Journal articles: 'Haile Selassie'

1

Alasow, Jonis Ghedi. "Emperor Haile Selassie." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 35, no. 1 (September 16, 2016): 129–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2016.1232884.

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Ludi, Regula. "Haile Selassie auf Jamaika." Historische Anthropologie 19, no. 1 (January 2011): 82–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/ha.2011.19.1.82.

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Levin, Ayala. "Haile Selassie's Imperial Modernity: Expatriate Architects and the Shaping of Addis Ababa." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 75, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 447–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2016.75.4.447.

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In the 1960s, Addis Ababa experienced a construction boom, spurred by its new international stature as the seat of both the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa and the Organization of African Unity. Working closely with Emperor Haile Selassie, expatriate architects played a major role in shaping the Ethiopian capital as a symbol of an African modernity in continuity with tradition. Haile Selassie's Imperial Modernity: Expatriate Architects and the Shaping of Addis Ababa examines how a distinct Ethiopian modernity was negotiated through various borrowings from the past, including Italian colonial planning, both at the scale of the individual building and at the scale of the city. Focusing on public buildings designed by Italian Eritrean Arturo Mezzedimi, French Henri Chomette, and the partnership of Israeli Zalman Enav and Ethiopian Michael Tedros, Ayala Levin critically explores how international architects confronted the challenges of mediating Haile Selassie's vision of an imperial modernity.

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Clapham, Christopher. "Haile Selassie: His Rise, His Fall." Northeast African Studies 20, no. 1-2 (October 1, 2020): 195–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/nortafristud.20.1-2.0195.

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Sorenson, John. "Discourses on Eritrean Nationalism and Identity." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 2 (June 1991): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00002767.

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Since Italy's defeat in World Ward II, Ethiopia has pressed its claim to Eritrea. Following an abortive federation imposed by the United Nations in 1950, Haile Selassie annexed the former Italian colony in 1962, and for the last three decades Eritreans have fought for their independence.

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McClellan, Charles W. "Emperor Haile Selassie. By Bereket Habte Selassie. (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2014. Pp. 147. $14.95.)." Historian 78, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 738–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.12342.

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Werts, J. K. "The Clothes Make the Man: Portraits of Emperor Haile Selassie." Nka Journal of Contemporary African Art 2010, no. 27 (September 1, 2010): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10757163-2010-27-108.

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Negm, Namira. "Diverse Perspectives on the Impact of Colonialism in International Law: The Case of the Chagos Archipelago." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 113 (2019): 68–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2019.145.

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FREEDOM … AFRICA FREE OF DECOLONIZATION … that was the dream of our founding fathers from Nyerere, Nasser, Nkrumah, Haile Selassie, to Lumumba, and many others. The call for freedom laid the basis for the African unity, so it came as no surprise that we, at the African Union, had the support of an entire continent, with its fifty-five member states, to defend the Mauritian Cause to free Chagos.

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Getachew, Yohannes Tesfaye. "A History of Koshe Town in South-Central Ethiopia from 1941 to 1991." Ethnologia Actualis 20, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eas-2021-0006.

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Abstract Koshe town is the administrative and commercial center of Mareko woreda.1 It is found in Gurage Zone Southern Nation Nationalities and Peoples Regional State. According to the tradition the origin of the name “Koshe” is originated from the plant which called by the name Koshe which abundantly grow in the area. The establishment of Koshe town is directly associated with the five years Italian occupation. Due to the expansion of patriotic movement in the area Italian officials of the area forced to establish additional camp in the area in a particular place Koshe. This paper explores the role of Fascist Italy for the establishment of Koshe town. The former weekly market shifted its location and established around the Italian camp. Following the evacuation of Fascist Italy the Ethiopian governments control the area. During the government of Emperor Haile Selassie Koshe town got some important developmental programs. The most important development was the opening of the first school by the effort of the Swedes.2 The Military regime (Derg)3 also provided important inputs for the urbanization of Koshe town. This research paper observes the development works that flourish in Koshe during the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie and the Military regime, and also asses the role of different organizations for the urbanization of Koshe town.

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Van der Beken, Christophe. "Ethiopia: From a Centralised Monarchy to a Federal Republic." Afrika Focus 20, no. 1-2 (February 15, 2007): 13–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0200102003.

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Ethiopia: From a Centralised Monarchy to a Federal Republic Although the Ethiopian state traces its roots back to the empire of Axum in the first centuries AD, the modern Ethiopian state took shape in the second half of the 19th century. During that period the territory of the Ethiopian empire expanded considerably. Several ethnic groups were incorporated into the empire and the foundations for a strong, centralised state were laid Centralisation of authority in the hands of the emperor and a strategy of nation building that denied the ethnic diversity of Ethiopian society characterised the rule of Emperor Haile Selassie. At the same time, these elements contributed to its decline. Haile Selassie was ultimately deposed by a military committee in 1974. This announced the end of the Ethiopian monarchy and the transformation of the Ethiopian state, following the Marxist model. In spite of Marxist-Leninist attention to the 'nationalities issue', Ethiopia remained a centralised state, dominated by one ethnic identity. This gave rise to increasing resistance from various regional and ethnic liberation movements. The combined effort of these movements caused the fall of military rule in May 1991. The new regime, which was dominated by ethnically organised parties, initiated a radical transformation of the Ethiopian state structure that leads to the establishment of a federation in 1995.

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11

Tesfaye, Dagnew. "From disillusionment to protest: Poems by Haile Selassie I University students." African Journal of History and Culture 7, no. 8 (August 31, 2015): 164–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/ajhc2014.0224.

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12

LEVI, CAROLEIN. "The Mission. The Life, Reign and Character of Haile Selassie I." African Affairs 89, no. 357 (October 1990): 604–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098350.

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13

Marcus, Harold G. "The Politics of Famine." Worldview 28, no. 3 (March 1985): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046842.

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In Addis Ababa's vast Revolution Square there are large pictures of Marx, Lenin, and Engels, and of Mengistu Haile Mariam, the head of the Provisional Military Government of Socialist Ethiopia and leader of the newly organized Workers Party of Ethiopia. In the decade since a military committee, the dirgue, dethroned Haile Selassie and abolished the monarchy, these four have been proclaimed the saviors of Ethiopia. Today, however, many Ethiopians believe the dirgue's policies are responsible for inciting the nationalities to insurrection, reducing agricultural yields in the south, helping to cause the famine in the northeast, tying Ethiopia to the capital-poor Soviet Union and its allies, and unnecessarily alienating the capital-rich West. In their opinion, the government has failed the. revolution by being repressive and rigid. Mengistu and the ideology he represent should give way to new and more flexible leaders and politics.

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14

Khan, Geoffrey. "From Haile Selassie to H. J. Polotsky: An Ethiopian and Semitic Miscellany." Journal of Jewish Studies 48, no. 2 (October 1, 1997): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2050/jjs-1997.

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15

Guluma Gemeda. "Haile Selassie, Western Education, and Political Revolution in Ethiopia (review)." Northeast African Studies 10, no. 1 (2008): 191–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nas.0.0008.

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16

Nelson, Sioban. "Nursing Experts, Hygienic Modernity, and Nation Building: The Case of Nursing in Ethiopia in the Post-Colonial Era." Canadian Bulletin of Medical History 38, no. 1 (April 2021): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cbmh.455-062020.

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This is a tale in three parts. It begins with an exploration of the story of Princess Tsahai, daughter of Haile Selassie, and the highly successful British campaign led by suffragette E. Sylvia Pankhurst to bring British-style nursing and medicine to Ethiopia in the 1940s and 1950s. Second, it examines the role of foreign women, most notably Swedish missionary nurses, in building health services and nursing capacity in the country. Finally, it examines the way in which nursing brought together gendered notions of expertise and geopolitical pressures to redefine expectations for Ethiopian women as citizens of the new nation-state.

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Teweldebirhan, Kibrom. "Downfall of an Emperor: Haile Selassie of Ethiopia and the Derg’s Creeping Coup." Northeast African Studies 19, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 129–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/nortafristud.19.2.0129.

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18

Osborne, Myles. "“Mau Mau are Angels … Sent by Haile Selassie”: A Kenyan War in Jamaica." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 4 (September 29, 2020): 714–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000262.

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AbstractThis article traces the impact of Kenya's Mau Mau uprising in Jamaica during the 1950s. Jamaican responses to Mau Mau varied dramatically by class: for members of the middle and upper classes, Mau Mau represented the worst of potential visions for a route to black liberation. But for marginalized Jamaicans in poorer areas, and especially Rastafari, Mau Mau was inspirational and represented an alternative method for procuring genuine freedom and independence. For these people, Mau Mau epitomized a different strand of pan-Africanism that had most in common with the ideas of Marcus Garvey. It was most closely aligned with, and was the forerunner of, Walter Rodney, Stokely Carmichael, and Black Power in the Caribbean. Theirs was a more radical, violent, and black-focused vision that ran alongside and sometimes over more traditional views. Placing Mau Mau in the Jamaican context reveals these additional levels of intellectual thought that are invisible without its presence. It also forces us to rethink the ways we periodize pan-Africanism and consider how pan-African linkages operated in the absence of direct contact between different regions.

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Valero, Arnaldo E. "Reggae y ethos rastafari." ÍSTMICA. Revista de la Facultad de Filosofía y Letras 1, no. 28 (July 21, 2021): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15359/istmica.28.7.

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El presente artículo busca señalar que cantantes como Bob Marley, Bunny Wailer y Peter Tosh han ejercido una especie de educación tribal que le ha permitido a la comunidad rastafari informarse de las pautas de comportamiento social y moral que han llegado a considerarse como emblemáticas de su sistema de valores. Para lograr nuestro propósito se citarán y glosarán un conjunto de canciones de ese género musical que a lo largo de décadas ha pregonado la naturaleza divina de Haile Selassie, la idea del regreso al África, la importancia histórica y política de Marcus Garvey, el carácter sacramental del consumo de la marihuana y el valor simbólico de los dreadlocks.

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20

Woldemariam, Getachew Assefa. "The Continuing Quest for Inclusive Democratic Governance in Ethiopia." Mizan Law Review 16, no. 1 (September 30, 2022): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/mlr.v16i1.1.

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As early as the 18th Century, James Bruce, a European Traveller, observed that bad government was the most important source of the problems that plagued the Ethiopian society. Centuries on, political and ethnic mistrust and polarization, insecurity, human rights abuses and armed conflict characterize the Ethiopian body politic. The rule of law and democracy are far from taking roots. This article –pointing out the most outstanding governance deficits of the Emperor Haile Selassie, Derg and EPRDF-cum-PP’s (Prosperity Party) governments– argues that the lack of inclusive democratic governance remains at the core of Ethiopia’s socio-political crises. It will offer suggestions on democratic governance options that, if adopted, can help deal with Ethiopia’s long-time political ills.

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21

Stepman, François. "King of Kings – The Thriumph and Tragedy of Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia." Afrika Focus 29, no. 2 (February 26, 2016): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02902011.

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22

Marsai, Viktor. "Az utolsó császár Magyarországon – Hailé Szelasszié 1964-es látogatása." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 14, no. 3-4. (January 30, 2021): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2020.14.3-4.2.

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The visit of the Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie on 20-23 September 1964 was one of the most important events of the Hungarian foreign relations that time. This article aims to examine the circumstances of the meeting and its effects on the Ethio-Hungarian relations. The main statement of the paper is that although the visit did not bring a breakthrough in the collaboration, it helped to strengthen and fill with content the fresh connection between the parties, and it also determined the main frameworks of cooperation for the next two and half decades. Furthermore, the negotiations bred important practical experiences for the Hungarian administration, which knowledge helped not only in the relations with the developing world, but also in the wider international arena.

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23

Kropp, Manfred. "Edward Ullendorff: From Emperor Haile Selassie to H. J. Polotsky. An Ethiopian and Semitic Miscellany." Aethiopica 1 (September 13, 2013): 234–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.1.1.624.

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Kassaye, Nigusie Wolde Michae, and Yu N. Buzykina. "The Ethiopian Orthodox Church and its role in the State before 1974." Russian Journal of Church History 2, no. 3 (November 9, 2021): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15829/2686-973x-2021-60.

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The aim of the study is to consider the role and place of the Ethiopian Orthodox Christian Church in preserving the ancient traditions and culture of the peoples of Ethiopia. The history of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church is closely related to that of the Alexandrian Orthodox Church, but for a significant part of its history it fought for autocephaly, which was achieved only under Emperor Haile Selassie I. The most important function of the Church in Ethiopia was education and spread of literacy, the preservation and transfer of knowledge in the field of religion and public administration. The objective of the study is to analyze how this function was implemented during the first half of the XX century. The research is based on the documents of the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation and of the Ethiopian Microfilm Laboratory EMML.

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Scott, Catherine V. "Socialism and the ‘Soft State’ in Africa: an Analysis of Angola and Mozambique." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 1 (March 1988): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010302.

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The overthrow of Haile Selassie in Ethiopia in 1974, and the independence of Angola and Mozambique in 1975, as well as Zimbabwe in 1980, seem to have strengthened the case for classifying African régimes on the basis of their ideology.In a collection of mainly country-studies of socialism in sub-Saharan Africa edited by Carl Rosberg and Thomas Callaghy in 1978, various explanations were advanced about why the so-called ‘first wave’ of radicals failed to transform African societies successfully, and a common theme was the major rô played by ideology in differentiating ‘African’ from ‘scientific’ socialist régimes.1 In 1981 David and Marina Ottaway contrasted the ‘African socialism’ of Guinea, Zambia, and Tanzania with the ‘Afrocommunism’ of Angola, Mozambique, and Ethiopia, and contended that ideology was the best indicator of the clear differences that existed in both their institutions and policy choices.2 In 1982 Crawford Young placed African régimes in three ideological categories: ‘Populist socialist’, and ‘African capitalist’.3

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Weis, Julianne. "Medicalization and Maternal Health: The Use of Female Health Auxiliaries to Modernize Ethiopia under Haile Selassie, 1930–1974." Journal of Women's History 29, no. 4 (2017): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2017.0051.

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Macklin, Graham. "‘No Power on Earth can Remove his Liability’: Emperor Haile Selassie and the Foreign Office, a Documentary Essay." Immigrants & Minorities 25, no. 1 (March 2007): 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02619280701630995.

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Alvaré, Bretton. "Haile Selassie and the Gospel of Development: Hegemony and Faith-Based Development in Trinidad and Tobago, West Indies." Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology 19, no. 1 (March 2014): 126–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlca.12063.

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29

Coleman, Sterling Joseph. "Gradual Abolition or Immediate Abolition of Slavery? The Political, Social and Economic Quandary of Emperor Haile Selassie I." Slavery & Abolition 29, no. 1 (March 2008): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440390701841067.

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30

Volpe, M. L. "Book Review: Nigusie Kassae V.M. (2016). Haile Selassie I - Emperor of Ethiopia. Moscow: RUDN University publ., 424 p. (in Russian)." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 18, no. 4 (2018): 992–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2018-18-4-992-995.

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Alemu, Amsale. "Demystifying the Image." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 42, no. 2 (August 1, 2022): 442–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9987931.

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Abstract While opposition to the Ethiopian monarchy was an immediate imperative of the Ethiopian revolutionary movement, self-professed “anti-feudalism” was but one part of the political-economic object of revolutionary critique. Originating from a country famous for its legacy of African independence, and against a monarch who was a global pan-African icon, Ethiopian revolutionary opposition to Haile Selassie would require not only a politics of dissent, but also an anti-colonial framing. This article centers anti-imperialism—specifically challenges to US neo-imperialism in Ethiopia—among Ethiopian student revolutionaries in the United States during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Examining organizational writing and direct action, as well as editorials in Muhammad Speaks and The Black Panther, this article argues that US-based Ethiopian students employed demystification as a signature revolutionary tactic. They attempted to reframe Ethiopian exceptionalist narratives as currency of US neo-imperialism, drawing on arguments strengthened by engaging Black Power concepts and thinkers. Demystification, while rooted in narrative modes and historical tropes specific to Ethiopian students' location in the United States, offers a concept to think through other oppositional movements as generative of global theoretical critique. Ethiopian students not only demanded the overthrow of the monarchy, but also joined anti-colonial appeals for the structural transformation of the world.

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Adom Getachew. "Interview with Nadia Nurhussein Black Land: Imperial Ethiopianism in African America." Ethiopian Journal of the Social Sciences and Humanities 17, no. 1 (March 3, 2022): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ejossah.v17i1.7.

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In October 2020, Adom Getachew interviewed Nadia Nurhussein about her recent book “Black Land: Imperial Ethiopianism and African America” published by Princeton University Press in 2019. Black Land delves into nineteenth- and twentieth-century African American artistic and journalistic depictions of Ethiopia, illuminating the increasing tensions and ironies behind cultural celebrations of an African country asserting itself as an imperial power. Nurhussein navigates texts by Walt Whitman, Paul Laurence Dunbar, Pauline Hopkins, Harry Dean, Langston Hughes, Claude McKay, George Schuyler, and others, alongside images and performances that show the intersection of African America with Ethiopia during historic political shifts. From a description of a notorious 1920 Star Order of Ethiopia flag-burning demonstration in Chicago to a discussion of the Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie as Time magazine’s Man of the Year for 1935, Nurhussein illuminates the growing complications that modern Ethiopia posed for American writers and activists who wrestled with Pan-African ideal and the reality of Ethiopia as an imperialist state. Black Land was Winner of the MSA Book Prize, from the Modernist Studies Association, finalist for the Pauli Murray Book Prize from the African American Intellectual History Society and shortlisted for the MAAH Stone Book Award from the Museum of African American History.

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Asher Gamedze and Semeneh Ayalew. "Contingencies, Contradictions and Struggles for Black Freedom and Emancipation: Adwa and Decolonisation Today." Ethiopian Journal of the Social Sciences and Humanities 17, no. 1 (March 3, 2022): 101–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ejossah.v17i1.6.

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In this paper we reflect on and consider Adwa from the perspective of historical and continuing international Black movements and struggles for freedom in its aftermath. Adwa and, by extension, Ethiopia more broadly became a symbol and touchtone of African anti-colonial militancy, political independence and autonomy in an anti-black world. Adwa influenced the imaginations and real struggles of black people for freedom in a multitude of complex, often contradictory ways. However, while it punctured white supermacist narratives at the global stage, internally, in an age that marked the rise of the modern state form—with its fixed territorial borders— the memory of Adwa served as a foundational moment in the formation of modern Ethiopian nationalism. It also buttressed the making of a homogenizing and assimilationist tendency of Ethiopian nationalism in the 20th century and fed into its imperial project. Internationally, Haile Selassie, at the helm of the Ethiopian imperial project in the mid-twentieth century, was taken up as a symbol of Black freedom whilst he presided over an exploitative and oppressive empire at home. With some of the questions raised by current movements for decolonisation, we ask what is different about this contemporary moment when we think about Adwa in relation to international Black movements and struggles for freedom?; how do we remember it from today in relation to Ethiopia’s nationalisms (pan Ethiopian and particular ones)?; how do we memorialize it in thinking about freedom in a country with a dominant imperial nationalist ethos?

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Feyera Senbeta. "The Paradox of Ethiopia’s Underdevelopment: Endogenous Factors in Retrospect." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2907.

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Ethiopia is a country of diverse historical, cultural, geographical, archeological, and ecological resources and is well known as the cradle of humanity. It is also the tenth-largest country in Africa and endowed with vast land and water resources. This country was unable to translate these potential resources into positive development outcomes. This paper examines the historical perspective of Ethiopia’s underdevelopment mystery under the last three regimes (i.e., Haile Selassie (Imperial), Derg, and the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)). Qualitative approaches mainly interview, discussion, document analysis, and personal experiences were employed in generating relevant data that were analyzed and presented thematically. The results show that Ethiopia ranked the least in many global human development indexes such as Human Development Index, Corruption Index, and Global Hunger Index in the last decade. The underlying historical development challenges include political instability, despotic leadership, corruption, dependence on foreign aid and assistance, controlled freedom of expression, lack of diversity within unity, and inconsistent development policies. Over the last three successive regimes, the state-society relationship has been characterized by conflict, disagreement, and supremacy of state which messed up available national development opportunities. If Ethiopia has to come out of poverty and underdevelopment, it needs to improve its political stability and governance. It must be governed by ‘popularly elected’ not by ‘self-elected leader’ and put in place a system of accountability for a better future and wellbeing of its population. Consistent and pro-poor policy, good working culture, and unity in diversity must be other areas of concern for future development.

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Haruna, Abdallah Imam, and A. Abdul Salam. "Rethinking Russian Foreign Policy towards Africa: Prospects and Opportunities for Cooperation in New Geopolitical Realities." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 10–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2021.1.2.24.

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Diplomatic ties between Africa and the Russian Federation dates back to Africa’s dark decades of collective struggle for continental decolonization and severance in relations with its European colonizers. There is a vestige of historical evidence to support the claim that Russia had contributed immensely to this struggle in the early 1950s. Historically, the Russian Revolution of 1917 set the stage for the strenuous global struggle against colonialism and imperialism. This revolution, subsequently, inspired leaders of the nationalist movements on the African continent like Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Nnamdi Azikiwe of Nigeria, Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, Nelson Mandela of South Africa and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, among others to champion the fight for the liberation of Africa. Between 1945 and 1991, international politics was in a hegemonic geopolitical tension between the Soviet Union and the United States and their respective global allies. This power struggle polarized the world into the contrasting ideologies of Capitalism and Socialism. Some African nationalists situated the crusade for self-rule within the Eastern Bloc led by the Soviet Union. The collapse of the USSR on 26 December 1991 and the fall of the Berlin wall on 9 November 1989 heralded a new era in global politics. This paper is on the assumption that three decades into the demise of the Soviet Union, it is now time to reflect on the influence of Russia in international politics, with particular focus on Moscow’s foreign policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa. This rethinking is crucial because of the criticism that Russia’s renewed interest in Africa is a grand strategy to dominate affairs of the continent, rather than a search for new opportunities for economic cooperation and geopolitical alliances.

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Dunkley, D. A. "The Suppression of Leonard Howell in Late Colonial Jamaica, 1932-1954." New West Indian Guide 87, no. 1-2 (2013): 62–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-12340004.

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Abstract This article is about Leonard Percival Howell, the man who is widely regarded as the founder of the Rastafari movement, which started in Jamaica in 1932. The article focuses on the attempts to suppress Howell during the foundational phase of the Rastafari movement from 1932 to 1954. This was the period in which Howell began preaching the divinity of Haile Selassie I, who was crowned the emperor of Ethiopia in 1930. In 1937, Howell established the friendly organization known as the Ethiopian Salvation Society, and in 1940 started the first Rastafari community in the hills of the parish of St. Catherine, Jamaica. These and his other religio-political activities made Howell the target of one of the longest and most aggressive campaigns to suppress an anticolonial activist during the late colonial period in Jamaica. However, one of the main points of this article is that the attempts to suppress Howell, who was seen by the colonial government as seditious, implicated not just the colonial regime, but also a number of other opponents within the society. This article is an attempt to show that Howell’s suppression was not exclusively a colonial endeavor, but a society-wide campaign to undermine his leadership in order to disband the Rastafari movement. Howell advocated an anticolonialism that was seen as too revolutionary by every participant in the campaign to suppress him and his movement, and particularly aggravating was the notion that a black monarch was the fulfillment of biblical prophecy, and whose ascension signaled the start of black nationalism as a global liberation movement to end white rule over Africans and people of African descent.

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Vértesy, László, and Teketel Bekalo Lemango. "Public Administration Developments in Ethiopia Under Three Different Regimes." Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 22, no. 3 (November 12, 2022): 403–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.22.3.6.

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The paper summarises and analyses the development of the public administration system in Ethiopia under three different regimes. The research mainly follows the traditional legal and administrative history approach methodology, focusing on the most significant historical, political, and legislative events (e.g. adoptions of constitutions) of the given eras, drawing attention to the main problems and reviewing them critically. Under Emperor Haile Selassie (1930–1974), Ethiopia was a centralised unitary state in the form of a feudal authoritarian monarchy. During the Derg regime (1974–1991), it remained a centralised unitary state, but with the concept of socialism, the military junta concentrated the power in their hands. The different government and administrative systems are characterized by weak and strong political, economic, and social achievements. Among these is a lack of good governance, human rights violations, weak institutional capacities, low citizen participation, and an (in)appropriate public administration system. These brought the nationality question to the forefront. The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF, 1991–2019) established a decentralised federation, whereby parliamentary democracy guarantees a separation of powers with checks and balances and acknowledges the rights and self-determination of different ethnicities. In 2019 the EPRDF was dissolved and transformed into the Prosperity Party (PP). The reform forced the resignation of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the ruling party in the Tigray Region, and as a result, the EPRDF split into PP and TPLF. Meanwhile, public administration transformed from a monarchial administrative system into a weak public administration with poorly functioning state agencies; finally, the present system works under western influences. To mitigate these problems, institutional reforms, effective and efficient use of modern technologies, and inter-institutional cooperation play essential roles in improving the public administration system.

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Cusack, Carole M. "The Romance of Hereditary Monarchs and Theocratic States: Ethiopia and Emperor Haile Selassie I in Rastafarianism and Tibet and the Fourteenth Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, in Western Buddhism." Alternative Spirituality and Religion Review 4, no. 1 (2013): 122–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/asrr20134121.

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Haile, Getatchew. "From Emperor Haile Selassie to H.J. Polotsky. An Ethiopian and Semitic miscellany. By Edward Ullendorff. (Äthiopistische Forschungen, Band 42.) pp. xix, 192, illus. Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz Verlag, 1995. DM 158." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 6, no. 3 (November 1996): 411–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300007811.

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Yahovkin, Anton. "Ethiopia and the Egyptian-Ethiopian conflict in the context of American-Ethiopian relations (1955 – 1957)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 12 (2021): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.12.5.

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In this article, the author aims to explore the place and role of Egyptian-Ethiopian relations during the Suez Crisis in US geopolitical strategies. The scientific novelty lies in a comprehensive analysis of the impact of the Suez Crisis on the East African region in the context of US foreign policy. Research methods. Historical-genetic method is used in the article, which gave an opportunity to explore the genesis of East African politics of the USA, to identify the main tendencies of this policy direction at every stage. A systematic approach was used for the comprehensive analysis of the USA East Africa policy in 1955–1957, which gave an opportunity to identify economic and geopolitical interests of the USA in East Africa, goals and objectives of major counties towards Egypt and Ethiopia, and to trace in this regard the attitude of the USA towards Ethiopia’s confrontation with Egypt. Conclusions. Despite the orientation of the Foreign policy of the emperor of Ethiopia to the USA and his attempts to satisfy the USA interests (including the allocation of a military base in Ethiopia), Haile Selassie I failed to fully attract not only American private fund but also to make Ethiopia one of the Foreign policy priorities of the USA government. Ethiopia was of no interest to the USA not only as a potential economic partner (it remained an agricultural country with obsolete modes of production), but also as a military ally. The USA supported some plans of the emperor of Ethiopia, for example the project of accession of Eritrea to the Ethiopian Empire, for the following reasons only:1. due to independent Eritrean country’s insolvency; 2. due to the necessity to maintain peace and order in the northeastern Africa, on the west coast of the Red Sea. «Right» was given to the Ethiopian Empire, which needed the access to the sea and which at that time had a relatively strong army capable to battle any inner reaction and to defend the borders of Eritrea, where American military bases were located.

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Negash, Girma. "The rise and rise of agricultural wage labour: evidence from Ethiopia's south, c.1950–2000." Africa 87, no. 1 (January 27, 2017): 36–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972016000681.

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AbstractThis article seeks to examine the dynamic transformation in the system of labour mobilization and the consequent intermingling of peoples of diverse cultural background in northern Sidama, Ethiopia. It investigates the different labour recruitment strategies deployed in the study area at different times, ranging from traditional to hired labour. In the former case, the household plays a major role in the recruitment and supply of agricultural labour, whereas in the latter case, ‘trans-locality’ reinforced by migration becomes central to the labour history of the region. In the 1940s and 1950s, Emperor Haile Selassie I granted large estates of land in the study area to absentee landowners who started schemes of commercial coffee farming. The subsequent expansion of commercialized coffee farming in a locality called Wondo Gänät (northern Sidama) from the 1950s onwards was responsible for the introduction of agricultural wage labour into the wider region. There was no local surplus labour to satisfy the labour needs of the new coffee farms. This void was later filled by Kembata, Hadiya and Wolayita migrant labourers who flocked into the study area from regions widely noted for their scarcity of arable land. This translocal movement of workers paved the way for the beginning of wage employment and eventually the commodification of farm labour in line with capitalist agriculture. Although commercial coffee plantations provided the initial stimulus for labour commodification in the study area, sugar cane-based cash cropping has helped it flourish even further. I argue in this article that the imperial land grants of the late 1940s and 1950s were an important milestone both for the agricultural history of the study area and for the organization of farm labour. Most importantly, I also argue that some of the social tensions and conflicts that often haunt contemporary northern Sidama are legacies inherited from the labour migrations of the 1950s and 1960s and the demographic heterogeneity that ensued.

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Vestal, Theodore M. "King of Kings: The Triumph and Tragedy of Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia. By Asfa-Wossen Asserate. Translated by Peter Lewis. (London, United Kingdom: Haus Publishing, 2015. Pp. xiii, 374. $29.95.)." Historian 79, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 325–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.12507.

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ADEM, SEIFUDEIN. "The Lion of Judah in the New World: Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia and the shaping of Americans’ attitude toward Africa by T. Vestal Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2011. Pp. 231, $44.95 (hbk)." Journal of Modern African Studies 50, no. 3 (September 2012): 541–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x12000286.

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Rubinkowska, Hanna. "Anthony Mockler: Haile Selassie’s War." Aethiopica 7 (October 22, 2012): 230–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.7.1.301.

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Tayachew Asmelash, Girma. "The Simen Wild Fauna under the Protection of the Government of Haile Selassie. From Endangered Prey to National Symbol (1941 – 1969) / La faune sauvage du Simen sous la protection du gouvernement d’Hailé Sélassié: de proie menacée à symbole national (1941-1969)." Annales d'Ethiopie 31, no. 1 (2016): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ethio.2016.1624.

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Adem, Seifudein. "Theodore M. Vestal. The Lion of Judah in the New World: Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia and the Shaping of Americans' Attitude toward Africa. Santa Barbara, Calif.: Praeger, 2011. xv + 231 pp. Photo Essay. Notes. Selected Bibliography. Index. $44.95. Cloth." African Studies Review 55, no. 2 (September 2012): 172–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2012.0033.

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Grine, Frederick E. "Ardipithecus kadabba: Late Miocene Evidence from the Middle Awash, Ethiopia. The Middle Awash Series, Volume 2. Edited by Yohannes Haile‐Selassie and Giday WoldeGabriel. Berkeley (California): University of California. $80.00. xxii + 641 p.; ill.; index. ISBN: 978‐0‐520‐25440‐4. 2009." Quarterly Review of Biology 86, no. 2 (June 2011): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/659893.

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Tafla, Bairu. "In memoriam Sergew Hable Selassie (Sǝrgǝw Hablä Śellase) (1929–2003)." Aethiopica 6 (January 20, 2013): 211–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.6.1.384.

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Marcus, Harold G., and Anthony Mockler. "Haile Selassie's War: The Italian-Ethiopian Campaign, 1935-1941." International Journal of African Historical Studies 20, no. 2 (1987): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219878.

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Duncanson, Dennis. "Haile Selassie's war and Ethiopia at bay: a personal account of the Haile Sellassie years." International Affairs 61, no. 2 (April 1985): 312–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2617517.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Haile Selassie'

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