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1
Sondhaus, Lawrence. "The Strategic Culture of the Habsburg Army." Austrian History Yearbook 32 (January 2001): 225–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800011243.
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Sondhaus, Lawrence. "The Austro-Hungarian Naval Officer Corps, 1867–1918." Austrian History Yearbook 24 (January 1993): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800005257.
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Two Decades Ago, Holger Herwig's The German Naval Officer Corps: A Social and Political History, 1890–1918 (1973) chronicled the story of the new military elite that rose to prominence when imperial Germany went to sea: a corps that sought to emulate the traditions of the Prussian army, its middle-class officers eager to embrace the values and attitudes of the more aristocratic army officer corps.1 Recently Istvan Deak's excellent work Beyond Nationalism: A Social and Political History of the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1848–1918 (1990) has provided a comprehensive picture of the officer corps of the Habsburg army.2 Like imperial Germany, Austria-Hungary was a central European land power with few long-standing traditions at sea, but differences in social composition, training, and outlook distinguished the Austro-Hungarian naval officer corps from its German counterpart. Within the Dual Monarchy the navy had to deal with the nationality question and other challenges that also faced the army, but in many respects its officer corps reflected the diversity of the empire more than the Habsburg army officer corps did, contributing to the navy's relatively more successful record as a multinational institution.
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Palairet, Michael. "The Habsburg Industrial Achievement in Bosnia-Hercegovina, 1878–1914: An Economic Spurt That Succeeded?" Austrian History Yearbook 24 (January 1993): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800005294.
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In 1878 The Habsburgs exercised their rights under the Treaty of Berlin and marched an army of occupation into the former Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Hercegovina. Between then and their expulsion in 1918, the Habsburg authorities attempted to weld their new province into the Austro-Hungarian polity and economy. Responsibility for governing Bosnia-Hercegovina was entrusted to the Common Finance Ministry. Its officials, especially during the administration of Count Benjamin Kalláy (1882–1903), saw their task as a “civilizing mission” and the Bosnian economy as clay to be worked according to their prescriptions. The developmental outcome of their endeavors forms the subject of this paper.
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Wingfield, Nancy Meriwether. "Conflicting Constructions of Memory: Attacks on Statues of Joseph II in the Bohemian Lands after the Great War." Austrian History Yearbook 28 (January 1997): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800016362.
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In the wake of independence in October 1918, the leaders of Czechoslovakia designated a multitude of national symbols for the nascent state, among them a flag, an anthem, an emblem, coinage, holidays, and stamps. Czech (and Slovak) art, drama, literature, and music commemorated new heroes and resurrected national historic figures ignored under Austria-Hungary. In this break with the past, national memory helped legitimate the new Czechoslovakia through celebration of the anti-Habsburg leaders in the struggle for independence and through denigration of former Habsburg rulers. Some nationalist Czechs, particularly the Czech legionnaires who had served in the Czechoslovak Army Abroad during World War I, were not content with the simple construction or reconstitution of Czech national symbols, but demanded in addition the destruction of numerous symbols of Habsburg rule. Thus, physical representations of the Habsburg past, many of which were to be found in the German-populated border regions of the Bohemian lands, became targets of their opprobrium.
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Roider, Karl A. "The Habsburg Foreign Ministry and Political Reform, 1801–1805." Central European History 22, no. 2 (June 1989): 160–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011481.
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On 6 December 1800, a courier galloped through the gates of Vienna, rushed to the Hofburg, the winter palace of the Habsburgs, and presented to Emperor Francis II a bitter message from Archduke John, the emperor's brother and commander of the Austrian armed forces in Germany. The message read that three days earlier the archduke's troops had engaged the French army under Jean Moreau at Hohenlinden, had suffered serious losses, and were falling back to Salzburg with the officers struggling to maintain order in the ranks while they did so. The news was a crushing blow to Francis. In 1799 the Austrians had begun the War of the Second Coalition with high hopes of reversing the years of defeat at the hands of Revolutionary France. Russia and Britain had agreed to cooperate closely with Austria; France seemed weaker than ever domestically; and Napoleon Bonaparte, who had caused Vienna such grief in 1797, was far away in Egypt trying to inflict damage upon the British Empire. But these hopes turned to ashes. Russia abandoned the Coalition after its army suffered serious losses in Switzerland—indeed, in their wake the Russian ruler, Tsar Paul, had thundered so vehemently against what he saw as Austrian treachery that he had broken relations with Vienna—; Britain had been able to provide much needed funds but not more-needed soldiers; and Bonaparte had returned to work his magic on both the French army and the French people. The result was Hohenlinden, Austrian defeat, and in February 1800 the Treaty of Lunéville that ceded to France primary influence in Germany and Italy.
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Hämmerle, Christa. "Ein gescheitertes Experiment? Die Allgemeine Wehrpflicht in der multiethnischen Armee der Habsburgermonarchie." Journal of Modern European History 5, no. 2 (September 2007): 222–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944_2007_2_222.
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A Failed Experiment? Conscription in the Multi-Ethnic Army of the Habsburg Monarchy The article first looks at public military debates around 1900 which focused on the implementation of universal conscription in Austria-Hungary and concentrated on ethnic tensions within the empire. Ethnic conflicts were increasingly made responsible for the erosion of the Habsburg dual monarchy's foundations and its joint military. Against this background, the introduction and organisation of universal conscription since 1868 are analysed with a particular focus on the regulations set up to respond to the multi-ethnic structure of the Austrian-Hungarian army. The analysis continues with some aspects that reveal the social acceptance of the new recruiting system and led to very different reactions in the various regions of the monarchy. As a result the factors behind the problems and limits in implementing universal conscription transcended the multi-ethnic structures of Austria-Hungary. Thus multi-ethnicity was by no means the only cause of the problems. Only in combination with other categories such as religion, class, gender or social inequality, ethnicity could develop a disintegrative effect. However, this disintegrative impact remained limited in most territories of the Habsburg monarchy and could not challenge the general acceptance of universal conscription during the First World War.
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WATSON, ALEXANDER. "Managing an ‘Army of Peoples’: Identity, Command and Performance in the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1914–1918." Contemporary European History 25, no. 2 (April 12, 2016): 233–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000059.
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AbstractThis article examines the officers who led the Habsburg Army during the First World War. It highlights the complexity of their identities, demonstrating that this went well beyond the a-national – nationalist dichotomy in much historiography. It also argues that these officers' identities had a profound impact on how their army functioned in the field. The article first studies the senior command in 1914–16, showing how its wartime learning processes were shaped by transnational attitudes. These officers had belonged in peace to an international military professional network. When disaster befell their army at the outset of the First World War, it was natural for them to seek lessons from foreign armies, at first from their major enemies, the Russians, and later their German allies. The second half of the article explores the changing loyalties of the reserve officers tasked with frontline command in the later war years. It contends that the officer corps' focus on maintaining social and educational standards resulted in an influx of middle-class junior leaders whose conditional commitment to the Empire and limited language skills greatly influenced the Habsburg Army's record of longevity but mediocre combat performance.
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Łazuga, Waldemar. "W kręgu mitu habsburskiego. Alicja Ankarcrona – Badeni – Habsburg – Altenburg (1889–1985)." Galicja. Studia i materiały 6 (2020): 375–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/galisim.2020.6.18.
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Alicja Ankarcrona lived in Stockholm, Brussels, Busko, Lviv, Vienna and Żywiec. She belonged to the European elite of the elites of the turn of the 19th and the 20th century. The Swedish aristocrat who married the Polish count and, after his death, married the Habsburg archduke. She did not stop being a Swede when she became Polish. She did not stop being Polish when during WWI she tied the knot with the Habsburg from Żywiec. She belonged to “the Beautiful Era”. In her life she experienced emperors and kings, two world wars and times of dictatorship but mentally never left that era. She was a member of the Home Army (AK). After the war she lived in a very modest way. She was addressed as the Habsburg duchess (after her husband) although the title no longer existed. She was the embodiment of “better times” and “the Habsburg myth”. Her life was the history of Europe in a miniature scale and an incredibly curious case of eternal entanglement in the past.
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Rothenberg, Gunther E. "The Shield of the Dynasty: Reflections on the Habsburg Army, 1649–1918." Austrian History Yearbook 32 (January 2001): 169–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800011218.
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Newman, John Paul, and Tamara Scheer. "The Ban Jelačić Trust for Disabled Soldiers and Their Families: Habsburg Dynastic Loyalty beyond National Boundaries, 1849–51." Austrian History Yearbook 49 (April 2018): 152–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237818000139.
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It is fitting that a story about charitable donations and their provenance should begin with a gesture of gift giving. In 1849 a group of Habsburg subjects came together with the intention of raising money to purchase a gift for Josip Jelačić, general of the Habsburg army and Ban (Governor) of Civil Croatia. Jelačić was identified as one of the notional “saviors” of the Habsburg Empire, whose actions in the field had helped quell the revolutionary and military perils of the previous months. The proposed gift was a suitable symbol of imperial honor and military prowess: a ceremonial sabre designed especially for the Ban. Jelačić was apparently moved by the gesture but had a more practical idea: better to use the money raised for his gift to help those less fortunate (and less celebrated) than himself, it should be put toward a fund to support soldiers who had served in his units and militias and who had been injured in fighting—and also to the families of those that had been killed. To this end, a committee was already operating, based in Vienna, but collecting funds through the Ban's Council (Bansko Vijeće) in Zagreb. This would become a mobilization of Habsburg society whose impetus rested on precisely the same values of dynastic loyalty and respect for the Habsburg military as the ceremonial sabre, except that many more people would have a chance to show their devotion and support to the “heroes” of 1848–49.
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Šimac, Miha. "Croatian military chaplains Marko Hummel and Ivan Kralj in the light of the archival records of the War Archives in Vienna." Diacovensia 28, no. 2 (2020): 167–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31823/d.28.2.1.
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Several archival records and documents in the War Archives in Vienna portray the life and work of military clergy in the Habsburg armed forces. The paper presents the life and work of military chaplains from the Diocese of Bosnia or Đakovo and Srijem, Croatia, Marko Hummel and Ivan Kralj, who worked and operated in the Habsburg armed forces. Marko Hummel joined the aforementioned armed forces in the mid-19th century and performed religious services until his retirement, while Ivan Kralj served in the army for a much shorter period of time, since he supposedly had trouble with his superiors and due to the circumstances he encountered in Petrovaradin (Peterwardein). The main purpose of the following paper is to cast some light on a part of the Croatian church history that is frequently forgotten and to hopefully motivate further research of the topic.
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Rosonczy, Ildikó. "The motive of Slavic kinship and multilingualism in the memoirs of Russian officers — participants in the Hungarian campaign of 1849." Central-European Studies 2019, no. 2 (11) (2020): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2019.2.3.
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In the middle of the nineteenth century, about 40 per cent of the population of the Habsburg monarchy were Slavs. In the revolutionary year of 1848, larger and smaller nationalities that were at different stages of the nation-building process and who differed in their confessional affiliation as well as their social and political claims, were each demanding different degrees of national autonomy within the Monarchy. In 1849, it came to a head when Russian military intervention was requested by Francis Joseph I in order to suppress the Hungarian armed resistance. This coincided with the period of the so-called national awakening among the Slavic-speaking nationalities of the Monarchy, when linguistic kinship was becoming more and more obvious, the doctrine of Slavic reciprocity was born, and a sense of Slavic community appeared. The Russian army travelled to the Hungarian battleground through Moravia and the northern territories, which were mainly inhabited by Slavic peoples. Officers and soldiers of the Russian army easily found a common language with the Moravians, Poles, Ukrainians, Ruthenians, and Slovaks, as well as with Germans (Saxons) and Hungarians who spoke local Slavic dialects. This article examines the idea of linguistic kinship as reflected in the memoirs of officers of the Russian army who fought in the Hungarian Campaign of 1849 and strives to explore what role kindred Slavic languages played in the contacts between soldiers and the local population, and how these officers evaluated the military operation from the point of view of the future of the Slavic peoples living in the Habsburg Monarchy. Particular attention is paid to the problem of the wartime behaviour of ethnic Poles in Russian service.
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Roeder, Tobias. "Professionalism and Training of Army Officers in Britain and the Habsburg Monarchy, 1740-90." MCU Journal 9, no. 1 (June 21, 2018): 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21140/mcuj.2018090102.
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Baczkowski, Michał. "Gospodarcze skutki okupacji Galicji przez wojsko rosyjskie w 1809 roku." Prace Historyczne 147, no. 3 (2020): 491–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.20.027.12481.
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Economic consequences of the occupation of Galicia by the Russian army in 1809 The intervention of the Russian army in Galicia in June 1809, during the War of the Fifth Coalition, was formally the implementation of the alliance with Napoleon (the Treaty of Tilsit). In reality, Russia was concerned with preventing territorial expansion of the Duchy of Warsaw and hoping for a possible seizure of some Austrian lands. The costs of maintaining the Russian army had to be covered by the inhabitants of the part of Galicia they occupied. The value of food, forage supplies and taxes collected to supply Russian troops, as well as requisitions, amounted at least to 5.87 million florins. That was a serious sum, all the more so because taxes had already been collected from Galicia and the supplies were transferred to the Austrian army. However, these burdens have not led to the collapse of the country’s economy. This was partly due to the fact that only the beneficiary of military supplies changed: the Russian army took the place of the Austrian army. The several-month stay of the Russian army in Galicia contributed to the weakening of the economic and military potential of the Habsburg monarchy at the final stage of the war of 1809, as the state was deprived of the inflow of financial and material resources from its north-eastern areas before the Treaty of Schönbrunn.
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Wawro, Geoffrey, and Scott W. Lackey. "The Rebirth of the Habsburg Army: Friedrich Beck and the Rise of the General Staff." Journal of Military History 60, no. 3 (July 1996): 562. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944543.
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Strong, George V., and Scott W. Lackey. "The Rebirth of the Habsburg Army: Friedrich Beck and the Rise of the General Staff." German Studies Review 19, no. 3 (October 1996): 554. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432542.
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Rothenberg, Gunther E., and Scott W. Lackey. "The Rebirth of the Habsburg Army: Friedrich Beck and the Rise of the General Staff." American Historical Review 102, no. 2 (April 1997): 482. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170911.
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Lackey, Scott. "The Habsburg Army and the Franco-Prussian War: The Failure to Intervene and its Consequences." War in History 2, no. 2 (July 1995): 151–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096834459500200202.
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Walsh, Stephen A. "Liberalism at High Latitudes: The Politics of Polar Exploration in the Habsburg Monarchy." Austrian History Yearbook 47 (April 2016): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237816000084.
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In the autumn of 1874, Austrian popular society seemed ablaze with talk of ice. The Habsburg monarchy's first major polar expedition was returning, and, as the German geographer August Petermann put it, “No field commander, returning home with his army victorious from battle, could be received more magnificently and enthusiastically than this small band of twenty- two men.” The first published narrative of the expedition was released in Vienna around 24 September and had sold out of its print run of forty-five thousand copies by 27 September. This figure, however, is dwarfed by contemporary estimates of the multitude that turned up to welcome the explorers to Vienna on 25 September: around a quarter million, or approximately one-fourth of the city's entire population. Although such figures should be taken with a grain of salt, the festivities that greeted the explorers involved possibly the largest crowds seen on the streets of Vienna between the revolutions of 1848–49 and the mass marches of the Social Democratic Party in support of universal male suffrage around the turn of the century.
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Kattenberg, Lisa. "Military rebellion and reason of state. Pacification of mutinies in the Habsburg Army of Flanders, 1599-1601." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 131, no. 2 (June 21, 2016): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.10204.
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Mombauer, Annika. "Book Review: The Rebirth of the Habsburg Army: Friedrich Beck and the Rise of the General Staff." War in History 6, no. 4 (October 1999): 498–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096834459900600413.
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Gómez-Huerta Suárez, José. "Breve análisis del ceremonial para la fiesta Nacional del 16 de septiembre de 1866, de Maximiliano de Habsburgo segundo emperador de México | Brief analysis of the ceremonial for the National holiday of September 16 1866, of Maximilian of Habsburg second emperor of Mexico." REVISTA ESTUDIOS INSTITUCIONALES 6, no. 10 (May 31, 2019): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/eeii.vol.6.n.10.2019.23241.
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En este artículo se analiza la festividad más importante de México, en el periodo del Archiduque Maximiliano de Habsburgo. La búsqueda de los conservadores mexicanos de un candidato monárquico acorde con sus intereses. La llegada de Maximiliano de Habsburgo y de su esposa Carlota a México con el apoyo del ejército francés pero esto no supondrá el fin del conflicto mexicano entre los conservadores monárquicos y los liberales republicanos.___________________In this article I analyze the most important festivity in Mexico, in the period of Archduke Maximilian of Habsburgo second Mexican Empire. The arrival of Maximilian of Habsburgo and his wife Carlota to Mexico with the support of the French army not mean the end of conflict between the Mexican monarchist’s conservatives and liberal Republicans.
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Vogel, Jakob. "Military, Folklore, Eigensinn: Folkloric Militarism in Germany and France, 1871–1914." Central European History 33, no. 4 (December 2000): 487–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916100746437.
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In his poem “Our Military!” published in 1919, Kurt Tucholsky describes the great enthusiasm that he, or rather his pseudonym Kaspar Hauser, felt as a boy before World War II for the sis–boom–bah of martial music when the soldiers marched by. Only when he was a soldier himself “in the Russian wind” of the First World War were the young man's eyes opened to the barbarity, desperation, and despair of war and the actual power relations in the army. While the poem's antimilitaristic intentions are readily apparent, Tucholsky nevertheless also managed to capture a view widely held during the interwar years: that before 1914 there still existed in the population an unbroken enthusiasm for the army and its colorful displays, but that the experience during the war of death on such a massive scale put an end to it. Walter Rathenau echoed precisely these sentiments in his 1919 treatise Der Kaiser: Eine Betrachtung, seeing the prewar society of the German Empire as a “militarily-drilled mass” that sought “to display their acquired military arts in grand public spectacles.” The stereotypical image of a bygone prewar era of military glory and pageantry received a more popular, less “critical” treatment in the 1934 film “Frühjahrsparade,” a musical that evoked “the good old days” of the Habsburg Empire and the k. u. k. army, and not least the passion of women for “the man in uniform.”
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Eisenbichler, Konrad. "Fils de la louve: Blaise de Monluc et les femmes de Sienne." Renaissance and Reformation 37, no. 2 (September 8, 2014): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v37i2.21808.
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In July 1552 the city of Siena rebelled against its Spanish overlords that had either influenced or directed the Republic’s government for several years, threw out the Spanish garrison that controlled the city, and open its doors to a French army sent by King Henri II to protect the city and bring it into the French sphere of influence. The man in charge of this army was the French marshal Blaise de Monluc (1500–1577), who arrived shortly after the anti-Spanish insurrection and remained until the end of the siege when the city, exhausted and depleted, finally surrendered to a mercenary army hired by the duke of Florence, Cosimo I de’ Medici, on behalf of Emperor Charles V von Habsburg. In his memoires of his military campaigns, Blaise de Monluc recalls his Sienese years and especially the valour of the women of Siena who contributed in no small way to the defence of their city. This article outlines the events before and during the siege and Monluc’s comments about the women of Siena. It then analyses these comments in order to gain a better understanding of what, exactly, the women did for their city and who these women were.
En juillet 1552, la ville de Sienne se rebella contre ses suzerains espagnols qui avaient soit influencé ou dirigé le gouvernement de la république pendant plusieurs années ; elle mit en fuite la garnison espagnole qui contrôlait la ville et ouvrit ses portes à une armée française envoyée par le roi Henri II pour la protéger et l’intégrer dans la sphère d’influence française. L’homme chargé de cette armée était le maréchal français Blaise de Monluc (1500–1577), qui arriva peu de temps après l’insurrection anti-espagnole et resta jusqu’à la fin du siège lorsque la ville, épuisée, finit par se rendre à une armée mercenaire embauchée par le duc de Florence, Côsme Ier de Médicis, au nom de l’empereur Charles V de Habsbourg. Dans les mémoires de ses campagnes militaires, Blaise de Monluc se rappelle de ses années à Sienne et surtout du courage des femmes siennoises qui contribuèrent de manière non négligeable à la défense de leur ville. Cet article donne un aperçu des événements avant et pendant le siège ainsi que des commentaires de Monluc sur les femmes de Sienne. Ensuite, il analyse ces commentaires afin d’acquérir une meilleure compréhension de ce que les femmes ont fait pour leur ville et qui elles étaient.
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Niessen, James P. "Liviu Maior. Romanians in the Habsburg Army: Forgotten Soldiers and Officers. Bucharest: Military Publishing House, 2004. Pp. 207, tables." Austrian History Yearbook 37 (January 2006): 240–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800017045.
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Mears, John A. "The Thirty Years' War, the “General Crisis,” and the Origins of a Standing Professional Army in the Habsburg Monarchy." Central European History 21, no. 2 (June 1988): 122–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012711.
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One of the most striking features of seventeenth-century state building was the formation of standing armies. Kings and princes throughout Europe, responding to conditions of almost constant strife, were compelled to transform ineffective feudal levies and unruly bands of mercenaries into regularized bodies of professional troops, making ever larger and more costly military establishments instruments of rational foreign policy rather than the preserves of the old nobility or freebootingcondottieri. In building armies of the new type, European monarchs had to surmount determined opposition from two sources: the local representative bodies (estates) which were reluctant to grant rulers the powers of taxation necessary for the maintenance of permanent troops, and the mercenary colonels who were expected to relinquish their rights as independent recruiting masters and subordinate themselves to the state. By the middle decades of the seventeenth century, various territorial sovereigns were successfully mastering this opposition to their political authority and were able to take an essential step in the direction of true standing armies by routinely keeping strong military forces under their command at the conclusion of a campaign, thereby diminishing their reliance on contingents approved by the provincial estates or soldiers hastily raised by private entrepreneurs to meet specific emergencies.
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Finkel, C. F. "French mercenaries in the Habsburg-Ottoman war of 1593–1606: the desertion of the Papa garrison to the Ottomans in 1600." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 55, no. 3 (October 1992): 451–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00003657.
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The period from the late sixteenth century has been characterized in Ottoman historiography as one of fundamental change in the composition of the army. One of the features of this change was the gradual replacement of the tīmār-based cavalry force, to whom were awarded benefices in return for military service, by provincial levies able to use muskets (tüfenk), often hired only for the duration of a single campaign. Although the extent to which such changes were directly prompted by the supposedly superior technology which the Ottomans encountered when fighting the Habsburgs on their western borders remains open to further research, that there was a radical transformation which relied on the greatly increased use of firearms is beyond doubt.
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Popovic, Danica. "On two lost medieval Serbian reliquaries the staurothekai of King Stefan Uros I and Queen Helen." Balcanica, no. 50 (2019): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950039p.
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This essay discusses two lost medieval Serbian staurothekai known only from written sources. One, belonging to the Serbian King Stefan Uros I, was described as a sumptuous item in the Hungarian spoils of war following their victory over the Serbian army in Macva in 1268. The other staurotheke, with an extensive inscription, was Queen Helen?s gift to the monastery of Sopocani, a foundation of her husband Uros I. Based on the available facts, it has been assumed that this reliquary came into the possession of a Serbian ruler of the House of Brankovic in the fifteenth century, eventually ending up in the Habsburg geistliche Schatzkammer and playing an important role in the Pietas austriaca programme. It is known from the surviving descriptions that the staurothekai had the shape of a two armed cross, and were made of gold and lavishly adorned with precious stones. Apart from their substantial material worth, documented with precision, both staurothekai had a distinct sacral meaning and ideological function.
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Lamal, Nina. "Communicating Conflict." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 50, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-7986565.
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Young Italian men joined the Habsburg army in the Low Countries to gain military experience. In pursuit of social advancement, many of these soldiers sought to maintain ties and contacts with their hometowns. Letters were the principal medium for soldiers to establish such a long-distance communication, providing the latest news from the front. This article provides the first examination of letter-writing soldiers as purveyors of news from the battlefield to the governing elites in Italian states during the late sixteenth century. It examines how soldiers of different ranks and social backgrounds used letters to construct a reputation as trustworthy correspondents and as military experts. By providing event-based and up-to-date military and political information on the conflict in which they were actively deployed, soldiers played a crucial role in the circulation of information and shaped the reception at the Italian courts of the unfolding events in the Low Countries.
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Krivosejev, Vladimir. "Valjevo’s medical doctor Jovan Siber and pharmacist Klaudije Prikelmajer: A historical illustration of the role of immigrants from Slavonia to the development of health care in Serbia." Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo 145, no. 7-8 (2017): 421–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sarh170222101k.
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In a short period of the late 1860s, three significant new institutions were founded in Valjevo: the hospital (1867), the grammar school (1869) and the pharmacy (1870). In the early stages of development of all three institutions, a big role was played by immigrants from Slavonia: medical doctor Jovan Sieber, pharmacist Klaudije Prikelmajer, and professor Djuro Kozarac. This paper aims to clarify the connections between these individuals that caused their relocation from the territories of the Habsburg Monarchy to Serbia and Valjevo, as well as to resolve the confusion caused by imprecise family memories and written chronicles that have been collected. Moreover, this paper additionally focuses on the origins of the Sieber family, which included Jovan Sieber, and the later arrival of other members of the family to Valjevo. Another member of the family was Jovan?s nephew Dr. Stevan Sieber, father of Dr. Djordje Sieber, who went on to become a general in the Medical Corps of the Royal Yugoslav Army.
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Pursell, Brennan. "War or Peace? Jacobean Politics and the Parliament of 1621." Camden Fifth Series 17 (July 2001): 149–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960116300001743.
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When the Parliament of 1621 convened, it had been seven years since the dissolution of the so-called ‘Addled Parliament’ of 1614, which had foundered on a fundamental disagreement between King James I and the House of Commons about the legality of impositions. The Parliament of 1621 faced more than unresolved domestic issues; it met under the shadow of the gravest international crisis of the early modern era. The defenestration of Prague in 1618 had marked the beginning of the Bohemian rebellion and the Thirty Years' War, and in the following summer James's son-in-law, Elector Palatine Friedrich V, accepted the Bohemian crown from the rebels, who had just deposed their Habsburg monarch, Ferdinand of Styria. Two days later Ferdinand was elected Holy Roman Emperor, and he was determined to retake the Bohemian dirone from the new Palatine occupant. In the autumn of 1620, the emperor's Spanish cousins aided his cause by dispatching a large portion of the Spanish Army of the Netherlands to invade the Lower Palatinate, Friedrich's rich patrimonial estates on the Rhine.
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Kwan, Jonathan. "Austro-German Liberalism and the Coming of the 1867 Compromise: “Politics Again in Flux”." Austrian History Yearbook 44 (April 2013): 62–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237813000076.
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On 7 October 1866, Adolf Pratobevera—a prominent liberal politician and former Justice Minister—wrote in his diary that “politics [is] again in flux, whether this is a blessing? God knows.” Pratobevera was writing just three months after the battle of Königgrätz/Hradec Králové in a period of immense instability and uncertainty for the Habsburg monarchy. Following Austria's military defeat at Königgrätz, the traditional supports of the system—the emperor, the army, and the bureaucracy—were in a weakened state and this dramatically opened the range of possibilities in politics. Indeed, the defeat threw the whole political system into question, a situation that sharply exposed the fault lines and internal political workings of the monarchy. In the period from Königgrätz on 3 July 1866 to the ministerial meeting on 1 February 1867 (when the emperor definitively decided on the dualist structure), all political parties and movements had the opportunity to define their program, to seek possible allies, and to argue their particular vision of the monarchy's political structure.
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Szulc, Tomasz. "A history of the Neisse Garrison." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 193, no. 3 (September 16, 2019): 529–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5007.
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The Neisse Garrison always held a strategic position starting with its es-tablishment in the Early Middle Ages until the end of the 20th century. Its convenient location in the Sudety Foothills meant that it served de-fence functions protecting this area from both attacks from the north and the south. Over the centuries relations between the city and the military underwent numerous transformations depending on who con-trolled it. In the times of the Bishop’s Duchy and the rule of Habsburg only small troops stationed in the garrison, and the security of the whole area was provided by bulwarks. In 1741, after Neisse was seized by Frederick II, the town acquired enormous significance. The symbiosis between Neisse and the military, which lasted for the subsequent 260 years, had a considerable influence on the development and im-portance of the town. As a result of changes which took place in the Polish Army on the turn of the 20th and 21st century, the Neisse Garri-son was closed down.
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Strle, Urška. "K razumevanju ženskega dela v veliki vojni." Contributions to Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (October 15, 2015): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.55.2.06.
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UNDERSTANDING WOMEN'S WORK DURING THE GREAT WARThe article deals with the intersection of war economy and women's workforce during World War I and pays a special attention to the Slovenian population. Using a variety of sources, the author tries to synthesise the generalities and specifics of the women’s involvement into the war economy in the so-called Slovenian lands. War economy is understood in the broadest sense and includes not only armament and war-related production, but also the acute issue of supplies for the military and civil sphere.The economic role of the Slovenian lands, peripheral within the Habsburg Monarchy, and the social structure of the Slovenian population profoundly affected the way how women were being included into the activities at the home front. The author argues that the sensational images from Western Europe, presenting a massive inclusion of women into the war industry, are not typical for the Slovenian space. However, the role of women in the war economy should not be underestimated, for they represented the majority of economically active population, supporting not only the civil society but also the army.
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Pirjevec, Jože. "Slovenes and Yugoslavia 1918–1991." Nationalities Papers 21, no. 1 (1993): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999308408260.
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On December 1, 1918, as Regent Alexander proclaimed the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, the latter entered the new state under pressure from manifold motives. Besides the desire for Slavonic solidarity, there was also a more prosaic need that made them take that step. Following the disintegration of the Habsburg monarchy, in which they had lived for centuries, they emerged in the international political arena completely alone and inexperienced “as political children.” They had no borders confirmed by history, and no army apart from a handful of volunteers. For a neighbor, they had victorious Italy with the London Treaty in its pocket, in which the Great Powers promised it a large portion of Slovene territory for its participation in the war. The only power which it was possible to rely upon at that moment was Serbia, which, in turn, dictated its own conditions for the unification. The future state was to become a monarchy under a Karadjordjevich dynasty and was to be centrally structured, irrespective of the ethnic and historical distinctions among various “tribes” making up the new state. The fact that the three constituent entities of the Kingdom were lowered to the level of tribes is clearly indicative: it proclaimed the belief in the existence of a single South-Slavic nation which, although cleft into three branches by events in the past, was to reach its initial unity again, in line with the principle: one state, one nation.
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Antoličič, Gregor. "Nadvojvoda Evgen 1863-1954." Contributions to Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (October 15, 2015): 199–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.55.2.11.
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ARCHDUKE EUGEN 1863–1954In the article Archduke Eugen 1863–1954 the author deals with the basic biography of Archduke Eugen from his birth until the first months after the Italian involvement into World War I. Archduke Eugen was born in 1863 as a member of the Habsburg dynasty. During his lifetime Eugen achieved a magnificent military career, culminating during the World War I. In fact, after Oskar Potiorek had left the position of the Commander of the Balkan Army, Eugen became his successor. Archduke Eugen remained in this position until May 1915, when Italy entered the war. At this time he became the Commander of the newly-established Command of the South-West Front. From the Slovenian perspective this fact matters not only because the Isonzo Front was under this Command, but also because between May 1915 and March 1916 as well as between March 1917 and November 1917 the headquarters of the Command of the South-West Front were located in the Slovenian city of Maribor. Because of the presence of this Command during the Great War, this city by the river Drava attained an exceptional position in comparison with other Slovenian cities. Archduke Eugen and the renowned Svetozar Boroević von Bojna represent the key protagonists of the organisation and implementation of military actions on the Isonzo battlefield. The core of this article consists of the presentation of the military career of Archduke Eugen, which led him to attain important positions since the beginning of World War I. At the same time the article represents a foundation for the further research of Archduke Eugen's activities during World War I.
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Miller, Lohr E. "Scott W. Lackey The Rebirth of the Habsburg Army: Friedrich Beck and the Rise of the General Staff. Contributions in Military Studies, no.161. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1995. Pp.16, 253. $;59.95." Austrian History Yearbook 29, no. 1 (January 1998): 313–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780001506x.
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D’Amora, Rosita. "Luigi Ferdinando Marsili, Hezārfenn and the Coffee: Texts, Documents and Translations." Oriente Moderno 100, no. 1 (June 18, 2020): 106–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340230.
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Abstract In 1683 Count Luigi Ferdinando Marsili volunteered for the troops that Leopold I of Habsburg was recruiting against the army of Mehmet IV, who was about to besiege Vienna. Marsili, though, during the skirmishes preceding the siege, was wounded, captured and brought as a slave to the Ottoman camp where he learned how to prepare coffee and served as a kahveci (coffee maker). After his ransom, in 1685, he sent to press in Vienna a short treatise entitled Historia medica del cavé (‘Medical history of coffee’). In this work, entirely dedicated to coffee, he combined, according to the empirical spirit of his time, the knowledge of scholarship, with his own personal observations and firsthand experience he had gained during his slavery. In the central part of his work, Marsili entrusts the task of scientifically explaining the origins, the characteristics and the virtues of the coffee to the Ottoman man of letters Ḥusayn Efendi (Hezārfenn) who Marsili had meet during his stay in Constantinople in 1679. In the Historia Medica, Marsili not only recognizes the authority of Hezārfenn on coffee, but also includes in his text the entire treatise that Hezārfenn had wrote on the subject with a parallel Italian translation. This paper will compare the multiple contexts of interaction between these two texts and their authors. In particular, it will analyze the way through which Marsili presents and uses the authority of the Ottoman text and inserts it, in its original script, into the core his treatise. By examining Marsili’s interest in Hezārfenn’s works, this paper will also emphasize his role as a cross-boundary mediator who moving back and forth from one culture to the other, as a diplomat as well as a slave, contributed significantly to building those cultural bridges through which the Muslim and the Christian world never stopped learning from each other, even in a setting of constant conflict.
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Herwig, Holger H. "The Rebirth of the Habsburg Army: Friedrich Beck and the Rise of the General Staff. By Scott W. Lackey. Westport, CT and London: Greenwood Press. Contributions in Military Studies, 161. 1995. Pp. xiii + 253. £59.95. ISBN 0-313-29361-9." Central European History 30, no. 1 (March 1997): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900013480.
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Holmes, Deborah. "Joseph Roth's Feuilleton Journalism as Social History in Vienna, 1919–20." Austrian History Yearbook 48 (April 2017): 255–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237816000667.
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From April 1919 to April 1920, twenty-four-year-old Joseph Roth worked full time as a reporter on the newly founded Viennese daily Der Neue Tag [The new day]. It was his first regular job and, although he was later to become one of the best-paid journalists of the Weimar Republic, it was also the only one he would ever hold on a fixed contract. In spring 1919, Roth had recently returned from eastern Galicia, the place of his origins, where he had also been stationed during the war, first in the infantry, then as an army press officer. His position as a Heimkehrer in Vienna after the war was precarious for a number of reasons. Paid work was scarce in the impoverished city, and Roth had not finished—indeed, would never finish—his degree. More important, although he had already been resident in Vienna as a student before the outbreak of hostilities, the “Ostjude” Roth, like so many others, had no valid papers and no right to remain in the former imperial capital. Political parties across the spectrum were agitating for the largely Jewish refugees from the former eastern provinces of the fallen Habsburg empire to be sent “home”—even by force, if necessary. Roth's position at Der Neue Tag was therefore not only an important apprenticeship for his high-profile career in journalism—which in turn laid the foundations for his oeuvre as a novelist—but also constituted a vital existential anchor. Given their historical and biographical context, it seems surprising that the texts he produced for the new newspaper—two or three a week throughout this pivotal period in Vienna's transition from self-assured imperial capital to beleaguered Social Democratic outpost—have received comparatively little attention in Roth scholarship. This is in part a result of the acknowledged bias in research on German-language culture and literature during this era toward the Weimar Republic, in particular Berlin, and away from First Republic Austria: similar texts produced slightly later by Roth in and on the German capital are often studied and seem to have eclipsed the earlier Viennese texts. This article seeks to redress the balance within Roth scholarship while also suggesting what Roth's work for Der Neue Tag can contribute to our sociohistorical understanding of the period, despite or perhaps because of the literary techniques it uses.
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Huzjan, Vladimir. "Expropriation of feudal property in the interwar period." Review of Croatian history 15, no. 1 (December 20, 2019): 151–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v15i1.9745.
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Prior to the agricultural reform, the free and royal town of Varaždin owned 1.228 jutros of arable land. The agricultural reform divided 1.038 jutros, the army claimed 100 jutros for its needs, whereas only 90 jutros were left under the ownership of the Town. Previous to the agricultural reform, in the war year of 1917, money received from the lease of the land made up more than 5 percent of the town income. However, having entered the new state union and due to the introduction of the agricultural reform as well as new and higher taxes in 1923, the land lease revenue made up barely 0,2 percent of the town budget. A buyer could enter expropriated land of the Town of Varaždin into the land register only when reimbursement had been payed off, and he also had to build a house there within the next three years. Farmers obtained the land on a temporary one-year lease. Having taken everything into consideration, the agricultural reform failed to increase prosperity, on the contrary, it brought along direct financial losses for the Town of Varaždin. Namely, in March 1939, during a Municipal Council sitting members commented that the Town of Varaždin ceased to be the administration centre of the northern Croatia due to the loss of financial directive and county jurisdiction, whereas it also lost significant financial income due to the seizure of large amounts of land for the agricultural reform. For the purpose of illustration, it would be interesting to see where the properties owned by the Town of Varaždin were located; however, due to the large number of cadastral parcels, its drawing is beyond the scope of this paper. Regarding the seniorate possession of the Stari grad, Rudolf II Habsburg gave it to count Toma Erdödy and his heirs who managed the property up to the first half of the 20th century. As opposed to the property belonging to the Town of Varaždin, in this case, the number of cadastral parcels is smaller and therefore it was be possible to make an illustration depicting the surface it occupied in the area of the Town of Varaždin. The seniorate possession belonging to the counts of Erdödy was smaller than the then Town of Varaždin and consisted of 1.091 jutros of land. After the agrarian reform had been conducted, 825 cadastral jutros remained. Moreover, the process caused conflicts within the Erdödy family and short time after they vanished from Varaždin.
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Kirill, Elokhin. "Badges on the Spanish coins of 17th century." Latin-american Historical Almanac 28, no. 1 (November 9, 2020): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2020-28-1-7-23.
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The article is devoted to the study of badges depicted on the coins of the last Spanish Habsburgs (Philip III, Philip IV, Charles II). The badges on the coins of the first Habsburgs on the Spanish throne in the 16th century have already been studied, however, the badge culture re-flected in the coins as a whole, especially systemically, has not been studied. Historiography devoted to this problem is practically absent, many researchers focus only on the arms, therefore a decision was made about such a study. The article discusses a number of problems related to coin minting in both the Old and the New Worlds, changes in badg-es, the partial loss of some trends in the Spanish badge culture, and the influence of the Spanish badge tradition on other cultures. The minting of coins with badges in the vice kingdoms outside the Iberian Peninsu-la is also being studied. Spanish Habsburgs in the 17th century on Ital-ian coins, with the help of mottos, revealing the meaning of the mes-sages to patrials, sought to show in their badges the zeal in defending the faith, the desire to establish peace and abundance. In Milan, com-memorative coin-like tokens with badges were dedicated to the visits of the Spanish queens. Perhaps this was a local peculiarity of reverence and respect for the suzerain and members of his family. The article ex-plores new trends in coinage with the predominant use of monograms and propaganda issues.
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Aksan, Virginia H. "Locating the Ottomans Among Early Modern Empires." Journal of Early Modern History 3, no. 2 (1999): 103–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006599x00017.
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AbstractThis paper describes the evolution of Ottoman military and defensive strategies in the Balkans from 1600 to 1800. It argues that three major imperial crises, engendered by sustained warfare, forced a transition from a standing army to state commissioned militias. To do so, it sites the Ottoman imperial context in a discussion of multiethnic eastern European empires, comparing Ottoman options and limitations with those of the Habsburgs and the Romanovs for the same period. The geopolitics of Danubian and Black Sea frontier territories, and the relationship between imperial center and native elites serve as two points of comparison, emphasizing the interplay between sovereignty, religious affiliation, and assimilation. By the end of the eighteenth century, Ottoman contraction and the movement of large numbers of Muslim refugees from surrendered territories, meant the increased nomadization of central Ottoman lands, and the almost total reliance on undisciplined, volunteer militias as a fighting force, whose acculturation to "Ottomanism" was never desired nor attempted by the ruling elite.
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Aksan, Virginia H. "Locating the Ottomans Among Early Modern Empires." Journal of Early Modern History 3, no. 3 (1999): 103–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006599x00189.
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AbstractThis paper describes the evolution of Ottoman military and defensive strategies in the Balkans from 1600 to 1800. It argues that three major imperial crises, engendered by sustained warfare, forced a transition from a standing army to state commissioned militias. To do so, it sites the Ottoman imperial context in a discussion of multiethnic eastern European empires, comparing Ottoman options and limitations with those of the Habsburgs and the Romanovs for the same period. The geopolitics of Danubian and Black Sea frontier territories, and the relationship between imperial center and native elites serve as two points of comparison, emphasizing the interplay between sovereignty, religious affiliation, and assimilation. By the end of the eighteenth century, Ottoman contraction and the movement of large numbers of Muslim refugees from surrendered territories, meant the increased nomadization of central Ottoman lands, and the almost total reliance on undisciplined, volunteer militias as a fighting force, whose acculturation to "Ottomanism" was never desired nor attempted by the ruling elite.
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Dueñas, Alcira. "The Lima Indian Letrados: Remaking the República de Indios in the Bourbon Andes." Americas 72, no. 1 (January 2015): 55–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2014.5.
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In building its early modern empire across the Atlantic, Spain deployed an army of legal bureaucrats who were rooted in the Iberian culture of letters and inherited Roman law. To rule their possessions in the New World, the Habsburgs attempted a wholesale incorporation of indigenous peoples into a Hispanicized legal culture. They redistributed the native population, introduced new forms of communication, and implemented their notions of justice and social order to counter the authority of kurakas (ethnic lords) in the Andes. Over time, the establishment of Spanish legal and political institutions encouraged new supra-ayllu (community) loyalties among Andeans, while in the newly created reducciones or Indian towns, native literate officials became the immediate brokers between the colonial state and the República de Indios, a colonial reordering of indigenous worlds. Working closely with one another, indigenous escribanos, alcaldes ordinarios, procuradores de cabildo (legal advocates of the Indians’ council), along with interpreters and fiscales de iglesia (overseers of Indian conversion), performed their jobs in local office in both expected and unanticipated ways. They interwove alphabetic literacy with their experience as servants of the state and the church, creating alternative legal practices and interpretations.
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Showalter, Dennis. "Reviews : Marilyn Shevin Coetzee, The German Army League. Popular Nationalism in Wilhelmine Germany, New York and Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1990; viii + 176 pp.; £30.00. Samuel R. Williamson, Jr, Austria-Hungary and the Origins of the First World War, London, Macmillan, 1991; xviii + 272 pp.; £35.00. István Deák, Beyond Nationalism: A Social and Political History of the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1848-1918, New York and Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1990; xiii + 273 pp.; £35.00." European History Quarterly 23, no. 1 (January 1993): 124–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149302300126.
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Wojtowicz, Jacek. "Z Górnych Węgier do Krakowa. Sylwester Joanelli – kariera Włocha, dzierżawcy zamku niedzickiego." Rocznik Biblioteki Naukowej PAU i PAN 65 (2020): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25440500rbn.20.003.14162.
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From Upper Hungary to Kraków. Sylwester Joanelli – the Career of an Italian Tenant of the Niedzica Castle The paper presents the biographical and genealogical aspects of Sylwester Joanelle de Telvana’s life and activity. It also discusses the heraldic issues concerning his family, originating in Gandino near Bergamo. Joanelli, who originally was probably a Viennese merchant, moved to Upper Hungary. He worked closely with his cousin, Johann Andreas Joanelli, from whom he received a lease of Smolniki in Slovakia along with its ore mines. He was also one of the greatest copper traders in Kraków. In 1664, he married Katarzyna Formankowiczówna (Furmankowiczówna), the daughter of Jan, a councillor in Kraków. Around 1670, he leased the Dunajec castle in Niedzica. As a devout Catholic and Habsburgs’ supporter, he used to come into conflict with Hungarian Protestants. Forced to leave Smolnik, he settled in Niedzica. In 1683 he was fighting the Kuruc army under Imre Tököly for five weeks after which he fell into captivity. Redeemed from captivity, he made his way to Kraków, where he died after a few months. His wife funded him a splendid gravestone in the Italian Chapel located in the Church of St. Francis in Kraków. It still exists. Sylwester’s descendants owned the properties in Niedzica for next several dozen years, selling them out gradually after they moved to castellum in Łapsze.
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Romanowska, Justyna. "Stematografija Hristofora Žefarovicia jako dokument kulturowych i narodowych dążeń Serbów w pierwszej połowie XVIII wieku." Adeptus, no. 4 (November 26, 2014): 22–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/a.2014.017.
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Hristofor Zhefarovich’s Stemmatographia as a document of the cultural and national aspirations of the Serbs in the first half of the eighteenth centuryStemmatographia, by Hristofor Zhefarovich (1741), was one of the most important Serbian books published in the first half of the 18th century. The first part contains the majestic portraits of the canonized Serbian sovereigns who built and strengthened the medieval Serbian state; the second part presents images of the coats of arms of the Balkan lands. Work composed in such a way corresponded to the political and religious program of the Archbishopric of Karlovci, the most important Serbian religious and secular institution in the lands belonging to the Habsburg monarchy. The reference to the tradition of the medieval state by presenting images of rulers and marking its territories by coats of arms legitimized the authority of the Serbian Orthodox Church that declared itself to be the heir and continuator of this tradition. At the same time, the gallery of portraits of the rulers and Orthodox Church notables constituted the national pantheon of saints that conferred a sacral aspect on Serbian history. Stematografija Hristofora Žefarovicia jako dokument kulturowych i narodowych dążeń Serbów w pierwszej połowie XVIII wiekuStematografija Hristofora Žefarovicia (1741) była jedną z najważniejszych serbskich książek wydanych w pierwszej połowie XVIII wieku. Pierwsza jej część zawiera majestatyczne portrety kanonizowanych serbskich władców, którzy budowali i umacniali średniowieczne państwo serbskie; druga przedstawia wizerunki herbów ziem bałkańskich. Tak skomponowanie dzieło wpisywało się w polityczno-religijny program Metropolii Karłowickiej, najważniejszej serbskiej instytucji religijnej i świeckiej na ziemiach należących do monarchii habsburskiej. Odwołanie się do tradycji średniowiecznego państwa poprzez zaprezentowanie wizerunków władców oraz określenie jego terytoriów poprzez umieszczenie herbów legitymizowało władzę serbskiej Cerkwi uznającej się za spadkobierczynię i kontynuatorkę tej tradycji. Jednocześnie galeria portretów władców i dostojników cerkiewnych konstytuowała narodowy panteon świętych, który nadawał historii Serbii wymiar sakralny.
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Oset, Željko. "Tribunal of the Teharje Kosezi Community." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 13, no. 1 (January 11, 2015): 117–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/13.1.117-127(2015).
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Teharje kosezi community enjoyed a particular legal status which it successfully preserved until the abolishment of feudalism in 1848. Thus the community had its own first-instance judiciary for civil cases, performed its obligations, corvee exempt, to the lord and the state collectively, kosezi could sell their land without hindrance, had the right to bear arms, freely elect the sodin and the mayors of their župas. Such legal status, obtained through manorial service under the margraviate of Celje, was founded on the privilege issued by the lord. The oldest privilege preserved, issued by Ferdinand I. of Habsburg, dates to 1537. Tribunal had its sub judicial area that included, aside from Teharje settlement, sixteen kosezi settlements in Savinjska valley. Representatives of all settlements gathered once a year around St. George’s Day (April 23rd) on the day of sodin elections that had to be confirmed by either the vidame in Celje or the leaser of Forhtenek manor. The function of the tribunal itself can be made out from its preserved tribunal register for the period from 1715 to 1849 where most entries date between 1715 and 1718. During this time, the register lists 68 cases, predominantly unsettled debts, whereas handled by the tribunal were verbal injuries (verbal iniuri), corporal injuries, and disputes on inheritance. As a rule, proceedings took place monthly in the center of Teharje settlement or, in case of poor weather, the nearby church of St. Stephen.
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But, Julija. "Between Revolt and Loyalty: Students of the Austrian Empire in the 1848 Revolution." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (June 2020): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.2.2.
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Introduction. As a social group with its specific features and motivation, students have been long characterized by their active involvement in social and political unrest. However, the behavioral analysis of students in different historical situations has become an independent research topic as late as in the 1960s. Numerous nuances of student activity remain for that reason unexplored. That is true of the process of student politicization and nationalization in the multi-ethnic Austrian empire during the tumultuous year of 1848. In literature, this issue is either pushed aside or based on an image of a radical “Austrian” student helping proletarians to fight against the regime on barricades. The latter is not relevant in view of the diversity of student sentiments and ideas that were present in the vast Habsburg hereditary lands. Methods and materials. This article analyzes students’ sympathies and actual participation in the rebellious events of 1848 considering the cases of two universities – that of the capital city of Vienna and the university of provincial Innsbruck. The study is based on students’ memoires, pamphlets, letters and newspapers of that time, as well as official documents and appeals by the government. Analysis. The analysis shows that Viennese students had an effective voice in revolutionary events, but their demands were of relatively moderate liberal character, while they largely remained loyal to the emperor. The revolutionary activity of provincial students was much more modest and peaceful than in Vienna. In case of Innsbruck, in particular, an image of a patriotic student fighting with arms for his emperor and fatherland replaced the image of a student fighting for political freedoms. Results. The participation of students in the revolutionary events of 1848 resulted in politicization of the “Austrian” student body and its consolidation as an independent social group.