Journal articles on the topic 'Handicraft Movement'

Ruhana Kudus is one of the developer of women’s economic movement in Minangkabau in colonial era. One of the movement is establish an economic organization which can motivate the women to have entrepreneur spirit. The economic organization that established by Ruhana Kuddus is Amai Setia handicraft. In this organization, the women get guidance to make many handicrafts that earn and run the economy, then those handicrafts will be sold in the market. The profit of the handcraft selling will be used as women prosperity strengthening and also as one of the helper in running life at economic section. The Economic activities that established by Ruhana Kuddus is in handcraft skill, so it mastered by the women, then it becomes one of house hold trading that still exist till now.

Ruhana Kudus is one of the developer of women’s economic movement in Minangkabau in colonial era. One of the movement is establish an economic organization which can motivate the women to have entrepreneur spirit. The economic organization that established by Ruhana Kuddus is Amai Setia handicraft. In this organization, the women get guidance to make many handicrafts that earn and run the economy, then those handicrafts will be sold in the market. The profit of the handcraft selling will be used as women prosperity strengthening and also as one of the helper in running life at economic section. The Economic activities that established by Ruhana Kuddus is in handcraft skill, so it mastered by the women, then it becomes one of house hold trading that still exist till now.

Net wrapper is a traditional product of Viet Nam. The domestic and foreign markets have been liked it for a few marketing years. Net wrapper is one of the girdle type which has intermingled vein. Net wrapper makes a spring roll, this is also a traditional production of Viet Nam. Vietnamese produce 20 tons net wrapper daily, such as Vissan company produces 4 tons/day to satisfy the domestic market demand. Net wrapper product is liked specially. Nowadays, net wrapper is still made by a handicraft, therefore, the productivity is low, it has irregular vein and insanitary. In order to replace for handle movement in the handicraft of method by using machine movement process the kinetics simulation and motion of net wrapper are one of the great important process. In this paper we have described a kinetics shaped veins of net wrapper by the combined effects of the curved motion with rotated motion. This method allows the surmounted defect of handicraft and improving the capacity and quality of net wrapper, specially there is specifications supporting for process the designing.

We consider the peculiarities of the development of handicraft industry in Tambov Governorate during the military communism and NEP. A decrease in fishing activity is noted during the period of military communism, especially in northern counties. The leather, cobbler and textile industries that were able to meet military needs developed during this period. The process of cooperation between the handicraftsmen began. However, while the original field cooperation was based on local government principles, in 1920 it was transferred to the management of the consumer cooperative society. An interesting phenomenon was the departure of workers from factories to handicraftsmen. During the NEP’s years, there was a revival in the handicraft industry. According to statistics, the number of handicraftsmen in the governorate almost doubled by 1925, but was still smaller than in the pre-reform period. The textile industry was the most developed in the NEP’s years. In 1921, trade cooperation was introduced from the consumer sector and merged into the governorate union of handicraft industry. There was an active work of governorate instructors, who trained handicraftsmen in new production technologies, identified problem areas of cooperation, and strengthened the ties between artels and the county union of handicraft industry. Master classes were also organized for handicraftsmen, and handicraft exhibitions were held. However, the cooperative movement has also faced a number of major problems – lack of sufficient raw materials, delays in supplying goods, poor quality, and disorganized government orders.

In the history of the American Arts and Crafts Movement, New Orleans's Newcomb College Pottery (founded in 1894) is often singled out as distinctive by virtue of its genesis as an experimental educational venture, all the more remarkable for emerging out of a small women's college located in the Deep South. Scholarship on NCP frequently rehearses the regionalist character of its diverse handicrafts and its adherence to the central tenets of Arts and Crafts. This article explores how Newcomb College Pottery was neither so strictly regionalist nor so pure an embodiment of the Arts and Crafts spirit as is often averred. Situating Newcomb College Pottery within contemporary cultural debates concerning the formation of a “New South,” I demonstrate how the architects and advocates of Newcomb, inspired by the 1884 Cotton Centennial, sought to craft a largely aspirational identity that marketed NCP as a model industry that heralded commercial and cultural development in the region. It was only later, I argue, as the Pottery developed from an educational experiment into a widely known and respected handicraft enterprise, that it embraced the anti-industrial rhetoric that animated the broader Arts and Crafts movement and adopted the more sentimental form of regionalism that traded on romantic evocations of the Old South, in repudiation of the socially and economically progressive energies that gave it birth.

The aim of this article is to explore urban knitting as a worldwide social movement, rather than solely a kind of “inoffensive urban graffiti” made with knitted fabric. Building on the available literature and original research, the article argues that this movement weaves together elements from craftivism, domesticity, handicraft, art, and feminism. It then explores a specific urban knitting initiative, called “Mettiamoci una pezza” (“Let’s patch it”), carried out in L’Aquila, Italy, 3 years after the earthquake that devastated the city in 2009. To analyze the sociopolitical aspects of this initiative, a series of qualitative research studies was conducted over time, to which were added semistructured interviews with the initiative’s local organizers. The findings show that the initiative in L’Aquila clearly exhibits the five original features of the urban knitting movement that emerge from the literature as being characteristic of this movement.

Tourism industry is one of the leading sectors in economic development as create business opportunities, such as hospitality; food; handicraft; etc. However, gender stereotypes are still inherent in running a business so men dominate business ownership even though many women start a business. The low level of female entrepreneurship, based on several studies, identified by culture which limits their movement. It is because women are identical with housework. Given the lack of discussion on this issue, we’ll evaluate what has been studied theoretically and gained deep insight through literature review. A systematic review of the culture on female’s decision making for entrepreneurship will be undertaken in this study.

This study intends to examine leather craft, an applied art that has not well studied in the context of Catalan Modernisme as well as raise awareness about its use for production and design of Modernista furniture and interior decoration. This handicraft, that had been in decline in the Catalan sphere since the 18th century, reappeared in Barcelona in the last quarter of the 19th century, due to the Modernista movement and the renaissance of medieval crafts. Thus, new workshops were created and their processes were modernized according to industrial progress. We will highlight the Miguel Fargas and Vilaseca Factory, which will manage to industrialize this handricraft, becoming one of the few internationally known manufacturers. We will try to illustrate the history of this office by analyzing this case study, since it reveals an interesting part of the panorama of decorative arts in Modernista Barcelona.

In 1936, Nikolaus Pevsner asserted at the Royal Society of Arts in London that the Weimar Republic had produced two great modern schools of art: Walter Gropius’ Bauhaus and Bruno Paul’s Vereinigte Staatsschulen für freie und angewandte Kunst (Unified State Schools for Fine and Applied Art) in Berlin. Pevsner was outspoken in commending the ‘atmosphere of youth, conquest, thrill’ that pervaded the Bauhaus in emulation of the passionate and revolutionary spirit of its founder. But he was troubled by the shortcomings of its programme. By contrast, Pevsner praised the Vereinigte Staatsschulen for restoring the essential ‘balance between painting and sculpture on the one hand, and handicraft and design on the other’ (Fig. 1). Unlike the Bauhaus, Pevsner concluded, the Vereinigte Staatsschulen ‘represented a success in almost every respect’. Yet, despite its importance to the dissemination of the Modern Movement, the Vereinigte Staatsschulen has been largely forgotten in the English-speaking world, while the Bauhaus has been long been regarded as the epitome of twentieth-century modernism, and, particularly in popular culture, even of the very concept of modernity. Nevertheless the interwoven stories of the Vereinigte Staatsschulen and the Bauhaus, and of their directors, serve to illuminate the complexity of the unwritten history of the Modern Movement.The Vereinigte Staatsschulen and the Bauhaus were, as Pevsner noted, parallel developments. Both emerged from the artistic reform movements that characterized the final years of the German Empire, and which found their culmination in the Deutscher Werkbund. The faculty of Vereinigte Staatsschulen sustained the unbroken history of its progenitor institutions, reflecting a broad and inclusive Modern Movement that echoed the often-contentious composition of the Werkbund itself. The Bauhaus faculty sought, ultimately unsuccessfully, to effect a clear and decisive break from a similar historical context. Notwithstanding its brilliant achievements, the Bauhaus ultimately represents but a single, exclusive branch of the history of the Modern Movement. The Vereinigte Staatsschulen reflects the broader currents that engendered twentieth-century modernism.

Creative endevour of silver in Jagalan Village started since the 16th century and 17th and reached the heyday in 1910 and 1970-1980. But after Monetary Crisis (1998), Bali Bombing (2002) and Earthquake (2006) the number of silversmiths were declining continously, making artisans reluctant to share their skills possessed to future generations. This condition brought up response and strategies of youth in applying the concept of 3T (talent, technology and tolerance) toward the sustainability of creative business of Kotagede silver handicraft in Jagalan Village. This research uses qualitative research method and descriptive analysis. Research findings in this research is youth as the actor to potential and capacity as agent of change, starting from motivation, the process, space to the implementation of through movement conservation and efforts to regenerate silversmiths mapping and quarrying of tourism village’s, make video tourism promotion and marketing couple ring to Hongkong, then hold workshop design for makers, Jagalan Festival and a healthy walking. Secondly, movement conservation as an effort to regeneration in which implemented through the application of 3T concept collaboratively. Talents is pertaining to family background, social environment and youngster’s education; tolerance is openness in interaction toward various parties and technology facility for marketing and publication. Variety of initiatives and the ideas are implemented into 6 ( six ), education by providing the space for discussion, marketing for traditional foods and of silver craft products , publication in order to provide a chance silversmiths in accessing the market, innovation make craftsman having the bargaining power as artisan (expert), maintenance and movement to be preservation of cultural heritage ancestors. One of the output of these efforts is Jagalan Tlisih Kampung.

The research features public records concerning the Social-Democratic organizations of the Far East (Russia), stored in the collection of illegal publications at the Center for Social and Political History, the rare book section. The collection contains archival documents originating from the two largest Social-Democratic groups of the Far East located in Blagoveshchensk and Vladivostok. The records include: various reports, corporate charters, resolutions of party meetings, mandates to elected officials, and small newspapers. Publications issued by the Far Eastern social democratic organizations were mostly leaflets printed on a typewriter or published on a hectograph or mimeograph. Some leaflets were printed in actual print shops of private publishing houses or in handicraft illegal print shops. Most of the documents were previously unstudied. However, they belong to the category of particularly valuable and unique historical documents of cultural, historical and scientific value for the study of the Socio-Political movement of the Russian East. The author believes that the public records stored at the Center for Social and Political History, in combination with other archival data, may cast light on the state of the history of Social-Democratic underground in the Far East, its formation and development.

This study discusses the development of small and medium micro enterprises (MSMEs) in Central Kalimantan with rattan woven craft industries being used as samples to represent other MSME sectors. The purpose of this study is to describe the improvement in the performance and strategy of the MSME group covering various aspects such as job training, capital support, equipment/technology assistance, and access to information and communication. The findings of this study indicate that the development of MSMEs carried out by regional governments in Central Kalimantan has gone in the right direction, with several factors still making improvements possible. Support in the form of training should be conducted regularly and scheduled with the topic of continuous training and productive participants. Aid in the form of equipment requires periodic evaluations, such as a reward-punishment system for business groups that have received various support to ensure the support provided is on target. Another strategy is to form the centre of the MSME industry in the Capital of the Province, to facilitate the access of tourists who just want to visit looking for typical Central Kalimantan souvenirs. The easiest way to do this now is to implement a movement of love for standard Central Kalimantan handicraft products to be displayed in various offices, offices, and government agencies as well as different infrastructure and public facilities.

Outdoor and adventure education is an increasingly popular trend in education in Poland – nowadays it is manifested mainly in practical forms and only in non-formal education. In Western Europe and the USA, with developed research methodology and a long tradition, this trend can be called science. Outdoor and adventure education is a heterogeneous sphere, but it has several elements that are at the heart of the adventure education method. One of its main assumptions is working with a specific “adventure medium” through which the intended goals are achieved. The most popular are outdoor sports and tourism, but more and more often new means are used, for example those derived from the arts. It is manifested mostly in practical activities (which is natural, as this field developed out of practice, and its theoretical and research background was created later). The use of arts is two-dimensional. The first dimension is based on visual arts (handicraft, painting), most often linked to outdoor education, and their main goal is to build relationships with nature. The second, less popular dimension, focuses on the use of body expression (theatre, dance, movement). In Poland, this trend is not yet known, whereas in Western countries there have appeared some articles showing the value of using arts in this area of education. The purpose of this article is to show how arts, and body expression in particular, may be used in outdoor and adventure education activities.

The Caucasian war had a significant impact on both the internal and the external migration situation in Dagestan. First noticeable negative impact made war on internal seasonal movement of highlanders to the plains to exchange goods, livestock and handicrafts, and seasonal movements of the relatively large proportion of the adult male population in search of work to the plains of Dagestan. One of the consequences of the national liberation movement 1820–1850s of the mountaineers of Dagestan there was a mass migration of highlanders who did not want to participate in the Caucasian war in the Caucasus. The most severe effects were villagers caught in the crossfire. Military operations and their accompanying destruction of villages, forced inhabitants to move to other areas, the result of forced migration have changed the boundaries of the settlement of peoples.

The materials of the excavations of Vypovziv Archaeological Complex of the late 9th—10th centuries which existed as one of the military, trade and handicraft points of the Low Desna region are analyzed in the paper. Also the chronology and functions in the region are determinated here. Vypovziv is located on a narrow long cape that «creeps out» for 700 m into the flood plains of the Desna river near the village of Vypovziv, Kozelets district, Chernihiv region. It is placed between Chernihiv and Vyshgorod — on the route of the so-called «Monomakh Road» which connected the capital of Rus — Kyiv with the center of the largest principality on Desna river — Chernihiv. The site consists of a settlement, suburb and hem. The remains of wood and earth fortifications, twice burned during the 10th century, were explored on the site. Foundation pit of pithouse and remains of donjon of the 10th century have been discovered on the site. Open settlement was located to the west of the site. The building of the same period was situated there. The peculiarity of building of Vypovziv settlement is the high concentration of constructions. Dwellings were built one above the other, sometimes in the same foundation pits. The end of the mass building of the site was reasoned by local fire synchronous with the destruction of the fortifications of the settlement which dates back to the middle of the 10th century. It is well traced by remains of burned-out buildings and allows to highlight the simultaneous constructions. Vypovziv archaeological complex was formed in accordance with all Rus tendencies of development of the cities and settlements in the early phase of state formation. They arose at the end of the 9th — beginning of the 10th centuries as a result of active military, political and trade activity of the Rus people. Frequent finds of dishes, decorations, objects of everyday life in the cultural layer of the site and in the objects of the 10th century indicate the probability of the movement of small populations from the right bank of the Dnieper to the Low Desna region. It is possible that part of the population (representatives of the Luka-Raykovetsky culture) was used to settle in such points, possibly as slaves for sale in the markets of the East at the end of 9th — the beginning of 10th century.

The dance house and folk artisans movements have developed into such a youth subculture in the cultural scope of the socialist Hungary, which the Kádárian cultural policy could support only partially, it was rather placed at the borderland between the ‘tolerated’ and ‘banned’ categories. The so-called Nomadic Generation was attached to the developing domestic dissident opposition just as well as to the cross border Hungarian intelligentsia through many threads, which seemed to be undesirable for those in power. This study outlines a general picture on the characteristics of the folklorist-movement of the 1970s and 1980s, thought to be dissident in nature, then it will show through examples of different life courses and case studies how the search for new paths materialized in folk handicrafts, and what impact this era exerted on the folk artisanship in the period after the political transition.

Kandangan Methacraft Gallery is a place used by craftsmen to carry out their craft activities from the processing, marketing, and selling handicrafts of Hulu Sungai Selatan Regency. The purpose of this design is an area that can increase people's interest to come and become a place for those who want to work and develop their potential. This gallery uses a storyboard as a method and sequence of movement as concept programmatic that will provide a space experience to get to know in crafts more deeply. Storyboarding methods will be applied by borrowing the comic system, not the comic form but how a comic works so that it can tell stories.

Abstract Folk art revivals were incubators for modernist movements in painting, sculpture, architecture, applied arts, and performing arts. The upsurge of national sentiment in late Imperial Russia and official economic support of handicraft industries (known as kustar’) promoted the marketing of wood crafts and textiles made at Abramtsevo, Talashkino, and other centers in western Russia and Ukraine. Parallel developments drew upon both folk traditions and patriotic ideals in the central and eastern European countries that had suffered territorial encroachments by Russia, Prussia, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Artists’ groups and art colonies showed special respect for regional landscapes, peasant communities, and local artistic traditions. Their activities reflected nationalist ideologies, as well as practical, economic, and philanthropic concerns. The variety of circumstances and motivations sheds light on the phenomena of art colonies, new valuations of applied art forms, and the enduring importance of education in traditional crafts.

In feudal society, Vietnamese spent the most care on study Confusim to become courting and agriculture production. Trade and handicrafts were considered secondary in the economic thinking of Vietnamese. When capitalism followed France's conquest path into Vietnam, Vietnamese became a community that adapted slowly to change in the economy. Among difficulties of the reforming thinking and economic activities process, the finance sector was considered the most restrictive field of Vietnamese. In 1912, the Association of Mutual Agriculture was born in Cochinchina became the first experiment of Vietnamese in the finance sector. However, due to the limited financial potential, these agricultural associations depend on loans from Indochina Bank. In 1919, with the rising national spirit in the movement to boycott Chinese overseas, the plan to set up a financial association named the Vietnam Bank had appeared but unsuccessful. Eight years later, the first bank of the Vietnamese was established and called by Vietnam bank, reflecting Vietnamese's efforts to build the financial association independent from foreign businessmen. That is the result of combining the economic strength and national spirit rising in the patriotic movement of indigenous elites in the late 1920s.

This paper aims to analyze the characteristics of the Albanian feminist movement during the Monarchy and its impact on improving the social and economic status of the women. in the late 1920s, women's societies operating in different cities were suspended by the Albanian government due to the economic crises, the social and cultural backwardness and mainly because of the efforts to centralize the political power, putting under control the women's organizations, too. The monarchical government supported only the establishment of "Albanian Women" society in Tirana, under the patronage of Queen Mother and headed by Princess Sanie Zogu. It spread its activity among many Albanian cities and in diaspora and published a magazine periodically. The intention of the feminist movement in Albania was the education of girls and women, aimed at raising their cultural level, to overcome the old patriarchal mentality. The "Albanian Women" society contributed to the organization of courses against illiteracy for the emancipation of women which was closely related to the construction of a modern state. Secondly, the women's participation in the economic activity, such as old industries and handicrafts, would improve the female economic conditions and above all her position in family and society. The activity of "Albanian Women" society was helped by the governmental policies to increase the educational level of women, establishing Female Institutes, which played an important role in social progress and economic growth. Also the improvement of the legislation guaranteed women the civil rights, but unfortunately they didn't win the right to vote, as women in the developed countries. However, the Albanian feminist movement, despite the difficulties and its limitations, marked a significant effort concerning the national organization of women dedicated to their empowerment in community.

<p><em>Weaving handicrafts became the motor Minangkabau's economy at the beginning of the 20th. It encouraged the establishment of weaving centers, such as Amai Setia (1911) and Andeh Setia (1912). Amai Setia handicrafts' are still standing strong nowadays, while Andeh Setia is thus no longer known by the people of Sulit Air today. This paper uses the social history approach and exposes the history of the emergence and fall of Andeh Setia as an economic movement in Sulit Air. The establishment of Andeh Setia is inseparable from the role of ninik mamak and women in Sulit Air. Andeh Setia's success was ultimately drowned due to the loss of driving figures, the reduction in women's interest in weaving crafts, and the overflow of merantau. This finding also suggests that the economic independence of the people in Sulit Air, depends heavily on the role of </em>perantau<em>. This situation is thus an obstacle to the realization of economic independence. </em></p><p> </p><p>Kerajinan tenun menjadi penggerak perekonomian di Minangkabau pada awal ke-20. Ini mendorong terbentuknya pusat kerajaninan tenun, seperti Amai Setia (1911) dan Andeh Setia (1912). Kerajinan Amai Setia hingga saat ini masih dapat ditemukan, sedangkan Andeh Setia justeru tidak dikenal lagi oleh masyarakat Sulit Air hari ini. Padahal, pada tahun 1912, kualitas tenun Andeh Setia sangat diminati pasar. Itulah sebabnya, Andeh Setia menjadi penggerak ekonomi perempuan di Sulit Air. Artikel ini juga menemukan bahwa sebab hilangnya Andeh Setia adalah karena kehilangan tokoh penggerak, menurunnya minat kaum perempuan terhadap kerajinan tenun, dan menguatnya arus merantau.</p><p> </p>

The results of a survey of 54 persons with upper limb amputations who anonymously completed a questionnaire on an Internet homepage are presented. The survey ran for four years and the participants were divided into groups of females, males, and children. It was found that the most individuals employ their myoelectric hand prosthesis for 8 hours or more. However, the survey also revealed a high level of dissatisfaction with the weight and the grasping speed of the devices. Activities for which prostheses should be useful were stated to include handicrafts, personal hygiene, using cutlery, operation of electronic and domestic devices, and dressing/undressing. Moreover, additional functions, e.g., a force feedback system, independent movements of the thumb, the index finger, and the wrist, and a better glove material are priorities that were identified by the users as being important improvements the users would like to see in myoelectric prostheses.

The central government often puts the village as an object, so the utilization of ICT programs only reached district or subdistrict area. Therefore the emergence of movement from villages that use internet, become a lesson that the initiative can be done from the bottom (village). The research was conducted through a case study by performing interviews and observations in Panjalu Village, Subdistrict Panjalu, Distric of Ciamis. Interview guidance is used to find out the condition of the village before and after the utilization of ICT. The result showed that Panjalu Village has held ICT training to the village employees and cadres. The utilization of ICT related to the business sector is quite complete and informative. The available website is used by the village government to promote agricultural, tourist sites, and handicrafts from SME (Small Medium Enterprises). In terms of e-government solution, the utilization of ICT largely are in the information stage, and a little bit are still in the interaction stage. The utilization of ICT in Panjalu Village is used to distribute or disseminate the information regarding the development activities.

Human physical movement space has increasingly limited the effects of the Covid-19 pandemic online businesses are increasingly mushrooming in the community. Nowadays, it is getting familiar term e-commerce which stands for electronic commerce, which means trading electronically. With this e-commerce many many berhingga-bagi existing, it can not be dipupong that e-commerce provides a good enough for angkatanni. Growing e-commerce is also inseparable from the name of the marketplace. One type of business that began to have many marketplaces is Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs). Lialang village, located in Taktakan-Kota Serang Subdistrict, has many MSME umkm actors engaged in production, handicrafts, and many other productions. Which method is the way of community activities is training and mentoring that berkurun. This activity is the community in Keluarahan Lialang, especially UMKM actors subdistrict a lot of information and education about e-commerce and know various types of marketplaces, benefits and which ones become dilim online through the marketplace as well. In addition, this activity can be a business of MSMEs for their products broader existing marketplace and innovate and change in its more advanced and growing business

The article examines the place and role of museum institutions in the legal, cultural activities of representatives of the Ukrainian national movement of the Russian Empire in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The author considers that in the absence of Ukrainian state and Russian imperial policy, which denied the existence of a separate Ukrainian people, the official, authorized institutions enabled the representatives of the Ukrainian creative intelligentsia a legitimate way to spread the idea of ​​a "Ukrainian project" of nation-building. The author agrees that in promoting this project, Ukrainophiles actively used "invention of traditions" (by Eric Hobsbaum) - cultural practices of a ritual or symbolic nature that were intended to express community belonging and impart specific values ​​and behaviours. In particular: life, traditional Ukrainian clothing, a celebration of anniversaries of outstanding events or anniversaries significant for the Ukrainian movement of personalities, as well as the conscious application of Ukrainian architectural modernity (Ukrainian style) in the architecture and development of Ukrainian professional theatre. Museums as sources of information about the past of Ukrainians also fit into these practices. They were accessible to the general public and had great potential to influence the society of that time. Museum exhibitions provided ample opportunities to represent Ukrainian history and culture, and by their explicit or hidden intention, their founders had the potential to become Ukrainian national. The attempt to implement such museum projects is described in the article on the example of the activity of the Kyiv Art, Industrial and Scientific Museum and the Museum of Ukrainian Antiquities V.V. Tarnovsky at the Chernihiv Provincial Zemstvo. Analyzing both the permanent exhibitions and the exhibitions held (the First South Russian Exhibition of Handicrafts in 1906, the exhibition dedicated to the fiftieth anniversary of the death of Taras Shevchenko in 1911), the author proves that there were literally "hiding places" behind the facade of the imperial museums. National ones that could well serve to shape Ukrainian identity.

Abstract This article analyzes the Neo-Russian style in children’s book illustrations in Russia and compares it to analogous artistic developments in England, revealing a similar evolutionary path to that of other national variants of Art Nouveau. The initial aesthetic impulse for this evolution came from the promotion of crafts and medieval handicrafts by “enlightened amateurs.” The history of children’s books, with its patently playful nature, aestheticization of primitives, and free play with quotations from the history of art, is an important episode in the history of Russian and English Art Nouveau. Starting with a consideration of the new attitude towards the “theme of childhood” as such, and a new focus on the child’s perception of the world, this article reveals why the children’s book, long treated as a marginal genre, became a fertile and universal field for artistic experimentation at the turn of the twentieth century. It then focuses on Elena Polenova’s concept of children’s book illustrations, which reflected both her enthusiasm for the British Arts and Crafts movement, and, in particular, the work of Walter Crane, and her profound knowledge of Russian crafts and folklore. The last part of the article deals with the artistic experiments of Ivan Bilibin and the similarities of his book designs to those of Walter Crane.

The international studio glass movement, which emerged in the 1960s and became an important phenomenon in the recent history of decorative arts, today faces new challenges of today. The movement of studio glass has led to the emergence of a new concept in contemporary art - fine glass, which in recent decades has formed new artistic values. Despite the global nature of the spread of the studio movement, the common vector of the development of art glass in the direction of liberation from industrial dependence poses new requirements and challenges to glass artists, designers, national schools. The desire for imagery and ideology prevails in modern glass. National schools have a clear identity and are distinguished by their own individuality. The International Scientific and Practical Conference-presentation of the creativity of world-famous glass artists “World Studio Glass. Tradition and Experiment” was held within the frames of the XI International Blown Glass Symposium in Lviv. Every three years the artists meet in Lviv, demonstrate their skills on the workshop basis of the only Glass Art Department in Ukraine and tell the public about their experience. Creative meetings took place in the Gallery of Lviv National Academy of Art during the period from October 7 to October 10, 2019. The project was implemented with the support of the Ukrainian Cultural Fund. In the reports, delivered during four days of the Conference, the current issues of the contemporary glass art development and professional education, the formation of creative workshops and artistic groups, the roles of festivals, symposiums in the glass art development, the use of new techniques and technologies in postindustrial eraб, were discussed. Generally, the speakers analysed a wide range of problems and phenomena of the studio glass, shared their own observations and considerable researches of individual technological processes. The participants in the Conference touched in their reports on the important issues of culture dialogue, the development of contemporary studio movement, the impact of the latest technologies on traditional methods of processing. Much attention was paid to the discussion of the main tendencies of glass art development. The speakers concentrated on acute challenges of modernity, which glass artists are faced with, and which are, at the same time, universal for all representatives of contemporary decorative art. The range of works is very wide: from small handicrafts to landscape glass, sculptures, performance, installations and so on. The contemporary glass is utilitarian, duplicated works and original author’s projects. This is a constant balancing between the tradition and new experiments, between the genres and kinds of art.

<p>This Research reveals the role of the Community Cup Kamisan.<br />A community that started its operations from discussions talk think<br />(cups) in the core of the house of the host. Anxiety the pegiatnya<br />consisting of academics, activists, journalists, citizen, teachers,<br />businessmen, were enterprising, and various creative community<br />city. Kamisan Cup community is attempting to revive the role of the<br />various entities in the City Metro Lampung with spirit to build the<br />collective intellectual property. Lampung province which is known<br />with various ethnic conflict, through collective intellectual movement<br />is starting to realize the importance of building togetherness. Borrowed<br />the term Arnold J. Toynbe namely build «creative minority” namely Cups<br />Kamisan community efforts to build the city with the empowerment of<br />various community entities.<br />Kamisan Cup community is a multicultural community who<br />are also trying to develop a creative economy. Consists of various<br />backgrounds from academics, Student activists, journalists, creative<br />citizens, religious leaders unite the idea of building a social movement.<br />Many changes occur from build Citizen journalism portal pojoksamber.<br />com, House Together, research institution Sai Wawai Institute,<br />publication of indie Sai Wawai Publishing, and establish Waste Bank<br />Green cups. In addition many movements of other creative economy<br />that is done by this community. E.g. with began to build the other<br />creative economy documentary, music, and handicrafts.<br />Intellectual Property and the community experienced a<br />because it is based on the logic of politics and keilmuwan at the time<br />of the formation of the term intellectual property. “intellectuals” born<br />from social classes who do claim against the injustice done by the state.<br />The state since the formation, have special characters in the form of<br />domination. In the second phase of the state that is free, that domination<br />continues to the community. In this case, researchers intend to explore<br />the role of the Community Cup Kamisan answer the challenge in<br />building the structure of the output of the community and are able<br />to progress and work for the community. The collective intellectual<br />discourse interesting to examined as part of the responsibility of<br />universities build changes through the way intellectualism naturally<br />dissipate namely knowledge. The meaning of this research is to<br />examine more in the role of the Community Cup Kamisan in building<br />the creative economy in the City of Metro Lampunng</p>

The ArgumentFranz Borkenau's book, The Transition from Feudal to Modern Thought (Der Übergang vom feudalen zum bürgerlichen Weltbild [literally: The Transition from the Feudal to the Bourgeois World-Picture]), serves as background for Grossmann's study. The objective of this book was to trace the sociological origins of the mechanistic categories of modern thought as developed in the philosophy of Descartes and his successors. In the beginning of the seventeenth century, according to Borkenau, mechanistic thinking triumphed over medieval philosophy which emphasized qualitative, not quantitative considerations. This transition from medieval and feudal methods of thought to modern principles is the general theme of Borkenau's book, and is traced to the social changes of this time. According to this work, the essential economic change that marked the transition from medieval to modern times was the destruction of the handicraft system and the organization of labor under one roof and under one management. The roots of the change in thought are to be sought here. With the dismemberment of the handicraft system and the division of labor into relatively unskilled, uniform, and therefore comparable activities, the conception of abstract homogeneous social labor arises. The division of the labor process into simple repeated movements permits a comparison of hours of labor. Calculation with such abstract social unities, according to Borkenau, was the source from which modern mechanistic thinking in general derived its origin.Grossmann, although he considers Borkenau's work a valuable and important contribution, does not believe that the author has achieved his purpose. First of all, he contends that the period that Borkenau describes as the period of the triumph of modern thought over medieval should not be placed at the beginning of the seventeenth century, but in the Renaissance, and that not Descartes and Hobbes but Leonardo da Vinci was the initiator of modern thought. Leonardo's theories, evolved from a study of machines, were the source of the mechanistic categories that culminated in modern thought.If Borkenau's conception as to the historical origin of these categories is incorrect in regard to time, Grossmann claims it follows that it is incorrect also in regard to the social sources to which it is ascribed. In the beginning, the factory system did not involve a division of labor into comparable homogeneous processes, but in general only united skilled handicraftsmen under one roof. The development of machinery, not the calculation with abstract hours of labor, is the immediate source of modern scientific mechanics. This goes back to the Renaissance and has relatively little to do with the original factory system that was finally superseded by the Industrial Revolution.While Borkenau, in tracing the social background of the thought of the period, relies chiefly on the conflicts and strife of political parties, Grossmann regards this as one element only in the formation of the general social situation, which in its entirety and in the interaction of its elements explains the development of modern thought.

The article is devoted to determining the role of women in the traditional Ossetian society. A full-fledged study of many urgent problems of science is impossible without taking into account the gender aspects of various branches of social humanitarian knowledge. The subordinate position of a woman in the family was determined by time, dogmatic customs, and traditions indisputable for her. The transformation of gender consciousness in Ossetia was accompanied by changes in the family and gender norms of the society. New research tasks enable to consider the transformation of gender stereotypes in various ethnocultural environments in diachrony, comparing not only differences due to a particular culture, but also the degree of their changeability over time, the significance of social, political and other factors affecting this process. The historical gender and division of labor is a cultural solution to the problem of combining technology with the vital needs of the society as a self-organizing system. Representatives of the socio-political thought in Ossetia advocated the development of professional female education, girls education was no longer restricted to useful handicrafts, thus providing the expansion of the female sociocultural space. The development of women's educational institutions and their growing popularity were largely the result of the post-reform modernization of the Ossetian society. The real dynamics of social development led to intensive integration and stimulated educational processes, including the expansion of the female school network. An important factor in the development of female education was the attitude of the Ossetian society to it. In Ossetia the striving for education became a nationwide movement in which all the sectors of the society participated. The values ​​of education, including women's education, became essential part of the public consciousness of the Ossetians. In particular, the article analyzes the contribution of the first Ossetian woman-playwright Rosa Kochisova and the first Ossetian ballerina Aurora Gazdanova to the development of gender transformations in Ossetia in the XIXth and early XXth centuries.

The instability of the social and economic development of post-Soviet Russia and the serious social costs of the reform course of its leadership have put forward among the priorities of Russian sociology the study of adaptation of various social groups to these reforms. Taking into account the duration of the formation of adaptation practices and their consolidation in the mass consciousness at the level of behavioral codes, this problem requires consideration on the historical material of Soviet and pre-Soviet Russia. This circumstance, as well as the lack of study of these subjects on the example of workers of the mining Urals at the turn of XIXth – XXth centuries due to the choice of research topics. All strategies of adaptation of the Ural workers considered in the article were divided into active and passive models of adaptation. The first includes various attempts to improve the production activities of their enterprises, including the introduction of working control over them, Handicrafts and secondary employment in agricultural work. The main manifestations of the passive version of social and economic adaptation were the appeal of the Ural workers to the past, the desire to preserve the various elements of the binding relationship and paternalistic attitudes of mass consciousness. In real life, the most widespread were mixed forms of adaptation behavior of workers in the Urals. Among the main adaptive factors, the influence of the features of the mining system, the psychology of local workers and the socio-cultural mechanism of «archaization of consciousness» are singled out. The latter two, in turn, made it difficult to modernize the mining industry of the region. Due to the lack of the necessary database to assess the level of efficiency of the adaptation process of the Ural workers to solve this problem, we use the criterion of its confrontational, equilibrium or harmonious nature. Taking into account the insufficiency of unambiguously active forms of adaptation and the mass character of Patriarchal and paternalistic practices, the conflict nature of land relations, the high level of the strike movement, including factory terror, we can talk about the predominance of the first option and therefore consider the socio-economic adaptation of the workers of the mining Urals to be of little success.

Tourism refers to movement of one place to another place. its generates more revenue to Government. Tourism develops other associated industries like Hotel industry, transport, handicraft and travel agent. Tourism in India is the largest service and one of the most profitable industries in the country. Kodaikanal is one of the very popular and most sought holiday destination hill resorts in South India. The economy of Kodaikanal is predominantly run by tourism. The number of tourists increased year by year. Service providers who are related to tourism services are also increases. They provide lot of services to their customers and try to satisfy them. Hence, it has created an initiative to the researcher to study service quality of the tourism services.

Abstract In the aftermath of the Nanjing Massacre, one way in which Wang Jingwei's Reorganized National Government sought to impose social order was to implement a corporatist labour strategy. Inspired by European fascist theory and building on the pre-war Nationalist-Government labour legislation, corporatism sought to prevent union autonomy, stifle class-based sentiment, and undermine the pursuit of class interests whether on the part of capitalists or of workers. It aimed to ensure government control and loyalty to the state, and promote production. An analysis of approximately 50 records of labour–capital disputes mediated by the Shehui yundong zhidao weiyuanhui (Social Movement Guidance Committee) during the early 1940s suggests that the Wang regime carved out a sphere autonomous from Japanese oversight and exerted state control over commercial associations and artisans employed in the handicraft sector. Even so, worker actions show that workers did not trust corporatism to provide social unity. Contrary to much of the Chinese historiography on occupied Nanjing that emphasizes either social repression or resistance, one finds that state authorities in most cases granted trade unions’ economic demands for higher wages. The state provided workers with a modicum of agency while pressuring commercial associations to accept worker demands. In response to inflation and to preserve their breadwinner status, male artisans actively participated in the arbitration process. Workers’ agency did not reflect an endorsement of Wang Jingwei's regime or of corporatism. It was a tacit form of consent as a means of survival.

Abstract The term kriya, which refers to the art utilizing the materials of crafts Like basket weaving, pottery, etc., can be discussed not only in the context of past art works (referring particularly, in this case, to the classical or traditional works of this art) but also in the context of those that look new and different from the ones from the past. For that reason, this reference to time - past and present - is the point of departure in this article. A reference to time contains a historic aspect. What is meant in this writing is none other than the movement based on the intention of creating art works which are new in character but using as their sources the traditional arts of Indonesia. This is the movement that has eventually given birth to or revived the aforementioned term for the art concerned here, has at the same time distinguished present from past works of this art, and has as simultaneously distinguished those works of art from mere handicrafts. Key Word: kriya

The traditional inhabitants of the Amazon settled on the banks of the several rivers and streams that cut through the forest, and from there they take their daily livelihood through hunting, fishing and handicrafts made from the materials found around them. The actions of protection, preservation, care and conservation are imperative to guarantee the survival of the place. Especially when disruptive events affect the local balance, such as the effects of climate change or the economic and health crises, such as the COVID pandemic19. By restricting the movement of people to avoid contagion and the spread of the disease, it also restricted the spectrum of daily activities for a good portion of the population, which caused disruption in the system. Based on semi-open interview techniques and direct observation of economic entrepreneurs, the São João do Lago do Tupé riverside community, located in the Tupé Development Reserve, Manaus, Amazonas, the study aims to analyze the perception of the vulnerability of these enterprises in the market, finance, organization and cooperation dimensions and assess the state of resilience in the face of the adverse conditions that may reach them.

IntroductionWhat can we learn about anomaly from the strangeness of a puppet, a lifeless object, that can both bleed and die? How does the filming process of a puppet’s death engage across media and produce a new media genre that is not easily classified within traditional conventions? Why do these fighting and bleeding puppets’ scenes consistently attract audiences? This study examines how Pili puppetry (1984-present), a popular TV series depicting martial arts-based narratives and fight sequences, interacts with digital technologies and constructs a new media genre. The transmedia constitution of a virtual world not only challenges the stereotype of puppetry’s target audience but also expands the audience’s bodily imagination and desires through the visual component of death scenes. Hence, the show does not merely represent or signify an anomaly, but even creates anomalous desires and imaginary bodies.Cultural commodification and advancing technologies have motivated the convergence and displacement of traditional boundaries, genres, and media, changing the very fabric of textuality itself. By exploring how new media affect the audience’s visual reception of fighting and death, this article sheds light on understanding the metamorphoses of Taiwanese puppetry and articulates a theoretical argument regarding the show’s artistic practice to explain how its form transverses traditional boundaries. This critical exploration focusses on how the form represents bleeding puppets, and in doing so, explicates the politics of transmedia performing and viewing. Pili is an example of an anomalous media form that proliferates anomalous media viewing experiences and desires in turn.Beyond a Media Genre: Taiwanese Pili PuppetryConverging the craft technique of puppeteering and digital technology of filmmaking and animation, Pili puppetry creates a new media genre that exceeds any conventional idea of a puppet show or digital puppet, as it is something in-between. Glove puppetry is a popular traditional theatre in Taiwan, often known as “theatre in the palm” because a traditional puppet was roughly the same size as an adult’s palm. The size enabled the puppeteer to easily manipulate a puppet in one hand and be close to the audience. Traditionally, puppet shows occurred to celebrate the local deities’ birthday. Despite its popularity, the form was limited by available technology. For instance, although stories with vigorous battles were particularly popular, bleeding scenes in such an auspicious occasion were inappropriate and rare. As a live theatrical event featuring immediate interaction between the performer and the spectator, realistic bleeding scenes were rare because it is hard to immediately clean the stage during the performance. Distinct from the traditional puppet show, digital puppetry features semi-animated puppets in a virtual world. Digital puppetry is not a new concept by any means in the Western film industry. Animating a 3D puppet is closely associated with motion capture technologies and animation that are manipulated in a digitalised virtual setting (Ferguson). Commonly, the target audience of the Western digital puppetry is children, so educators sometimes use digital puppetry as a pedagogical tool (Potter; Wohlwend). With these young target audience in mind, the producers often avoid violent and bleeding scenes.Pili puppetry differs from digital puppetry in several ways. For instance, instead of targeting a young audience, Pili puppetry consistently extends the traditional martial-arts performance to include bloody fight sequences that enrich the expressiveness of traditional puppetry as a performing art. Moreover, Pili puppetry does not apply the motion capture technologies to manipulate the puppet’s movement, thus retaining the puppeteers’ puppeteering craft (clips of Pili puppetry can be seen on Pili’s official YouTube page). Hence, Pili is a unique hybrid form, creating its own anomalous space in puppetry. Among over a thousand characters across the series, the realistic “human-like” puppet is one of Pili’s most popular selling points. The new media considerably intervene in the puppet design, as close-up shots and high-resolution images can accurately project details of a puppet’s face and body movements on the screen. Consequently, Pili’s puppet modelling becomes increasingly intricate and attractive and arguably makes its virtual figures more epic yet also more “human” (Chen). Figure 1: Su Huan-Jen in the TV series Pili Killing Blade (1993). His facial expressions were relatively flat and rigid then. Reproduced with permission of Pili International Multimedia Company.Figure 2: Su Huan-Jen in the TV series Pili Nine Thrones (2003). The puppet’s facial design and costume became more delicate and complex. Reproduced with permission of Pili International Multimedia Company.Figure 3: Su Huan-Jen in the TV series Pili Fantasy: War of Dragons (2019). His facial lines softened due to more precise design technologies. The new lightweight chiffon yarn costumes made him look more elegant. The multiple-layer costumes also created more space for puppeteers to hide behind the puppet and enact more complicated manipulations. Reproduced with permission of Pili International Multimedia Company.The design of the most well-known Pili swordsman, Su Huan-Jen, demonstrates how the Pili puppet modelling became more refined and intricate in the past 20 years. In 1993, the standard design was a TV puppet with the size and body proportion slightly enlarged from the traditional puppet. Su Huan-Jen’s costumes were made from heavy fabrics, and his facial expressions were relatively flat and rigid (fig. 1). Pili produced its first puppetry film Legend of the Sacred Stone in 2000; considering the visual quality of a big screen, Pili refined the puppet design including replacing wooden eyeballs and plastic hair with real hair and glass eyeballs (Chen). The filmmaking experience inspired Pili to dramatically improve the facial design for all puppets. In 2003, Su’s modelling in Pili Nine Thrones (TV series) became noticeably much more delicate. The puppet’s size was considerably enlarged by almost three times, so a puppeteer had to use two hands to manipulate a puppet. The complex costumes and props made more space for puppeteers to hide behind the puppet and enrich the performance of the fighting movements (fig. 2). In 2019, Su’s new modelling further included new layers of lightweight fabrics, and his makeup and props became more delicate and complex (fig. 3). Such a refined aesthetic design also lends to Pili’s novelty among puppetry performances.Through the transformation of Pili in the context of puppetry history, we see how the handicraft-like puppet itself gradually commercialised into an artistic object that the audience would yearn to collect and project their bodily imagination. Anthropologist Teri Silvio notices that, for some fans, Pili puppets are similar to worship icons through which they project their affection and imaginary identity (Silvio, “Pop Culture Icons”). Intermediating with the new media, the change in the refined puppet design also comes from the audience’s expectations. Pili’s senior puppet designer Fan Shih-Ching mentioned that Pili fans are very involved, so their preferences affect the design of puppets. The complexity, particularly the layer of costumes, most clearly differentiates the aesthetics of traditional and Pili puppets. Due to the “idolisation” of some famous Pili characters, Shih-Ching has had to design more and more gaudy costumes. Each resurgence of a well-known Pili swordsman, such as Su Huan-Jen, Yi Ye Shu, and Ye Hsiao-Chai, means he has to remodel the puppet.Pili fans represent their infatuation for puppet characters through cosplay (literally “costume play”), which is when fans dress up and pretend to be a Pili character. Their cosplay, in particular, reflects the bodily practice of imaginary identity. Silvio observes that most cosplayers choose to dress as characters that are the most visually appealing rather than characters that best suit their body type. They even avoid moving too “naturally” and mainly move from pose-to-pose, similar to the frame-to-frame techne of animation. Thus, we can understand this “cosplay more as reanimating the character using the body as a kind of puppet rather than as an embodied performance of some aspect of self-identity” (Silvio 2019, 167). Hence, Pili fans’ cosplay is indicative of an anomalous desire to become the puppet-like human, which helps them transcend their social roles in their everyday life. It turns out that not only fans’ preference drives the (re)modelling of puppets but also fans attempt to model themselves in the image of their beloved puppets. The reversible dialectic between fan-star and flesh-object further provokes an “anomaly” in terms of the relationship between the viewers and the puppets. Precisely because fans have such an intimate relationship with Pili, it is important to consider how the series’ content and form configure fans’ viewing experience.Filming Bleeding PuppetsDespite its intricate aesthetics, Pili is still a series with frequent fighting-to-the-death scenes, which creates, and is the result of, extraordinary transmedia production and viewing experiences. Due to the market demand of producing episodes around 500 minutes long every month, Pili constantly creates new characters to maintain the audience’s attention and retain its novelty. So far, Pili has released thousands of characters. To ensure that new characters supersede the old ones, numerous old characters have to die within the plot.The adoption of new media allows the fighting scenes in Pili to render as more delicate, rather than consisting of loud, intense action movements. Instead, the leading swordsmen’s death inevitably takes place in a pathetic and romantic setting and consummates with a bloody sacrifice. Fighting scenes in early Pili puppetry created in the late 1980s were still based on puppets’ body movements, as the knowledge and technology of animation were still nascent and underdeveloped. At that time, the prestigious swordsman mainly relied on the fast speed of brandishing his sword. Since the early 1990s, as animation technology matured, it has become very common to see Pili use CGI animation to create a damaging sword beam for puppets to kill target enemies far away. The sword beam can fly much faster than the puppets can move, so almost every fighting scene employs CGI to visualise both sword beams and flame. The change in fighting manners provokes different representations of the bleeding and death scenes. Open wounds replace puncture wounds caused by a traditional weapon; bleeding scenes become typical, and a special feature in Pili’s transmedia puppetry.In addition to CGI animation, the use of fake blood in the Pili studio makes the performance even more realistic. Pili puppet master Ting Chen-Ching recalled that exploded puppets in traditional puppetry were commonly made by styrofoam blocks. The white styrofoam chips that sprayed everywhere after the explosion inevitably made the performance seem less realistic. By contrast, in the Pili studio, the scene of a puppet spurting blood after the explosion usually applies the technology of editing several shots. The typical procedure would be a short take that captures a puppet being injured. In its injury location, puppeteers sprinkle red confetti to represent scattered blood clots in the following shot. Sometimes the fake blood was splashed with the red confetti to make it further three-dimensional (Ting). Bloody scenes can also be filmed through multiple layers of arranged performance conducted at the same time by a group of puppeteers. Ting describes the practice of filming a bleeding puppet. Usually, some puppeteers sprinkle fake blood in front of the camera, while other puppeteers blasted the puppets toward various directions behind the blood to make the visual effects match. If the puppeteers need to show how a puppet becomes injured and vomits blood during the fight, they can install tiny pipes in the puppet in advance. During the filming, the puppeteer slowly squeezes the pipe to make the fake blood flow out from the puppet’s mouth. Such a bloody scene sometimes accompanies tears dropping from the puppet’s eyes. In some cases, the puppeteer drops the blood on the puppet’s mouth prior to the filming and then uses a powerful electric fan to blow the blood drops (Ting). Such techniques direct the blood to flow laterally against the wind, which makes the puppet’s death more aesthetically tragic. Because it is not a live performance, the puppeteer can try repeatedly until the camera captures the most ideal blood drop pattern and bleeding speed. Puppeteers have to adjust the camera distance for different bleeding scenes, which creates new modes of viewing, sensing, and representing virtual life and death. One of the most representative examples of Pili’s bleeding scenes is when Su’s best friend, Ching Yang-Zi, fights with alien devils in Legend of the Sacred Stone. (The clip of how Ching Yang-Zi fights and bleeds to death can be seen on YouTube.) Ting described how Pili prepared three different puppets of Ching for the non-fighting, fighting, and bleeding scenes (Ting). The main fighting scene starts from a low-angle medium shot that shows how Ching Yang-Zi got injured and began bleeding from the corner of his mouth. Then, a sharp weapon flies across the screen; the following close-up shows that the weapon hits Ching and he begins bleeding immediately. The successive shots move back and forth between his face and the wound in medium shot and close-up. Next, a close-up shows him stepping back with blood dripping on the ground. He then pushes the weapon out of his body to defend enemies; a final close-up follows a medium take and a long take shows the massive hemorrhage. The eruption of fluid plasma creates a natural effect that is difficult to achieve, even with 3D animation. Beyond this impressive technicality, the exceptional production and design emphasise how Pili fully embraces the ethos of transmedia: to play with multiple media forms and thereby create a new form. In the case of Pili, its form is interactive, transcending the boundaries of what we might consider the “living” and the “dead”.Epilogue: Viewing Bleeding Puppets on the ScreenThe simulated, high-quality, realistic-looking puppet designs accompanying the Pili’s featured bloody fighting sequence draw another question: What is the effect of watching human-like puppets die? What does this do to viewer-fans? Violence is prevalent throughout the historical record of human behaviour, especially in art and entertainment because these serve as outlets to fulfill a basic human need to indulge in “taboo fantasies” and escape into “realms of forbidden experience” (Schechter). When discussing the visual representations of violence and the spectacle of the sufferings of others, Susan Sontag notes, “if we consider what emotions would be desirable” (102), viewing the pain of others may not simply evoke sympathy. She argues that “[no] moral charge attaches to the representation of these cruelties. Just the provocation: can you look at this? There is the satisfaction of being able to look at the image without flinching. There is the pleasure of flinching” (41). For viewers, the boldness of watching the bloody scenes can be very inviting. Watching human-like puppets die in the action scenes similarly validates the viewer’s need for pleasure and entertainment. Although different from a human body, the puppets still bears the materiality of being-object. Therefore, watching the puppets bleeding and die as distinctly “human-like’ puppets further prevent viewers’ from feeling guilty or morally involved. The conceptual distance of being aware of the puppet’s materiality acts as a moral buffer; audiences are intimately involved through the particular aesthetic arrangement, yet morally detached. The transmedia filming of puppetry adds another layer of mediation over the human-like “living” puppets that allows such a particular experience. Sontag notices that the media generates an inevitable distance between object and subject, between witness and victim. For Sontag, although images constitute “the imaginary proximity” because it makes the “faraway sufferers” be “seen close-up on the television screen”, it is a mystification to assume that images serve as a direct link between sufferers and viewers. Rather, Sontag insists: the distance makes the viewers feel “we are not accomplices to what caused the suffering. Our sympathy proclaims our innocence as well as our impotence” (102). Echoing Sontag’s argument, Jeffrey Goldstein points out that “distancing” oneself from the mayhem represented in media makes it tolerable. Media creates an “almost real” visuality of violence, so the audience feels relatively safe in their surroundings when exposed to threatening images. Thus, “violent imagery must carry cues to its unreality or it loses appeal” (280). Pili puppets that are human-like, thus not human, more easily enable the audience to seek sensational excitement through viewing puppets’ bloody violence and eventual death on the screen and still feel emotionally secure. Due to the distance granted by the medium, viewers gain a sense of power by excitedly viewing the violence with an accompanying sense of moral exemption. Thus, viewers can easily excuse the limits of their personal responsibility while still being captivated by Pili’s boundary-transgressing aesthetic.The anomalous power of Pili fans’ cosplay differentiates the viewing experience of puppets’ deaths from that of other violent entertainment productions. Cosplayers physically bridge viewing/acting and life/death by dressing up as the puppet characters, bringing them to life, as flesh. Cosplay allows fans to compensate for the helplessness they experience when watching the puppets’ deaths on the screen. They can both “enjoy” the innocent pleasure of watching bleeding puppets and bring their adored dead idols “back to life” through cosplay. The onscreen violence and death thus provide an additional layer of pleasure for such cosplayers. They not only take pleasure in watching the puppets—which are an idealized version of their bodily imagination—die, but also feel empowered to revitalise their loved idols. Therefore, Pili cosplayers’ desires incite a cycle of life, pleasure, and death, in which the company responds to their consumers’ demands in kind. The intertwining of social, economic, and political factors thus collectively thrives upon media violence as entertainment. Pili creates the potential for new cross-media genre configurations that transcend the traditional/digital puppetry binary. On the one hand, the design of swordsman puppets become a simulation of a “living object” responding to the camera distance. On the other hand, the fighting and death scenes heavily rely on the puppeteers’ cooperation with animation and editing. Therefore, Pili puppetry enriches existing discourse on both puppetry and animation as life-giving processes. What is animated by Pili puppetry is not simply the swordsmen characters themselves, but new potentials for media genres and violent entertainment. AcknowledgmentMy hearty gratitude to Amy Gaeta for sharing her insights with me on the early stage of this study.ReferencesChen, Jasmine Yu-Hsing. “Transmuting Tradition: The Transformation of Taiwanese Glove Puppetry in Pili Productions.” Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia 51 (2019): 26-46.Ferguson, Jeffrey. “Lessons from Digital Puppetry: Updating a Design Framework for a Perceptual User Interface.” IEEE International Conference on Computer and Information Technology, 2015.Goldstein, Jeffrey. “The Attractions of Violent Entertainment.” Media Psychology 1.3 (1999): 271-282.Potter, Anna. “Funding Contemporary Children’s Television: How Digital Convergence Encourages Retro Reboot.” International Journal on Communications Management 19.2 (2017): 108-112.Schechter, Harold. Savage Pastimes: A Cultural History of Violent Entertainment. New York: St. Martin’s, 2005.Silvio, Teri. “Pop Culture Icons: Religious Inflections of the Character Toy in Taiwan.” Mechademia 3.1 (2010): 200-220.———. Puppets, Gods, and Brands: Theorizing the Age of Animation from Taiwan. Honolulu: U Hawaii P, 2019. Sontag, Susan. Regarding the Pain of Others. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2004.Ting, Chen-Ching. Interview by the author. Yunlin, Taiwan. 24 June 2019.Wohlwend, Karen E. “One Screen, Many Fingers: Young Children's Collaborative Literacy Play with Digital Puppetry Apps and Touchscreen Technologies.” Theory into Practice 54.2 (2015): 154-162.

IntroductionSydney’s Garden Palace was a magnificent building with a grandeur that dominated the skyline, stretching from the site of the current State Library of New South Wales to the building that now houses the Sydney Conservatorium of Music. The Palace captivated society from its opening in 1879. This article outlines the building of one of Sydney’s early structural icons and how, despite being destroyed by fire after three short years in 1882, it had an enormous impact on the burgeoning colonial community of New South Wales, thus building a physical structure, pride and a suite of memories.Design and ConstructionIn February 1878, the Colonial Secretary’s Office announced that “it is intended to hold under the supervision of the Agricultural Society of New South Wales an international Exhibition in Sydney in August 1879” (Official Record ix). By December the same year it had become clear that the Agricultural Society lacked the resources to complete the project and control passed to the state government. Colonial Architect James Barnet was directed to prepare “plans for a building suitable for an international exhibition, proposed to be built in the Inner Domain” (Official Record xx). Within three days he had submitted a set of drawings for approval. From this point on there was a great sense of urgency to complete the building in less than 10 months for the exhibition opening the following September.The successful contractor was John Young, a highly experienced building contractor who had worked on the Crystal Palace for the 1851 London International Exhibition and locally on the General Post Office and Exhibition Building at Prince Alfred Park (Kent 6). Young was confident, procuring electric lights from London so that work could be carried out 24 hours a day, to ensure that the building was delivered on time. The structure was built, as detailed in the Colonial Record (1881), using over 1 million metres of timber, 2.5 million bricks and 220 tonnes of galvanised corrugated iron. Remarkably the building was designed as a temporary structure to house the Exhibition. At the end of the Exhibition the building was not dismantled as originally planned and was instead repurposed for government office space and served to house, among other things, records and objects of historical significance. Ultimately the provisional building materials used for the Garden Palace were more suited to a temporary structure, in contrast with those used for the more permanent structures built at the same time which are still standing today.The building was an architectural and engineering wonder set in a cathedral-like cruciform design, showcasing a stained-glass skylight in the largest dome in the southern hemisphere (64 metres high and 30 metres in diameter). The total floor space of the exhibition building was three and half hectares, and the area occupied by the Garden Palace and related buildings—including the Fine Arts Gallery, Agricultural Hall, Machinery Hall and 10 restaurants and places of refreshment—was an astounding 14 hectares (Official Record xxxvi). To put the scale of the Garden Palace into contemporary perspective it was approximately twice the size of the Queen Victoria Building that stands on Sydney’s George Street today.Several innovative features set the building apart from other Sydney structures of the day. The rainwater downpipes were enclosed in hollow columns of pine along the aisles, ventilation was provided through the floors and louvered windows (Official Record xxi) while a Whittier’s Steam Elevator enabled visitors to ascend the north tower and take in the harbour views (“Among the Machinery” 70-71). The building dominated the Sydney skyline, serving as a visual anchor point that welcomed visitors arriving in the city by boat:one of the first objects that met our view as, after 12 o’clock, we proceeded up Port Jackson, was the shell of the Exhibition Building which is so rapidly rising on the Domain, and which next September, is to dazzle the eyes of the world with its splendours. (“A ‘Bohemian’s’ Holiday Notes” 2)The DomeThe dome of the Garden Palace was directly above the intersection of the nave and transept and rested on a drum, approximately 30 metres in diameter. The drum featured 36 oval windows which flooded the space below with light. The dome was made of wood covered with corrugated galvanised iron featuring 12 large lattice ribs and 24 smaller ribs bound together with purlins of wood strengthened with iron. At the top of the dome was a lantern and stained glass skylight designed by Messrs. Lyon and Cottier. It was light blue, powdered with golden stars with wooden ribs in red, buff and gold (Notes 6). The painting and decorating of the dome commenced just one month before the exhibition was due to open. The dome was the sixth largest dome in the world at the time. During construction, contractor Mr Young allowed visitors be lifted in a cage to view the building’s progress.During the construction of the Lantern which surmounts the Dome of the Exhibition, visitors have been permitted, through the courtesy of Mr. Young, to ascend in the cage conveying materials for work. This cage is lifted by a single cable, which was constructed specially of picked Manilla hemp, for hoisting into position the heavy timbers used in the construction. The sensation whilst ascending is a most novel one, and must resemble that experienced in ballooning. To see the building sinking slowly beneath you as you successively reach the levels of the galleries, and the roofs of the transept and aisles is an experience never to be forgotten, and it seems a pity that no provision can be made for visitors, on paying a small fee, going up to the dome. (“View from the Lantern of the Dome Exhibition” 8)The ExhibitionInternational Exhibitions presented the opportunity for countries to express their national identities and demonstrate their economic and technological achievements. They allowed countries to showcase the very best examples of contemporary art, handicrafts and the latest technologies particularly in manufacturing (Pont and Proudfoot 231).The Sydney International Exhibition was the ninth International Exhibition and the colony’s first, and was responsible for bringing the world to Sydney at a time when the colony was prosperous and full of potential. The Exhibition—opening on 17 September 1879 and closing on 20 April 1880—had an enormous impact on the community, it boosted the economy and was the catalyst for improving the city’s infrastructure. It was a great source of civic pride.Image 1: The International Exhibition Sydney, 1879-1880, supplement to the Illustrated Sydney News Jan. 1880. Image credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW (call no.: DL X8/3)This bird’s eye view of the Garden Palace shows how impressive the main structure was and how much of the Gardens and Domain were occupied by ancillary buildings for the Exhibition. Based on an original drawing by John Thomas Richardson, chief engraver at the Illustrated Sydney News, this lithograph features a key identifying buildings including the Art Gallery, Machinery Hall, and Agricultural Hall. Pens and sheds for livestock can also be seen. The parade ground was used throughout the Exhibition for displays of animals. The first notable display was the International Show of Sheep featuring Australian, French and English sheep; not surprisingly the shearing demonstrations proved to be particularly popular with the community.Approximately 34 countries and their colonies participated in the Exhibition, displaying the very best examples of technology, industry and art laid out in densely packed courts (Barnet n.p.). There were approximately 14,000 exhibits (Official Record c) which included displays of Bohemian glass, tapestries, fine porcelain, fabrics, pyramids of gold, metals, minerals, wood carvings, watches, ethnographic specimens, and heavy machinery. Image 2: “Meet Me under the Dome.” Illustrated Sydney News 1 Nov. 1879: 4. Official records cite that between 19,853 and 24,000 visitors attended the Exhibition on the opening day of 17 September 1879, and over 1.1 million people visited during its seven months of operation. Sizeable numbers considering the population of the colony, at the time, was just over 700,000 (New South Wales Census).The Exhibition helped to create a sense of place and community and was a popular destination for visitors. On crowded days the base of the dome became a favourite meeting place for visitors, so much so that “meet me under the dome” became a common expression in Sydney during the Exhibition (Official Record lxxxiii).Attendance was steady and continuous throughout the course of the Exhibition and, despite exceeding the predicted cost by almost four times, the Exhibition was deemed a resounding success. The Executive Commissioner Mr P.A. Jennings remarked at the closing ceremony:this great undertaking […] marks perhaps the most important epoch that has occurred in our history. In holding this exhibition we have entered into a new arena and a race of progress among the nations of the earth, and have placed ourselves in kindly competition with the most ancient States of the old and new world. (Official Record ciii)Initially the cost of admission was set at 5 shillings and later dropped to 1 shilling. Season tickets for the Exhibition were also available for £3 3s which entitled the holder to unlimited entry during all hours of general admission. Throughout the Exhibition, season ticket holders accounted for 76,278 admissions. The Exhibition boosted the economy and encouraged authorities to improve the city’s services and facilities which helped to build a sense of community as well as pride in the achievement of such a fantastic structure. A steam-powered tramway was installed to transport exhibition-goers around the city, after the Exhibition, the tramway network was expanded and by 1905–1906 the trams were converted to electric traction (Freestone 32).After the exhibition closed, the imposing Garden Palace building was used as office space and storage for various government departments.An Icon DestroyedIn the early hours of 22 September 1882 tragedy struck when the Palace was engulfed by fire (“Destruction of the Garden Palace” 7). The building – and all its contents – destroyed.Image 3: Burning of the Garden Palace from Eaglesfield, Darlinghurst, sketched at 5.55am, Sep 22/82. Image credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW (call no.: SSV/137) Many accounts and illustrations of the Garden Palace fire can be found in contemporary newspapers and artworks. A rudimentary drawing by an unknown artist held by the State Library of New South Wales appears to have been created as the Palace was burning. The precise time and location is recorded on the painting, suggesting it was painted from Eaglesfield, a school on Darlinghurst Road. It purveys a sense of immediacy giving some insight into the chaos and heat of the tragedy. A French artist living in Sydney, Lucien Henry, was among those who attempted to capture the fire. His assistant, G.H. Aurousseau, described the event in the Technical Gazette in 1912:Mister Henry went out onto the balcony and watched until the Great Dome toppled in; it was then early morning; he went back to his studio procured a canvas, sat down and painted the whole scene in a most realistic manner, showing the fig trees in the Domain, the flames rising through the towers, the dome falling in and the reflected light of the flames all around. (Technical Gazette 33-35)The painting Henry produced is not the watercolour held by the State Library of New South Wales, however it is interesting to see how people were moved to document the destruction of such an iconic building in the city’s history.What Was Destroyed?The NSW Legislative Assembly debate of 26 September 1882, together with newspapers of the day, documented what was lost in the fire. The Garden Palace housed the foundation collection of the Technological and Sanitary Museum (the precursor to the Powerhouse Museum, now the Museum of Applied Arts and Sciences), due to open on 1 December 1882. This collection included significant ethnological specimens such as Australian Indigenous artefacts, many of which were acquired from the Sydney International Exhibition. The Art Society of New South Wales had hung 300 paintings in preparation for their annual art exhibition due to open on 2 October of that year, all of these paintings consumed by fire.The Records of the Crown Lands Occupation Office were lost along with the 1881 Census (though the summary survived). Numerous railway surveys were lost, as were: £7,000 worth of statues, between 20,000 and 30,000 plants and the holdings of the Linnean Society offices and museum housed on the ground floor. The Eastern Suburbs Brass Band performed the day before at the opening of the Eastern Suburbs Horticultural Society Flower show; all the instruments were stored in the Garden Palace and were destroyed. Several Government Departments also lost significant records, including the: Fisheries Office; Mining Department; Harbour and Rivers Department; and, as mentioned, the Census Department.The fire was so ferocious that the windows in the terraces along Macquarie Street cracked with the heat and sheets of corrugated iron were blown as far away as Elizabeth Bay. How Did The Fire Start?No one knows how the fire started on that fateful September morning, and despite an official enquiry no explanation was ever delivered. One theory blamed the wealthy residents of Macquarie Street, disgruntled at losing their harbour views. Another was that it was burnt to destroy records stored in the basement of the building that contained embarrassing details about the convict heritage of many distinguished families. Margaret Lyon, daughter of the Garden Palace decorator John Lyon, wrote in her diary:a gentleman who says a boy told him when he was putting out the domain lights, that he saw a man jump out of the window and immediately after observed smoke, they are advertising for the boy […]. Everyone seems to agree on his point that it has been done on purpose – Today a safe has been found with diamonds, sapphires and emeralds, there were also some papers in it but they were considerably charred. The statue of her majesty or at least what remains of it, for it is completely ruined – the census papers were also ruined, they were ready almost to be sent to the printers, the work of 30 men for 14 months. Valuable government documents, railway and other plans all gone. (MLMSS 1381/Box 1/Item 2) There are many eyewitness accounts of the fire that day. From nightwatchman Mr Frederick Kirchen and his replacement Mr John McKnight, to an emotional description by 14-year-old student Ethel Pockley. Although there were conflicting accounts as to where the fire may have started, it seems likely that the fire started in the basement with flames rising around the statue of Queen Victoria, situated directly under the dome. The coroner did not make a conclusive finding on the cause of the fire but was scathing of the lack of diligence by the authorities in housing such important items in a building that was not well-secured a was a potential fire hazard.Building a ReputationA number of safes were known to have been in the building storing valuables and records. One such safe, a fireproof safe manufactured by Milner and Son of Liverpool, was in the southern corner of the building near the southern tower. The contents of this safe were unscathed in contrast with the contents of other safes, the contents of which were destroyed. The Milner safe was a little discoloured and blistered on the outside but otherwise intact. “The contents included three ledgers, or journals, a few memoranda and a plan of the exhibition”—the glue was slightly melted—the plan was a little discoloured and a few loose papers were a little charred but overall the contents were “sound and unhurt”—what better advertising could one ask for! (“The Garden Palace Fire” 5).barrangal dyara (skin and bones): Rebuilding CommunityThe positive developments for Sydney and the colony that stemmed from the building and its exhibition, such as public transport and community spirit, grew and took new forms. Yet, in the years since 1882 the memory of the Garden Palace and its disaster faded from the consciousness of the Sydney community. The great loss felt by Indigenous communities went unresolved.Image 4: barrangal dyara (skin and bones). Image credit: Sarah Morley.In September 2016 artist Jonathan Jones presented barrangal dyara (skin and bones), a large scale sculptural installation on the site of the Garden Palace Building in Sydney’s Royal Botanic Garden. The installation was Jones’s response to the immense loss felt throughout Australia with the destruction of countless Aboriginal objects in the fire. The installation featured thousands of bleached white shields made of gypsum that were laid out to show the footprint of the Garden Palace and represent the rubble left after the fire.Based on four typical designs from Aboriginal nations of the south-east, these shields not only raise the chalky bones of the building, but speak to the thousands of shields that would have had cultural presence in this landscape over generations. (Pike 33)ConclusionSydney’s Garden Palace was a stunning addition to the skyline of colonial Sydney. A massive undertaking, the Palace opened, to great acclaim, in 1879 and its effect on the community of Sydney and indeed the colony of New South Wales was sizeable. There were brief discussions, just after the fire, about rebuilding this great structure in a more permanent fashion for the centenary Exhibition in 1888 (“[From Our Own Correspondents] New South Wales” 5). Ultimately, it was decided that this achievement of the colony of New South Wales would be recorded in history, gifting a legacy of national pride and positivity on the one hand, but on the other an example of the destructive colonial impact on Indigenous communities. For many Sydney-siders today this history is as obscured as the original foundations of the physical building. What we build—iconic structures, civic pride, a sense of community—require maintenance and remembering. References“Among the Machinery.” The Sydney Mail and New South Wales Advertiser 10 Jan. 1880: 70-71.Aurousseau, G.H. “Lucien Henry: First Lecturer in Art at the Sydney Technical College.” Technical Gazette 2.III (1912): 33-35.Barnet, James. International Exhibition, Sydney, 1880: References to the Plans Showing the Space and Position Occupied by the Various Exhibits in the Garden Palace. Sydney: Colonial Architect’s Office, 1880.“A ‘Bohemian’s’ Holiday Notes.” The Singleton Argus and Upper Hunter General Advocate 23 Apr. 1879: 2.Census Department. New South Wales Census. 1881. 3 Mar. 2017 <http://hccda.ada.edu.au/pages/NSW-1881-census-02_vi>. “Destruction of the Garden Palace.” Sydney Morning Herald 23 Sep. 1882: 7.Freestone, Robert. “Space Society and Urban Reform.” Colonial City, Global City, Sydney’s International Exhibition 1879. Eds. Peter Proudfoot, Roslyn Maguire, and Robert Freestone. Darlinghurst, NSW: Crossing P, 2000. 15-33.“[From Our Own Correspondents] New South Wales.” The Age (Melbourne, Vic.) 30 Sep. 1882: 5.“The Garden Palace Fire.” Sydney Morning Herald 25 Sep. 1882: 5.Illustrated Sydney News and New South Wales Agriculturalist and Grazier 1 Nov. 1879: 4.“International Exhibition.” Australian Town and Country Journal 15 Feb. 1879: 11.Kent, H.C. “Reminiscences of Building Methods in the Seventies under John Young. Lecture.” Architecture: An Australian Magazine of Architecture and the Arts Nov. (1924): 5-13.Lyon, Margaret. Unpublished Manuscript Diary. MLMSS 1381/Box 1/Item 2.New South Wales, Legislative Assembly. Debates 22 Sep. 1882: 542-56.Notes on the Sydney International Exhibition of 1879. Melbourne: Government Printer, 1881.Official Record of the Sydney International Exhibition 1879. Sydney: Government Printer, 1881.Pike, Emma. “barrangal dyara (skin and bones).” Jonathan Jones: barrangal dyara (skin and bones). Eds. Ross Gibson, Jonathan Jones, and Genevieve O’Callaghan. Balmain: Kaldor Public Arts Project, 2016.Pont, Graham, and Peter Proudfoot. “The Technological Movement and the Garden Palace.” Colonial City, Global City, Sydney’s International Exhibition 1879. Eds. Peter Proudfoot, Roslyn Maguire, and Robert Freestone. Darlinghurst, NSW: Crossing Press, 2000. 239-249.“View from the Lantern of the Dome of the Exhibition.” Illustrated Sydney News and New South Wales Agriculturalist and Grazier 9 Aug. 1879: 8.

Conurbation [f. CON- + L. urb- and urbs city + -ation] An aggregation of urban areas. (OED) Beyond the urban, further and lower even than the suburban, lies the con-urban. The conurban: with the urban, partaking of the urbane, lying against but also perhaps pushing against or being contra the urban. Conurbations stretch littorally from Australian cities, along coastlines to other cities, joining cities through the passage of previously outlying rural areas. Joining the dots between cities, towns, and villages. Providing corridors between the city and what lies outside. The conurban is an accretion, an aggregation, a piling up, or superfluity of the city: Greater London, for instance. It is the urban plus, filling the gaps between cities, as Los Angeles oozing urbanity does for the dry, desert areas abutting it (Davis 1990; Soja 1996). I wish to propose that the conurban imaginary is a different space from its suburban counterpart. The suburban has provided a binary opposition to what is not the city, what lies beneath its feet, outside its ken. Yet it is also what is greater than the urban, what exceeds it. In modernism, the city and its denizens define themselves outside what is arrayed around the centre, ringing it in concentric circles. In stark relief to the modernist lines of the skyscraper, contrasting with the central business district, central art galleries and museums, is to be found the masses in the suburbs. The suburban as a maligned yet enabling trope of modernism has been long revalued, in the art of Howard Arkeley, and in photography of suburban Gothic. It comes as no surprise to read a favourable newspaper article on the Liverpool Regional Art Gallery, in Sydney's Western Suburbs, with its exhibition on local chicken empires, Liverpool sheds, or gay and lesbians living on the city fringe. Nor to hear in the third way posturing of Australian Labor Party parliamentarian Mark Latham, the suburbs rhetorically wielded, like a Victa lawn mover, to cut down to size his chardonnay-set inner-city policy adversaries. The politics of suburbia subtends urban revisionism, reformism, revanchism, and recidivism. Yet there is another less exhausted, and perhaps exhaustible, way of playing the urban, of studying the metropolis, of punning on the city's proper name: the con-urban. World cities, as Saskia Sassen has taught us, have peculiar features: the juxtaposition of high finance and high technology alongside subaltern, feminized, informal economy (Sassen 1998). The Australian city proudly declared to be a world city is, of course, Sydney while a long way from the world's largest city by population, it is believed to be the largest in area. A recent newspaper article on Brisbane's real estate boom, drew comparisons with Sydney only to dismiss them, according to one quoted commentator, because as a world city, Sydney was sui generis in Australia, fairly requiring comparison with other world cities. One form of conurbanity, I would suggest, is the desire of other settled areas to be with the world city. Consider in this regard, the fate of Byron Bay a fate which lies very much in the balance. Byron Bay is sign that circulates in the field of the conurban. Craig MacGregor has claimed Byron as the first real urban culture outside an Australian city (MacGregor 1995). Local residents hope to keep the alternative cultural feel of Byron, but to provide it with a more buoyant economic outlook. The traditional pastoral, fishing, and whaling industries are well displaced by niche handicrafts, niche arts and craft, niche food and vegetables, a flourishing mind, body and spirit industry, and a booming film industry. Creative arts and cultural industries are blurring into creative industries. The Byron Bay area at the opening of the twenty-first century is attracting many people fugitive from the city who wish not to drop out exactly; rather to be contra wishes rather to be gently contrary marked as distinct from the city, enjoying a wonderful lifestyle, but able to persist with the civilizing values of an urban culture. The contemporary figure of Byron Bay, if such a hybrid chimera may be represented, wishes for a conurbanity. Citizens relocate from Melbourne, Canberra, and Sydney, seeking an alternative country and coastal lifestyle and, if at all possible, a city job (though without stress) (on internal migration in Australia see Kijas 2002): Hippies and hip rub shoulders as a sleepy town awakes (Still Wild About Byron, (Sydney Morning Herald, 1 January 2002). Forerunners of Byron's conurbanity leave, while others take their place: A sprawling $6.5 million Byron Bay mansion could be the ultimate piece of memorabilia for a wealthy fan of larrikin Australian actor Paul Hogan (Hoges to sell up at Byron Bay, Illawarra Mercury, 14 February 2002). The ABC series Seachange is one key text of conurbanity: Laura Gibson has something of a city job she can ply the tools of her trade as a magistrate while living in an idyllic rural location, a nice spot for a theme park of contemporary Australian manners and nostalgia for community (on Sea Change see Murphy 2002). Conurban designates a desire to have it both ways: cityscape and pastoral mode. Worth noting is that the Byron Shire has its own independent, vibrant media public sphere, as symbolized by the Byron Shire Echo founded in 1986, one of the great newspapers outside a capital city (Martin & Ellis 2002): <http://www.echo.net.au>. Yet the textual repository in city-based media of such exilic narratives is the supplement to the Saturday broadsheet papers. A case in point is journalist Ruth Ostrow, who lives in hills in the Byron Shire, and provides a weekly column in the Saturday Australian newspaper, its style gently evocative of just one degree of separation from a self-parody of New Age mores: Having permanently relocated to the hills behind Byron Bay from Sydney, it's interesting for me to watch friends who come up here on holiday over Christmas… (Ostrow 2002). The Sydney Morning Herald regards Byron Bay as another one of its Northern beaches, conceptually somewhere between Palm Beach and Pearl Beach, or should one say Pearl Bay. The Herald's fascination for Byron Bay real estate is coeval with its obsession with Sydney's rising prices: Byron Bay's hefty price tags haven't deterred beach-lovin' boomers (East Enders, Sydney Morning Herald 17 January 2002). The Australian is not immune from this either, evidence 'Boom Times in Byron', special advertising report, Weekend Australia, Saturday 2 March 2002. And plaudits from The Financial Review confirm it: Prices for seafront spots in the enclave on the NSW north coast are red hot (Smart Property, The Financial Review, 19 January 2002). Wacky North Coast customs are regularly covered by capital city press, the region functioning as a metonym for drugs. This is so with Nimbin especially, with regular coverage of the Nimbin Mardi Grass: Mardi Grass 2001, Nimbin's famous cannabis festival, began, as they say, in high spirits in perfect autumn weather on Saturday (Oh, how they danced a high old time was had by all at the Dope Pickers' Ball, Sydney Morning Herald, 7 May 2001). See too coverage of protests over sniffer dogs in Byron Bay in Easter 2001 showed (Peatling 2001). Byron's agony over its identity attracts wider audiences, as with its quest to differentiate itself from the ordinariness of Ballina as a typical Aussie seaside town (Buttrose 2000). There are national metropolitan audiences for Byron stories, readers who are familiar with the Shire's places and habits: Lismore-reared Emma Tom's 2002 piece on the politics of perving at King's beach north of Byron occasioned quite some debate from readers arguing the toss over whether wanking on the beach was perverse or par for the course: Public masturbation is a funny old thing. On one hand, it's ace that some blokes feel sexually liberated enough to slap the salami any old time… (Tom 2002). Brisbane, of course, has its own designs upon Byron, from across the state border. Brisbane has perhaps the best-known conurbation: its northern reaches bleed into the Sunshine Coast, while its southern ones salute the skyscrapers of Australia's fourth largest city, the Gold Coast (on Gold Coast and hinterland see Griffin 2002). And then the conburbating continues unabated, as settlement stretches across the state divide to the Tweed Coast, with its mimicking of Sanctuary Cove, down to the coastal towns of Ocean Shores, Brunswick Heads, Byron, and through to Ballina. Here another type of infrastructure is key: the road. Once the road has massively overcome the topography of rainforest and mountain, there will be freeway conditions from Byron to Brisbane, accelerating conurbanity. The caf is often the short-hand signifier of the urban, but in Byron Bay, it is film that gives the urban flavour. Byron Bay has its own International Film Festival (held in the near-by boutique town of Bangalow, itself conurban with Byron.), and a new triple screen complex in Byron: Up north, film buffs Geraldine Hilton and Pete Castaldi have been busy. Last month, the pair announced a joint venture with Dendy to build a three-screen cinema in the heart of Byron Bay, scheduled to open mid-2002. Meanwhile, Hilton and Castaldi have been busy organising the second Byron All Screen Celebration Film Festival (BASC), after last year's inaugural event drew 4000 visitors to more than 50 sessions, seminars and workshops. Set in Bangalow (10 minutes from Byron by car, less if you astral travel)… (Cape Crusaders, Sydney Morning Herald, 15 February 2002). The film industry is growing steadily, and claims to be the largest concentration of film-makers outside of an Australian capital city (Henkel 2000 & 2002). With its intimate relationship with the modern city, film in its Byron incarnation from high art to short video, from IMAX to multimedia may be seen as the harbinger of the conurban. If the case of Byron has something further to tell us about the transformation of the urban, we might consider the twenty-first century links between digital communications networks and conurbanity. It might be proposed that telecommunications networks make it very difficult to tell where the city starts and ends; as they interactively disperse information and entertainment formerly associated with the cultural institutions of the metropolis (though this digitization of urbanity is more complex than hyping the virtual suggest; see Graham & Marvin 1996). The bureau comes not just to the 'burbs, but to the backblocks as government offices are closed in country towns, to be replaced by online access. The cinema is distributed across computer networks, with video-on-demand soon to become a reality. Film as a cultural form in the process of being reconceived with broadband culture (Jacka 2001). Global movements of music flow as media through the North Coast, with dance music culture and the doof (Gibson 2002). Culture and identity becomes content for the information age (Castells 1996-1998; Cunningham & Hartley 2001; OECD 1998; Trotter 2001). On e-mail, no-one knows, as the conceit of internet theory goes, where you work or live; the proverbial refashioning of subjectivity by the internet affords a conurbanity all of its own, a city of bits wherever one resides (Mitchell 1995). To render the digital conurban possible, Byron dreams of broadband. In one of those bizarre yet recurring twists of Australian media policy, large Australian cities are replete with broadband infrastructure, even if by 2002 city-dwellers are not rushing to take up the services. Telstra's Foxtel and Optus's Optus Vision raced each other down streets of large Australian cities in the mid-1990s to lay fibre-coaxial cable to provide fast data (broadband) capacity. Cable modems and quick downloading of video, graphics, and large files have been a reality for some years. Now the Asymmetrical Digital Subscriber Line (ADSL) technology is allowing people in densely populated areas close to their telephone exchanges to also avail themselves of broadband Australia. In rural Australia, broadband has not been delivered to most areas, much to the frustration of the conurbanites. Byron Bay holds an important place in the history of the internet in Australia, because it was there that one of Australia's earliest and most important internet service providers, Pegasus Network, was established in the late 1980s. Yet Pegasus relocated to Brisbane in 1993, because of poor quality telecommunications networks (Peters 1998). As we rethink the urban in the shadow of modernity, we can no longer ignore or recuse ourselves from reflecting upon its para-urban modes. As we deconstruct the urban, showing how the formerly pejorative margins actually define the centre the suburban for instance being more citified than the grand arcades, plazas, piazzas, or malls; we may find that it is the conurban that provides the cultural imaginary for the urban of the present century. Work remains to be done on the specific modalities of the conurban. The conurban has distinct temporal and spatial coordinates: citizens of Sydney fled to Manly earlier in the twentieth century, as they do to Byron at the beginning of the twenty-first. With its resistance to the transnational commercialization and mass culture that Club Med, McDonalds, and tall buildings represent, and with its strict environment planning regulation which produce a litigious reaction (and an editorial rebuke from the Sydney Morning Herald [SMH 2002]), Byron recuperates the counter-cultural as counterpoint to the Gold Coast. Subtle differences may be discerned too between Byron and, say, Nimbin and Maleny (in Queensland), with the two latter communities promoting self-sufficient hippy community infused by new agricultural classes still connected to the city, but pushing the boundaries of conurbanity by more forceful rejection of the urban. Through such mapping we may discover the endless attenuation of the urban in front and beyond our very eyes; the virtual replication and invocation of the urban around the circuits of contemporary communications networks; the refiguring of the urban in popular and elite culture, along littoral lines of flight, further domesticating the country; the road movies of twenty-first century freeways; the perpetuation and worsening of inequality and democracy (Stilwell 1992) through the action of the conurban. Cities without bounds: is the conurban one of the faces of the postmetropolis (Soja 2000), the urban without end, with no possibility for or need of closure? My thinking on Byron Bay, and the Rainbow Region in which it is situated, has been shaped by a number of people with whom I had many conversations during my four years living there in 1998-2001. My friends in the School of Humanities, Media, and Cultural Studies, Southern Cross University, Lismore, provided focus for theorizing our ex-centric place, of whom I owe particular debts of gratitude to Baden Offord (Offord 2002), who commented upon this piece, and Helen Wilson (Wilson 2002). Thanks also to an anonymous referee for helpful comments. References Buttrose, L. (2000). Betray Byron at Your Peril. Sydney Morning Herald 7 September 2000. Castells, M. (1996-98). The Information Age. 3 vols. Blackwell, Oxford. Cunningham, S., & Hartley, J. (2001). Creative Industries from Blue Poles to Fat Pipes. Address to the National Humanities and Social Sciences Summit, National Museum of Canberra. July 2001. Davis, M. (1990). City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles. Verso, London. Gibson, C. (2002). Migration, Music and Social Relations on the NSW Far North Coast. Transformations, no. 2. <http://www.ahs.cqu.edu.au/transformation...>. Graham, S., and Marvin, S. (1996). Telecommunications and the City: Electronic Spaces, Urban Places. Routledge, London & New York. Griffin, Graham. (2002). Where Green Turns to Gold: Strip Cultivation and the Gold Coast Hinterland. Transformations, no. 2. <http://www.ahs.cqu.edu.au/transformation...> Henkel, C. (2002). Development of Audiovisual Industries in the Northern Rivers Region of NSW. Master thesis. Queensland University of Technology. . (2000). Imagining the Future: Strategies for the Development of 'Creative Industries' in the Northern Rivers Region of NSW. Northern Rivers Regional Development Board in association with the Northern Rivers Area Consultative Committee, Lismore, NSW. Jacka, M. (2001). Broadband Media in Australia Tales from the Frontier, Australian Film Commission, Sydney. Kijas, J. (2002). A place at the coast: Internal migration and the shift to the coastal-countryside. Transformations, no. 2. <http://www.ahs.cqu.edu.au/transformation...>. MacGregor, Craig. (1995). The Feral Signifier and the North Coast. In The Abundant Culture: Meaning And Significance in Everyday Australia, ed. Donald Horne & Jill Hooten. Allen and Unwin, Sydney. Martin, F., & Ellis, R. (2002). Dropping in, not out: the evolution of the alternative press in Byron Shire 1970-2001. Transformations, no. 2. <http://www.ahs.cqu.edu.au/transformation...>. Mitchell, W.J. (1995). City of Bits: Space, Place, and the Infobahn. MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass. Molnar, Helen. (1998). 'National Convergence or Localism?: Rural and Remote Communications.' Media International Australia 88: 5-9. Moyal, A. (1984). Clear Across Australia: A History of Telecommunications. Thomas Nelson, Melbourne. Murphy, P. (2002). Sea Change: Re-Inventing Rural and Regional Australia. Transformations, no. 2. <http://www.ahs.cqu.edu.au/transformation...>. Offord, B. (2002). Mapping the Rainbow Region: Fields of belonging and sites of confluence. Transformations, no. 2. <http://www.ahs.cqu.edu.au/transformation...>. Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). (1998). Content as a New Growth Industry: Working Party for the Information Economy. OECD, Paris. Ostrow, R. (2002). Joyous Days, Childish Ways. The Australian, 9 February. Peatling, S. (2001). Keep Off Our Grass: Byron stirs the pot over sniffer dogs. Sydney Morning Herald. 16 April. <http://www.smh.com.au/news/0104/14/natio...> Peters, I. (1998). Ian Peter's History of the Internet. Lecture at Southern Cross University, Lismore. CD-ROM. Produced by Christina Spurgeon. Faculty of Creative Industries, Queensland University of Technology, Brisbane. Productivity Commission. (2000). Broadcasting Inquiry: Final Report, Melbourne, Productivity Commission. Sassen, S. (1998). Globalisation and its Contents: Essays on the New Mobility of People and Money. New Press, New York. Soja, E. (2000). Postmetropolis: critical studies of cities and regions. Blackwell, Oxford. . (1996). Thirdspace: journeys to Los Angeles and other real-and-imagined places. Blackwell, Cambridge, Mass. Stilwell, F. (1992). Understanding Cities and Regions: Spatial Political Economy. Pluto Press, Sydney. Sydney Morning Herald (SMH). (2002). Byron Should Fix its own Money Mess. Editorial. 5 April. Tom, E. (2002). Flashing a Problem at Hand. The Weekend Australian, Saturday 12 January. Trotter, R. (2001). Regions, Regionalism and Cultural Development. Culture in Australia: Policies, Publics and Programs. Ed. Tony Bennett and David Carter. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 334-355. Wilson, H., ed. (2002). Fleeing the City. Special Issue of Transformations journal, no. 2. < http://www.ahs.cqu.edu.au/transformation...>. Links http://www.echo.net.au http://www.smh.com.au/news/0104/14/national/national3.html http://www.ahs.cqu.edu.au/transformations/journal/issue2/issue.htm Citation reference for this article MLA Style Goggin, Gerard. "Conurban" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.2 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/conurban.php>. Chicago Style Goggin, Gerard, "Conurban" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 2 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/conurban.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Goggin, Gerard. (2002) Conurban. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(2). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/conurban.php> ([your date of access]).