | Journal for Contemporary Philosophy 43, no. 1 (2023): 66–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/krisis.43.1.37753.

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Jürgen Habermas is not often thought of as a philosopher of technology. After presenting his early critique of technocratic consciousness, I will contend that the main problem of Habermas’ conception of technology lies in the conflation of “technology” with “technical rationality”. Feenberg criticizes Habermas’ position for implicitly depoliticizing technology. By developing a distinction between “technology” and “technique”, I will argue that Habermas’ position does not exclude a critical theory of technology. The emergent picture will combine Habermas’ emphasis that technology is more than a
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13

Ivanov, D. "Jürgen Habermas’ Post-marxism and Dialectics of Social Development." Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya, no. 6 (June 2019): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013216250005479-9.

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14

Chernilo, Daniel. "Jürgen Habermas: Modern social theory as postmetaphysical natural law." Journal of Classical Sociology 13, no. 2 (2013): 254–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468795x13477294.

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15

Sidqi, Ahmad. "THE PROBLEMS OF JÜRGEN HABERMAS’s DELIBERATIVE DEMOCRACY THEORY." RADIX: Jurnal Filsafat dan Agama 1, no. 01 (2023): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.69957/radix.v1i01.28.

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Jürgen Habermas a German philosopher who adopts of Karl Marx’s thought in the social order. However, Habermas does not immediately accept of the raw Marx’s thought. Habermas with rationalism as the epistemology. The Critical Theory criticize the sciences positive as the science of economics, sociology, technology, psychology; and also philosophy. The sciences is not questioned the direction of the process of the community itself. In a critique of the ideology of Habermas through the role of basic ethics and adopt the Immanuel Kant’s thought. Habermas to a blurb about dialectical theory of herm
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16

Greve, Jens. "Jürgen Habermas: Wahrheit und Rechtfertigung. Philosophische Aufsätze." KZfSS Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 53, no. 1 (2001): 166–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11577-001-0009-2.

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17

Brum, Henrique. "Habermas: Teoria da Democracia e religião na esfera pública." Ítaca, no. 29 (July 20, 2016): 118–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.59488/itaca.v0i29.3494.

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O objetivo desse artigo é detalhar a abordagem de Habermas para a questão da presença da religião na esfera pública, especialmente em sua conexão com sua teoria da democracia. Para tanto, exporei os aspectos desta última, presentes em Teoria do Agir Comunicativo, Direito e Democracia e em seus livros subsequentes. A seguir, descreverei sua abordagem para a questão da religião na esfera pública, presente em suas obras mais recentes. Por fim aponto brevemente alguns pontos de conexão entre as duas, e levanto possíveis problemas relativos à sua Condição de Tradução (Translation Proviso) Referênci
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18

Gurjeet Singh and Dr Vipan Pal Singh. "Jürgen Habermas and the Critique of the Urban Subcultures of Subversion and Resistance." Creative Launcher 9, no. 4 (2024): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2024.9.4.03.

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The Frankfurt School thinkers are concerned with practical aspects of the society that contribute to domination and subversion of masses not just through visible forces but also through subtle propaganda. The aim of these thinkers is to understand the modus-operandi of this subversion and to suggest ways of resisting this domination. Being a major thinker of the School, Jürgen Habermas critiqued a vast number of aspects that also include several issues related to urban subcultures. Habermas’s basic objective behind these critiques is to understand the modus-operandi of social domination and to
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19

García, Ana Pamela. "El problema de la opinión pública en el pensamiento sociológico de Habermas, Luhmann y Bourdieu: disquisiciones políticas, comunicacionales e ideológicas sobre un fenómeno ¿democrático?" Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 18 (October 26, 2016): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.18.258.

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ResumenSe discute aquí el carácter de la “opinión pública” como categoría conceptual en el marco de las perspectivas de Jürgen Habermas, Niklas Luhmann y Pierre Bourdieu. Sus lecturas sobre este fenómeno psico-socio-político y comunicativo, todavía polémico dentro del debate sobre las formas sociales de la democracia representativa, se abordan considerando: primero, la relación de continuidad de sus propuestas con las principales tradiciones de la teoría social contemporánea; segundo, su potencialidad crítica para un esclarecimiento sociológico de la relación entre opinión pública y “medios ma
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20

García, Ana Pamela. "El problema de la opinión pública en el pensamiento sociológico de Habermas, Luhmann y Bourdieu: disquisiciones políticas, comunicacionales e ideológicas sobre un fenómeno ¿democrático?" Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 18 (October 26, 2016): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07196458.18.1142.

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ResumenSe discute aquí el carácter de la “opinión pública” como categoría conceptual en el marco de las perspectivas de Jürgen Habermas, Niklas Luhmann y Pierre Bourdieu. Sus lecturas sobre este fenómeno psico-socio-político y comunicativo, todavía polémico dentro del debate sobre las formas sociales de la democracia representativa, se abordan considerando: primero, la relación de continuidad de sus propuestas con las principales tradiciones de la teoría social contemporánea; segundo, su potencialidad crítica para un esclarecimiento sociológico de la relación entre opinión pública y “medios ma
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21

García, Ana Pamela. "El problema de la opinión pública en el pensamiento sociológico de Habermas, Luhmann y Bourdieu: disquisiciones políticas, comunicacionales e ideológicas sobre un fenómeno ¿democrático?" Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 18 (October 26, 2016): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07196458.18.258.

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ResumenSe discute aquí el carácter de la “opinión pública” como categoría conceptual en el marco de las perspectivas de Jürgen Habermas, Niklas Luhmann y Pierre Bourdieu. Sus lecturas sobre este fenómeno psico-socio-político y comunicativo, todavía polémico dentro del debate sobre las formas sociales de la democracia representativa, se abordan considerando: primero, la relación de continuidad de sus propuestas con las principales tradiciones de la teoría social contemporánea; segundo, su potencialidad crítica para un esclarecimiento sociológico de la relación entre opinión pública y “medios ma
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22

Mayer, Seth. "Interpreting the Situation of Political Disagreement: Rancière and Habermas." Journal of French and Francophone Philosophy 27, no. 2 (2019): 8–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jffp.2019.888.

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Although Jacques Rancière and Jürgen Habermas share several important commitments, they interpret various core concepts differently, viewing politics, democracy, communication, and disagreement in conflicting ways. Rancière articulates his democratic vision in opposition to important elements of Habermas’s approach. Critics contend that Habermas cannot account for the dynamics of command, exclusion, resistance, and aesthetic transformation involved in Rancière’s understanding of politics. In particular, the prominent roles Habermas affords to communicative rationality and consensus have led pe
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23

Blau, Judith R. "Group Enmity and Accord." Social Science History 24, no. 2 (2000): 395–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010208.

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Social theory provides two opposing views about the role played by mass communications in modernizing America. Mass society theorists, including José Ortega y Gasset (1932), George Seldes (1938), and Joseph Bensman and Bernard Rosenberg (1963), and also critical theorists, especially Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno (1991 [1944]) and Jürgen Habermas (1989), maintained that the mass press weakens authentic forms of community, whereas, in contrast, Chicago School sociologists, especially Robert Park(1971 [1922]), contended that the newspaper, notably the ethnic press, buffers the individual aga
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24

White, Stephen K. "Foucault's Challenge to Critical Theory." American Political Science Review 80, no. 2 (1986): 419–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1958266.

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Power, subjectivity, otherness, and modernity are concepts that contemporary political theorists increasingly find to be closely interwoven. In search of an adequate comprehension of the interrelationships among these concepts, I examine the work of Michel Foucault and Jürgen Habermas. I argue that Foucault, although he is provocatively insightful on a number of key points, ultimately provides a less satisfactory account than Habermas. The core problem is Foucault's inability to conceptualize juridical subjectivity, something which is necessary if he is going to connect his notion of aesthetic
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25

Haacke, Jürgen. "The Frankfurt School and International Relations' on the centrality of recognition." Review of International Studies 31, no. 1 (2005): 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006376.

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The works of Jürgen Habermas have amounted to an inspiration to many within IR. His writings on communicative rationality and communicative action are widely regarded as a useful counterpoint to the emphasis on instrumental rationality and strategic action. Also, Habermas has greatly influenced the development of Critical International Theory. However, as other contributions in this Forum demonstrate, IR scholars have at times found it difficult to apply Habermas to service their specific social scientific inquiries. In particular, it has been difficult to unequivocally locate communicative ac
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26

Verovšek, Peter J. "Habermas the Freelance Journalist: The Relationship between Theory and Practice in Habermas’s Early Career." New German Critique 51, no. 2 (2024): 167–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0094033x-11165836.

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Although Jürgen Habermas is one of postwar Europe’s leading philosophers and public intellectuals, the secondary literature often portrays him as an apolitical thinker with little interest in “real politics.” This article demonstrates that from the beginning of his career Habermas was an intensely political thinker, who tried to mediate his political convictions and philosophical interests. Drawing on articles he produced as a freelance journalist before arriving at the Institute for Social Research in 1956—as well as the correspondence contained in the Habermas archives at the Goethe Universi
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27

Wagner, Philipp. "Literarische Öffentlichkeit ohne Lesen. Zur Neubetrachtung von Rifbjergs lytterroman (1972)." European Journal of Scandinavian Studies 54, no. 2 (2024): 171–90. https://doi.org/10.1515/ejss-2024-2015.

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Zusammenfassung In 1972, Danmarks Radio invited its audience to write a novel together with Klaus Rifbjerg in the six-part radio program Rifbjergs telefonroman. The radio show proved to be extremely popular, but the documentation in book form that was subsequently published under the title Rifbjergs lytterroman was a commercial failure. The following article first classifies this literary event in terms of literary history and literary theory. In a second step, it analyzes the event in light of the current version of Jürgen Habermas’ public theory, because Rifbjerg and Habermas hold similar vi
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28

Calloni, Marina, Michele Nicoletti, and Stefano Petrucciani. "Filosofia, pensiero post-metafisico e sfera pubblica in cambiamento. Intervista a Jürgen Habermas." Rivista Italiana di Filosofia Politica, no. 1 (December 3, 2021): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/rifp-1441.

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Habermas is one of the most eminent contemporary systematic thinkers and the author of the theory of communicative action. From the 1960s to the present, Habermas has published on philosophy and social theory, reflected upon law and democracy, and participated in public debates on current issues. The interview aims at retracing the main themes of his thought, underlining the indissoluble and persisting link which joins philosophy with politics and public engagement. The interview also emphasizes the main developments of his thought, including about the role of religion in contemporary societie
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Muklis Al'anam and Radian Salman. "THE RELEVANCE OF JÜRGEN HABERMAS’S THEORY OF COMMUNICATIVE ACTION AS THE PHILOSOPHICAL FOUNDATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS ENFORCEMENT IN INDONESIA." Mimbar Hukum 36, no. 1 (2024): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/mh.v36i1.11513.

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Abstract Habermas’s theory of communicative action is highly relevant as a philosophical foundation for upholding human rights, emphasizing the intrinsic value of each individual, which must not be eliminated by any power. This is supported by Article 6 paragraph (1) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, ratified as Law Number 12 of 2005. Critical theory, a school of philosophy, focuses on liberating human knowledge from transcendental and empirical oppression, critiquing ideologies that perpetuate social oppression. Human rights have become a dynamic issue in Indonesia,
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van der Burg, Wibren. "Jürgen Habermas on Law and Morality: Some Critical Comments." Theory, Culture & Society 7, no. 4 (1990): 105–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026327690007004007.

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Gerbaudo, Paolo. "Theorizing Reactive Democracy." Democratic Theory 9, no. 2 (2022): 120–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2022.090207.

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The diffusion of social media has profoundly transformed the nature and form of the contemporary public sphere, facilitating the rise of new political tactics and movements. In this article, I develop a theory of the social media public sphere as a “plebeian public sphere” whose functioning is markedly different from the traditional public sphere, described by Jürgen Habermas. Differently from Habermas’ critical-rational publics, this social media public sphere is dominated by online crowds that come together in virtual gatherings made visible by a variety of social media reactions and metrics
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Setiawan, FX Rudi. "Peran Media Sosial Sebagai Ruang Publik: Tinjauan Filosofis Gagasan Ruang Publik Jürgen Habermas." MELINTAS 39, no. 3 (2024): 323–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/mel.v39i3.7826.

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Jürgen Habermas is a second generation Frankfurt critical theory thinker who offers a new paradigm of critical theory, namely communication. He made an important contribution to the democratic life of complex and pluralistic contemporary society through his theory of communicative action. It offers a procedure for communicating through rational discourse to reach an intersubjective agreement. In a modern democratic country, public space becomes a forum where public opinions and aspirations are conveyed through rational argumentation as a form of control by citizens over the government. This pu
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Alikberov, A. K. "Modern theories of religion viewed through the prism of the system-communication approach." Minbar. Islamic Studies 12, no. 1 (2019): 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2019-12-1-15-33.

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The article offers an analysis of the most influential modern theories of religion. The theory of secularization is associated with the classical theory of modernization. The theory of individualization of religion is associated with theories of social action, albeit indirectly. Likewise, it is connected with the theory of communicative action by Jürgen Habermas, and there is also a direct association with theories of individualization and privatization. The theory of the market model of religion is directly associated with the theory of the market for demand and supply, and the theory of post
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34

Diez, Thomas, and Jill Steans. "A useful dialogue? Habermas and International Relations." Review of International Studies 31, no. 1 (2005): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006339.

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It is now more than twenty years since Jürgen Habermas's work was first referred to in International Relations (IR) theory. Along with many other continental philosophers and social theorists, Habermas was initially mobilised in the critique of positivism, and in particular neorealism, in IR theory. As such, the interest in Habermas and IR must be located in the first instance within the context of the fourth debate. This Forum section of the Review provides us with the opportunity to take stock and ask whether the dialogue between Habermas and IR has, thus far, been useful in providing new co
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Reyes, Giovanni E., Mark Govers, and Dirk Ruwaard. "Social Inclusion and Social Leverage Foundations: A Theoretical Review." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 9, no. 6 (2018): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0158.

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Abstract The main aim of this research is to present a theoretical review regarding the theory of social inclusion and social leverage. In this research, four fundamental and complementary approaches are taken into account: (i) the theory of growing capacities and increasing opportunities as essential aspects of Amartya Sen's theory of human development; (ii) the perspective and factors of the current process of globalization; (iii) Douglass North's neoinstitutionalist approach to social and political conditions; and (iv) foundations of the legitimacy theory from Jürgen Habermas. These conside
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Joas, Hans. "Faith and Knowledge: Habermas’ Alternative History of Philosophy1." Theory, Culture & Society 37, no. 7-8 (2020): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276420957746.

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Jürgen Habermas’ philosophical oeuvre so far contained only few references to thinkers prior to Kant. The publication of a comprehensive history of Western philosophy by this author, therefore, came as a surprise. The book is not, as many had anticipated, a book about religion, but about the gradual emancipation of “secular” “autonomous” rationality from religion, although in a way that preserves a normative commitment to Christianity. While welcoming this attitude and praising the achievements of this book, this text is also critical with regard to Habermas' understanding of faith and hints a
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Doughty, Howard A. "A Rational Society?" International Journal of Adult Education and Technology 11, no. 1 (2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijaet.2020010101.

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Within the past century in North America, Europe, and elsewhere, brief episodes of student political activism and protest have alternated with much longer periods of apparent apathy and social conformity (fringe elements of artistic bohemianism notwithstanding). This article looks to the ideological origins of student protest in the Marxist tradition and to the relationship among generational protest, critical theory and the influence of Jürgen Habermas on the evolving issues of democracy, social justice, and environmental sustainability. While Marx remains central to the critique of capitalis
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Latysh, Yurii. "WHY DON’T LEFT PUBLIC INTELLECTUALS UNDERSTAND UKRAINE? (CASES OF NOAM CHOMSKY AND JÜRGEN HABERMAS)." European Historical Studies, no. 21 (2022): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.5.

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The article considers the attitude of left public intellectuals to the Russian-Ukrainian war. A brief analysis of the concept of “public intellectual”, the roles and functions of intellectuals in society is made. Based on the study of public speeches of famous philosophers and influential intellectuals Noam Chomsky (USA) and Jürgen Habermas (Germany), their views on the causes and possibilities of ending the Russian-Ukrainian war, as well as the circumstances of their reproduction of individual Russian narratives, were analyzed. The conclusions show that Noam Chomsky and Jürgen Habermas see th
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McCormick, John P. "Three Ways of Thinking “Critically” about the Law." American Political Science Review 93, no. 2 (1999): 413–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585404.

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Radical criticisms of liberalism's method of legal adjudication focus on its excessive formalism, its tendency to foster indeterminacy, and its naive maintenance of the separation of political from legal concerns. I examine these arguments as they appear in the work of Carl Schmitt, on the Right, and the Critical Legal Studies (CLS) movement, on the Left. Jürgen Habermas has recently attempted to refute the positions of these most scalding twentieth-century critics of liberal adjudication. I argue that by so extensively engaging these theorists, and in fact liberalism itself, on their own grou
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Sultana, Ronald G. "Rousseau’s chains: Striving for greater social justice through emancipatory career guidance." Journal of the National Institute for Career Education and Counselling 33, no. 1 (2014): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20856/jnicec.3303.

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Drawing on a typology proposed by social philosopher Jürgen Habermas, this article outlines the way career theory, practice and research can be informed by technocratic, hermeneutic, and emancipatory rationalities. The paper builds on this typology by considering Tony Watts’ analysis of the socio-political ideologies underpinning career guidance, showing how, despite the in-built tendency for some models to be more socially reproductive in scope, all approaches can engage with emancipatory forms of practice. The paper echoes Watts’ observation that career practitioners cannot avoid the inheren
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Gallego Saade, Javier. "La sociología subyacente al liberalismo político. La crítica de Habermas a Rawls." Derecho y Justicia, no. 3 (August 8, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07196377.3.1391.

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ResumenSe repasan algunos elementos de la crítica de Jürgen Habermas a la teoría política de John Rawls. Se sugiere uncontraste entre las propiedades de los sujetos que cada unodesarrolla en sus obras: la capacidad de orientarse al entendimiento, por un lado, y la capacidad de actuar razonablemente, por el otro. Cada una se trata como contrapeso a laacción estratégica y a la racionalidad en sentido estricto,respectivamente. Se sugieren hacia el nal ciertos alcancesde la crítica, en relación a la tradición losóca en que sesitúa el debate.Palabras clave: Liberalismo político; Teoría del discurso
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Michalska, Anna. "What Brandom won’t make explicit." Philosophy & Social Criticism 44, no. 1 (2017): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453717723191.

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In this contribution, I refer to a discussion between Jürgen Habermas and Robert Brandom on the latter’s normative pragmatics as advanced in Making it Explicit. Parting with Habermas, I intend to show that though both normative pragmatics and formal pragmatics postulate similar discursive ideals, the former, as compared with the latter, is not a particularly well-calibrated critical tool. I argue that whereas Brandom focuses on making conceptual norms explicit, and takes mutual recognition among participants to a linguistic practice for granted, Habermas proposes a universal frame of reference
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Arrieta-López, Milton, and Roberto Certain-Ruiz. "Intersecting Visions of Justice: The Philosophical Tapestry of Human Rights and Human Nature in the Thoughts of Macintyre, Arendt, Nino, and Habermas." Age of Human Rights Journal, no. 22 (March 18, 2024): e8430. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/tahrj.v22.8430.

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This study explores the philosophical foundations of human rights concerning freedom, equality, and solidarity through the lenses of Iusnaturalism, Iuspositivism, and Ethical Constructivism, with a special focus on Alasdair MacIntyre, Hanna Arendt, Carlos Santiago Nino, and Jürgen Habermas. It examines MacIntyre’s revision of Iusnaturalism with an Aristotelian approach, Arendt’s methodological Iuspositivism highlighting legal frameworks, Nino’s rationality-based human rights theory, and Habermas’ emphasis on communicative action and social constructs. This research navigates the dynamic interp
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Ky Dong, Tran. "The theory of communicative action of Jürgen Habermas with religious issues in the public sphere." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 4, no. 1 (2020): First. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v4i1.536.

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The article summarizes the main arguments in J. Habermas’ theory of communicative action, identifying three functions that communicative action can perform: to be used to convey information, to establish social relationships with others, and to express one’s opinions or feelings. By analyzing the category of “communicative rationality” with religious issues in the public sphere, in relation to language, discourse ethics, it is shown that the public sphere is the environment where dialogues in all areas take place to meet the needs of citizens. (According to Habermas, Kant was the first philoso
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Skopin, Denis. "The ngo ‘Soldiers’ Mothers’ in Russia and its Activities: Interpreted Through the Concept of ‘Human Dignity’." Comparative Sociology 15, no. 6 (2016): 724–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341408.

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This paper offers an interpretation of the activity of the Russian ngo ‘Soldiers’ Mothers’ which provides legal assistance to soldiers and their families. This ngo attracts significant attention in Russia and some authors have already suggested explanations of its work from anthropological and sociological perspectives. This paper interprets the ‘Mothers’ through the concept of human dignity as understood by the German sociologist and philosopher Jürgen Habermas. As argued by Habermas, dignity is a communicative structure that makes the passage from morality to law and, therefore, the social d
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Ocampo, Sergio Pignuoli. "Una reconstrucción metateórica y arquitectónica del programa sociológico de Jürgen Habermas." Papers. Revista de Sociologia 105, no. 1 (2019): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/papers.2566.

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Outhwaite, William. "The Crisis of the European Union: A Response by Jürgen Habermas." Theory, Culture & Society 30, no. 3 (2013): 128–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276412474329.

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Neckel, Sighard. "The refeudalization of modern capitalism." Journal of Sociology 56, no. 3 (2019): 472–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783319857904.

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Jürgen Habermas once investigated the structural transformation of the modern public using the term ‘refeudalization’. He reconstructed how, in the course of the development of economic monopolies, pre-bourgeois forms of power again penetrated the public sphere. It is not only the fact that the social sciences today speak again of a crisis of the public sphere, however, that gives Habermas’ concept of ‘refeudalization’ new relevance. On the contrary, a social change is taking place in numerous areas of present-day society which, in the course of a neoliberal modernization of the economy, is on
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Feola, Michael. "Excess Words, Surplus Names: Rancière and Habermas on Speech, Agency, and Equality." Journal of French and Francophone Philosophy 27, no. 2 (2019): 32–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jffp.2019.889.

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Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Rancière treat speech as the medium for politics and, likewise, both diagnose the pathologies that follow from blockages on civic speech. That said, these broad commonalities give rise to significant divides regarding the social ontology of language, the forms of power that attend linguistic exchange, and how speech informs democratic agency. Ultimately, the essay will argue that Rancière highlights the political deficits within deliberative commitments to democratic values. In doing so, his challenge yields broader insights for a democratic politics of speech and t
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Wickham, Gary. "Post-nationalism, sovereignty and the state." Journal of Sociology 57, no. 1 (2021): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783321993535.

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The term ‘post-national formations’ is a product of some of the recent work of Jürgen Habermas. In using this term, Habermas highlights what he regards as a laudatory trend in social and political research. This is the trend away from an intense focus on the role of nation-states – a role he believes to be unconducive to progressive politics – and towards a focus on the role of new configurations – a role he believes to be much more conducive to this type of politics. ‘Post-national formations’, then, is the term Habermas uses to describe new non-state configurations he has identified. He is c
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