Academic literature on the topic 'Harmodius and Aristogeiton'

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Journal articles on the topic "Harmodius and Aristogeiton"

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MCGLEW, J. "FIGHTING TYRANNY IN FIFTH-CENTURY ATHENS: DEMOCRATIC CITIZENSHIP AND THE OATH OF DEMOPHANTUS." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 55, no. 2 (2012): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2012.00044.x.

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Abstract By way of explaining why he turned to the Athenian tyrannicides while narrating the Affair of the Mysteries in 415, Thucydides asserts at 6.60.1 that the Athenian demos, ‘remembering all that they knew from report’ about their civic heroes, became ‘unmanageable and suspicious of those blamed for the affair’. Should historians believe him? Perhaps not. This paper discusses the oath of Demophantus, which the Athenians collectively recited after restoring democracy in 410/09 (And. 1.97–98) and which gives prominent place to Harmodius and Aristogeiton. The tyrannicides support the oath's
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MEYER, ELIZABETH A. "THUCYDIDES ON HARMODIUS AND ARISTOGEITON, TYRANNY, AND HISTORY." Classical Quarterly 58, no. 1 (2008): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838808000025.

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Chatzipanagioti-Sangmeister, Julia. "Αρμόδιος και Αριστογείτων". Gleaner, № 30 (3 січня 2024): 253–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/er.36101.

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Harmodius and Aristogeiton. An Adapted Tyrannicide in the Greek Pre-revolutionary Theater The tragedy Αρμόδιος και Αριστογείτων (Harmodius and Aristogeiton) is the most radical theatrical play performed by Greek amateur actors in Odessa in the years 1814-1820, since its subject is the tyrannicide as a legitimate resistance of citizens to power, when it arbitrarily abolishes natural law. The tragedy, first staged in 1819, was until now considered to be an original work of Georgios Lassanis (1793-1870), but my article proves that in fact it is a theatrical adaptation of a part of the novel Arist
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Spivey, Nigel. "Art and Archaeology." Greece and Rome 65, no. 1 (2018): 124–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383518000050.

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If asked to cite a single image as symbolic of Athenian democracy, many Classicists would probably suggest the Tyrannicides group. It seems the obvious choice. Yet while no one would deny the ideological value given to the statue(s) raised in commemoration of the event, there are some well-known historical reasons for being sceptical about any democratic ideals harboured by Harmodius and Aristogeiton when they assassinated Hipparchus in 514 bc. In that sense, the Tyrannicides group is inappropriate. So what alternatives come to mind? Here is one possibility, which was once visible, like the Ty
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Wohl, Victoria. "The Eros of Alcibiades." Classical Antiquity 18, no. 2 (1999): 349–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011105.

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Alcibiades is one of the most explicitly sexualized figures in fifth-century Athens, a "lover of the people" whom the demos "love and hate and long to possess" (Ar. Frogs 1425). But his eros fits ill with the normative sexuality of the democratic citizen as we usually imagine it. Simultaneously lover and beloved, effeminate and womanizer, Alcibiades is essentially paranomos, lawless or perverse. This paper explores the relation between Alcibiades' paranomia and the norms of Athenian sexuality, and argues that his eros reveals an intrinsic instability within the sexual economy of the democracy:
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Shear, Julia L. "The Tyrannicides, their Cult and the Panathenaia: A Note." Journal of Hellenic Studies 132 (September 14, 2012): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426912000080.

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AbstractThe story of the Athenian Tyrannicides Harmodios and Aristogeiton is well known to modern scholars who agree that the two men were figures of cult. The occasion for these rituals has inspired rather less agreement and the rites have often been connected with the Epitaphia. In this article, I re-examine the ritual setting of the cult. As I argue, evidence not previously brought into these discussions identifies the Panathenaia as the primary occasion for the Tyrannicides' rituals. This connection is further reinforced by other visual imagery (Panathenaic amphorae, sculpture, vase-painti
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Taylor. "THUCYDIDES, THE ATHENIANS, AND HARMODIOS AND ARISTOGEITON." Phoenix 75, no. 3 (2021): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/48771766.

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Taylor, Martha C. "Thucydides, the Athenians, and Harmodios and Aristogeiton." Phoenix 75, no. 3-4 (2021): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2021.0029.

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Carpenter, Thomas H. "THE TYRANNICIDES: A NEW APPROACH TO TEXT AND IMAGE." Greece and Rome 68, no. 2 (2021): 208–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383521000036.

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The bronze statues of the Tyrannicides, Harmodios and Aristogeiton, by the sculptors Kritios and Nesiotes, set up in the Athenian Agora in 477 bc, were well known to Athenians throughout the classical and Hellenistic periods. In Thucydides’ account of the deed of the Tyrannicides, he defines the two as lovers (erastes and eromenos), which has led to the assumption that the depictions are in some way likenesses of the two men. I argue that Thucydides’ account has been the source of a misreading of the sculptures. Rather, the models for the figures are contemporary representations of the Giganto
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Forrest, W. G. "Aristophanes, Lysistrata 231." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 1 (1995): 240–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800041860.

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In his admirable commentary, Jeffrey Henderson notes the significance of posture and of physical setting. He does not remark that the statue of Leaina near to which Lysistrata and Kalonike are standing on the Akropolis was intimately tied to the obscure story of the later years in the Athenian tyranny. With minor variations of detail or colour the story was that Leaina, a hetaira beloved of Harmodios or Aristogeiton, had been tortured by Hippias after the murder of Hipparchos but, brave girl, had preferred to die than say yes, or indeed say anything. She bit out her tongue. The Athenians set u
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Harmodius and Aristogeiton"

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Miller, Sarah H. Baragwanath Emily. "History, myth, and audience in Thucydides Harmodius and Aristogeiton /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2091.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.<br>Title from electronic title page (viewed Feb. 17, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Classics." Discipline: Classics; Department/School: Classics.
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Books on the topic "Harmodius and Aristogeiton"

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Lassanēs, Geōrgios. Ta theatrika: Hellas (Moscha 1820) kai Harmodios kai Aristogeitōn (Odēsso 1819, anekdoto). Theatrikē Vivliothēlē, Hidryma Kōsta kai Helenēs Ouranē, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Harmodius and Aristogeiton"

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"Aristogeiton and Harmodius." In Sex in the Ancient World from A to Z. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203338070-10.

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"CHAPTER ONE. The Allure of Harmodius and Aristogeiton: Public/Private Relations in the Athenian Democratic Imaginary." In Plato's Democratic Entanglements. Princeton University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400823741.21.

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Boedeker, Deborah. "Paths to Heroization at Plataea." In The New Simonides. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195137675.003.0009.

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Abstract In a speech written a century after the event, Isocrates extravagantly suggests of the Athenians who fought in the Persian War: Not only Isocrates’ gods but the Greeks themselves kept alive the memory of those who fought the Persians—and not only by remembering their deeds. Regular offerings and perhaps even a festival suggest that those who fell at Plataea were honored with a kind of “hero cult” already by their contemporaries.2 This is remarkable, since before the Persian War era, contemporary Greek war dead did not collectively receive cultic honors.3 The Athenian tyrannicides Harm
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