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Hufron, Ahmad, and Muhammad Azka Maulana. "Revitalisasi Pendidikan Islam: Tinjauan Pemikiran Hasan Al Banna." Jurnal Basicedu 6, no. 1 (December 12, 2021): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31004/basicedu.v6i1.1898.
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Hasan al Banna merupakan salah seorang tokoh al Banna sebagai Pembaharu Islam Abad ke-20. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengungkapkan pemikiran Hasan al Banna sebagai salah satu tokoh penting dalam pendidikan Islam. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode library research yang bertujuan untuk mendeskriptif keterkaitan pendidikan islam dengan paradigma pendidikan saat ini, sehingga penelitian ini diharapakan mampu menggali khazanah keilmuan tentang pokok-pokok pemikiran Hasan al Banna. Hasil diskursus menjelaskan bahwa Hasan al Banna memandang bahwa pengembangan akal merupakan kebutuhan pokok bagi setiap muslim yang bisa menunjang keberhasilan dan kesuksesan keyakinan. Dengan pengetahuan dan pengembangan potensi akalnya, manusia akan menjadi paham atas sesuatu yang diyakini dan Islam tidak tidak membenarkan penganutnya menjadi muqallid. Oleh sebab ini, Hasan al Banna menempatkan pembentukan akal sebagai prinsip utama pendidikan dengan didasarkan pada pemahaman al Qur’an yang menermpatkan akal atau ilmu lebih dahulu daripada iman dan taat. Dapat disimpulkan bahwa pemikiran Hasan al Banna dalam dunia pendidikan Islam memberikan konsep pendidikan insan kamil yang merujuk manusia paripurna sebagai khalifah di Dunia.
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Musyarif, Musyarif. "HASAN AL-BANNA AL-IKHWAN AL-MUSLIMUN." KURIOSITAS: Media Komunikasi Sosial dan Keagamaan 10, no. 1 (May 24, 2017): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.35905/kur.v10i1.588.
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This article examines the thoughts of Hasan Al Bann, founder of the Ikhwan alMuslimun movement. The method used in examining the results of Al Banna’s thought is the literature review through books or literature related to the object being studied or supporting documents such as journals and related articles. This paper uses text studies using a hermeneutic paradigm to interpret the character of Hasan have thought. The results of the study show that Al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin was formed as a medium of the struggle of Hasan al-Banna with his friends in launching da’wah messages. Hasan al-Banna’s concept and movement is the spirit of jihad secured to all aspects of life on the basis of faith.
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Dewi, Rusmala. "PEMIKIRAN POLITIK HASAN AL-BANNA." Nurani 15, no. 2 (September 17, 2015): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/nurani.v15i2.283.
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<p>Abstract: Hasan al Banna, one of Islamic prominent figures,<br />was born at the end of 20 tahun century. His ideas and<br />movement together with ikhwanul Muslimin had aroused<br />fighting spirit of Islamic society in order not be left behind.<br />Returning to the life inspired by al-quran and as sunnah is the<br />mission of the movement led by Hasan al Banna. Although this<br />Islamic renewal figure had passed away, his thoughts still exist<br />in Islamic society’s life. Therefore, Hasan al-Banna’s thoughts<br />will be discussed in this article especially his political ideas .</p><p><br />ملخص: ولد حسن البنا، واحدة من الشخصیات البارزة الإسلامیة ، في نھایة القرن<br />20 . قد أفكاره و الحركة جنبا إلى جنب مع" الإخوان والمسلمین" أثار الروح القتالیة<br />للمجتمع الإسلامي لكي لا أن تترك وراءھا. وبالعودة إلى الحیاة مستوحاة من آل القرآن<br />و السنة كما ھي مھمة الحركة التي یقودھا حسن البنا. على الرغم من أن ھذا الرقم<br />التجدید الإسلامي قد وافتھ المنیة، أفكاره لا تزال موجودة في الحیاة المجتمع الإسلامي.<br />لذلك، سیتم مناقشة الأفكار حسن البنا في ھذه المقالة خاصة أفكاره السیاسیة</p><p>Kata Kunci: Hasan al-Banna, Islam dan Politik.</p>
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Ginting, Sri Dinanta Beru, Ventari Dionesia Tamba, and Sri Dinanta Beru Ginting. "ANALISIS NILAI-NILAI PENDIDIKAN KARAKTER ANTOLOGI CERITA PENDEK "SAMPAN ZULAIHA" KARYA HASAN AL-BANNA." Jurnal Bahasa Indonesia Prima (BIP) 2, no. 2 (September 23, 2020): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.34012/bip.v2i2.1185.
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ABSTRAK-Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis nilai pendidikan karakter antologi cerpen Sampan Zulaiha karya Hasan Al-Banna, serta relevansi nilai pendidikan karakter antologi cerpen Sampan Zulaiha karya Hasan Al-Banna dengan pembelajaran Bahasa Indonesia. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif yang bersifat deskriptif. Sumber data penelitian ini adalah antologi cerpen Sampan Zulaiha karya Hasan Al-Banna, catatan lapangan hasil wawancara, dan silabus. Teknik cuplikan penelitian ini adalah teknik purposive sampling. Teknik validasi data adalah triangulasi teoretis dan triangulasi sumber. Analisis data penelitian ini meliputi tiga komponen, yaitu 1) reduksi data, 2) penyajian data, dan 3) penarikansimpulan.Simpulan penelitian ini, nilai pendidikan karakternya adalah religius, kerja keras, kreatif, jujur, tanggung jawab, disiplin, mandiri, rasa ingin tahu, menghargai prestasi, cinta tanah air, toleransi, peduli sosial, demokratis, cinta damai, serta bersahabat dan komunikatif. Jumlah nilai pendidikan karakter adalah 84 data. Nilai-nilai tersebut digambarkan dari perlakuan tokoh dan perkataan tokoh. Nilai pendidikan karakter antologi cerpen Sampan Zulaiha karya Hasan Al-Banna memiliki relevansi dengan Pembelajaran Bahasa Indonesia. Kata kunci: nilai pendidikan karakter, Sampan Zulaiha, Hasan Al-Banna
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Hadisaputra, Samian. "Kontektualisasi Pemikiran Dakwah Hasan Al-Banna." Aqlania 8, no. 1 (July 30, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/aqlania.v8i01.1019.
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Hasan Al-Banna merupakan sosok pendakwah yang memiliki jiwa militansi yang agung siap dengan segala resiko dan konsekuensinya dalam menjalankan tugas sucinya. Dengan ketegaran dan ketulusan yang dimilikinya membuat pemikiran dan gerakan dakwanya berkembang pesat keseluruh dunia Islam hingga saat ini , walaupun di tempat kelahirannya gerakan dakwah Hasan al-Banna yang terorganisir melalui Ihkwanul Muslimin dibubarkan di Mesir.
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Al-Asy Ari, M. Khoirul Hadi. "Fiqh Renewal of Gamal Al-Banna and Its Relevance of Fiqh Developments in Indonesia." Millati: Journal of Islamic Studies and Humanities 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2017): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/mlt.v2i2.221-237.
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This research is based on library research which is intended to examine the fiqh renewal of Gamal al-Banna. He is one of Hasan al-Banna’s brothers. In this research, there will be some questions. First, how the fiqh view of Gamal al-Banna is, second, how the social and political biography that surrounds Gamal al-Banna’s life is, and third, how its relevance with the fiqh developments in Indonesia is. This study is using qualitative research method of content analysis and historical approach, in which the content analysis is to read the books and data associated with the idea of Gamal al-Banna, while the historical approach is to read how the scope and biographies in the Gamal al-Banna environment are. The results of this study are first, Gamal al-Banna has fiqh renewal which is more moderate than his brother Hasan Al-Banna, second, the biography of Gamal al-Banna is identified and third, the relevance of Gamal al-Banna’s fiqh renewal to the development of fiqh renewal in Indonesia is found.
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Shafrianto, Abdhillah. "PEMIKIRAN HASAN AL-BANNA DALAM PENDIDIKAN ISLAM." Raudhah Proud To Be Professionals : Jurnal Tarbiyah Islamiyah 4, no. 2 (December 17, 2019): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.48094/raudhah.v4i2.51.
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Pendidikan merupakan pemberian pengetahuan, keterampilan dan kebiasaan oleh pendidik kepada peserta didik melalui pengajaran, pelatihan dan lain sebagainya. Pendidikan dalam Islam merupakan pendidikan amal. Tujuan dari pendidikan Islam adalah terbentuknya kepribadian muslim, kemajuan masayarakat, dan budaya yang tidak menyimpang dari ajaran Islam. Sejarah telah menunjukkan bahwa perkembangan kegiatan pendidikan pada masa Islam terdahulu telah membawa kemajuan ilmu pengetahuan hingga ke masa modern. Akan tetapi saat ini, umat Islam tidak mewarisi semangat ilmiah yang dimiliki para pendahulunya. Akibatnya prestasi yang telah diraih berpindah tangan ke orang-orang barat, karena ternyata mereka mau mempelajari dan meniru tradisi keilmuan yang dimiliki oleh umat Islam masa terdahulu dan mampu mengembangkannya secara berlanjut. Kemudian, berawal dari kemunduran yang di alami umat Islam pada masa-masa itu dan orang-orang non muslim makin menunjukkan eksistensinya sebagai pusat peradaban, maka hadirlah banyak pemikir-pemikir Islam yang salah satunya yaitu Hasan al-Banna yang tersadar bahwa keadaan umat Islam saat itu sangat terbelakang. Berdasarkan uraian latar belakang yang telah penulis terangkan, maka penulis tertarik untuk melihat pemikiran beliau tentang pendidikan Islam. Adapun penelitian ini yang berupa penelitian pustaka, maka dalam proses penghimpunan datanya, maka penulis menghimpun data berupa informasi melalui literatur-literatur yang penulis peroleh di perpustakaan berupa buku-buku ataupun artikel-artikel yang penulis gunakan dalam mengkaji pengertian-pengertian dan aspek-aspek pendidikan Islam menurut Hasan al-Banna. Mengingat penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif, maka diadakan analisis data dengan menggunakan tiga pendekatan sebagai berikut: Pertama, pendekatan sejarah. Kedua, pendekatan deskriptif. Berdasarkan data yang diperoleh dan kemudian dianalisis, maka simpulan penelitian ini adalah: Pertama, Hasan al-Banna mempunyai pandangan bahwa pendidikan merupakan upaya ikhtiari manusia untuk peningkatan taraf hidup kearah yang lebih baik. Kedua, Pemikiran Hasan al-Banna dalam pendidikan Islam berangkat dari pemahamannya terhadap ajaran Islam yang memiliki universalitas; universalitas zamany, universalitas makany (geografi) dan unversalitas insany (kemanusiaan) yang berangkat dari al-Qur'an, Sunnah Nabi Saw dan amaliyat salaf al-shalih sebagai rujukannya. Ketiga, pemikiran pendidikan Islam dalam pandangan Hasan al-Banna meliputi; Dasar pendidikan dan metode pembelajaran harus berlandaskan al-Qur’an dan Sunnah. Tujuan pendidikan agar terbentuknya kepribadian muslim atas Islam yang kaffah. Materi pendidikan harus bertumpu pada ajaran tauhid, sedangkan ibadah dan akhlak merupakan suplemennya.
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Ammariah, Hani. "Studi Pemikiran Hasan Al-Banna Tentang Negara Islam." Aqlania 9, no. 2 (December 23, 2018): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/aqlania.v9i02.2065.
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Diskusi pemikiran mengenai hubungan Islam dan politik (baca negara) di kalangan pemikir muslim bukan merupakan hal yang asing. Dalam mengungkapkan pemikirannya, para pemikir muslim mempunyai pandangan yang berbeda-beda. Produk pemikiran para sarjana muslim sudah pasti berbeda antara yang satu dan yang lain. Corak pemikiran mereka banyak dipengaruhi oleh kondisi sosial politik yang terjadi. Ini tidak hanya terjadi pada para pemikir muslim pada masa klasik tetapi juga kontemporer. para pemikir muslim pada masa kontemporer hidup dalamkondisi sosial politik yang ditandai dengan runtuhnya Kesultanan Turki Utsmani. Keruntuhan Turki Utsmani menjadi puncak kemerosotan politik Islam dan hilangnya identitas Islam dalam sebuah negara. dari situ muncullah para tokoh Islam yang ingin mengembalikan identitas Islam dalam sebuah negara diantaranya adalah Hasan Al-Banna.Tulisan ini fokus untuk menjawab pertanyaan tentang sejarah terbentuknya Negara Islam pertama, hubungan agama dan negara serta bentuk Negara Islam menurut Hasan Al-Banna. Sejalan dengan itu maka tulisan ini diharapkan dapat menjelaskan sejarah terbentuknya Negara Islam pertama, hubungan agama dan Negara serta bentuk Negara Islam menurut Hasan Al-Banna. Untuk tujuan itu penelusuran atas masalah tersebut di atas dilakukan deskripsitf kualitatif melalui penelitian.Kesimpulan yang diperoleh dari penelitian ini adalah bahwa peran Rasulullah dalam mendirikan negara di Madinah menjadi sejarah terbentuknya Negara Islam pertama di dunia. Islam adalah ajaran yang komprehensif, universal dan kosmopolit. Karenanya agama dan negara yang ideal menurut Hasan Al-Banna adalah entitas laksana dua sisi mata uang. Bentuk Negara Islam, dengan demikian, mestilah sebuah negara yang merdeka dan berdiri di atas pondasi Islam daulah Islamiah, atau jika ada yang menghendaki nama lain semisal Khilafah, Imarah, Kesultanan, ataupun Mamlakah.
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Fuadi, M. Hanif. "Pesan Dakwah Hasan Al-Banna dalam Buku Majmu’at al-Rasail." Ilmu Dakwah: Academic Journal for Homiletic Studies 11, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 325–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/idajhs.v11i2.2418.
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This article analyzes the message of Hasan al-Banna's preaching in the book Majmu'at al-Rasail relating to the aqeedah, sharia and morals. The study used critical discouse analysis method of Norman Fairclough with an emphasis on the background of the social situation until the message of da'wah was formulated. The results of the research show that the message of da'wah in the book Majmu'at al-Rasail can be explained, among others: the message of the faith in theological discourse, the message of sharia in the discourse of power and the moral message in the discourse of social relations. The monotheistic belief system must be able to provide the divine spirit in all dimensions of life. This spirit grows out of true, pure, clean faith from the element of shirk to God; the sharia system requires applicable law according to the teachings of Islam, focusing on a number of social and political problems that hit the country of Egypt after the destruction of the Ottoman Caliph which fell into British hands. The message of Hasan al-Banna's preaching was oriented towards reforming the living system which was damaged by colonialism and desirous of returning it to the Islamic system.Artikel ini menganalisis pesan dakwah Hasan al-Banna dalam buku Majmu’at al-Rasail yang berkaitan dengan akidah, syariah dan akhlak. Penelitian menggunakan metode analisis wacana kritis Norman Fairclough dengan penekanan pada latar situasi sosial sampai pesan dakwah terumuskan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan pesan dakwah dalam buku Majmu’at al-Rasail dapat dijelaskan antara lain: pesan akidah dalam wacana teologi, pesan syariah dalam wacana kekuasaan dan pesan akhlak dalam wacana relasi sosial. Sistem keyakinan tauhid harus mampu memberikan semangat ketuhanan dalam segenap dimensi kehidupan. Semangat tersebut tumbuh dari akidah yang benar, murni, bersih dari unsur syirik kepada Allah; sistem syariah menghendaki hukum yang berlaku sesuai ajaran Islam, fokus pada sejumlah permasalahan sosial dan politik yang melanda negeri Mesir pasca kehancuran Khalifah Utsmaniyah yang jatuh ke tangan Inggris. Pesan dakwah Hasan al-Banna berorientasi pada pembenahan sistem kehidupan yang rusak karena penjajahan dan berhasrat mengembalikannya pada sistem Islam.
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Kostić, Ejub. "Hassan al-Banna and the Muslim Brotherhood Movement." Kom : casopis za religijske nauke 1, no. 1 (2012): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kom1201113k.
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Fuadi, Muhammad Hanif. "PESAN DAKWAH HASAN AL-BANNA DALAM BUKU MAJMUA’AT AL-RASAIL." Jurnal Bimbingan Penyuluhan Islam 2, no. 1 (June 27, 2020): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/jbpi.v2i1.1987.
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This article analyzes the massage of Hasan Al-Banna preaching in the book Majmu’at al-Rasail relating to the aqeedah, sharia, and morals, the study uses critical discourse analysis method of Norman Fairclough with an emphasis on the background of sosial situation until the massage of da’wah was formulated. The result of the reaserch show that the massage of da’wah in the book Majmu’at al-Rasail can be explained, among other: the massage of the faith in theological discourse, the massage of sharia in the discourse of power and the moral massage in the discourse of social relations. The monotheistic belief system must be able to provide the divine spirit in all dimensions of life. The spirit grow out of true, pure, clean faith from the element of shirk to God; the sharia system requires applicable law according to the teaching of Islam, focusing on a number of social and political problems that it the country of Egypt after the destruction of the Ottoman Caliph wich fell into British hands. The massage of Hasan al-Banna’s preaching was oriented toward reforming the living system wich was damaged by colonialism and desirous of returning it to the Islamic system.
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Abidin, M. Zainal. "Al-Ḥikmah fī Khuṭbah Ilā al-Ṭullāb li al-Imām Ḥasan al-Bannā." JILSA (Jurnal Ilmu Linguistik dan Sastra Arab) 4, no. 2 (October 29, 2020): 154–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/jilsa.2020.4.2.154-163.
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Salah satu medium yang kerap digunakan oleh orang Arab dalam menyampaikan gagasan ataupun dakwahnya dalam bentuk verbal adalah khotbah. Para sastrawan, memasukkan khotbah dalam bagian karya sastra prosa (natsr) yang sangat berpotensi dalam menyampaikan pesan-pesan hikmah kepada orang lain. Hasan al-Banna seorang tokoh dan pemikir Arab sering menggunakan khotbah sebagai suatu medium dakwah kepada gagasan-gagasannya tentang Islam. Bahkan, banyak khotbah beliau yang telah dibukukan dan sangat terkenal hingga saat ini, di antaranya adalah khotbah yang berjudul Ilaa al-Thullab (kepada mahasiswa) yang terdapat dalam kitab Majmu’ah al-Rasail. Artikel ini mencoba meneliti khotbah Imam Hasan al-Banna tersebut dari sisi hikmah yang terkandung di dalamnya. Melalui metode penelitian instrinsik dalam khotbah, dapat disimpulkan bahwa pada khotbah tersebut terdapat banyak sekali hikmah yang dapat diambil sebagai pelajaran hidup dan semangat berdakwah yang semua itu mencakup aspek kehidupan yang paling asasi, yakni agama, sosial dan politik.
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al-Anani, Khalil. "The Power of the Jama‘A: The Role of Hasan Al-Banna in Constructing the Muslim Brotherhood’s Collective Identity." Sociology of Islam 1, no. 1-2 (2013): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00101003.
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This article explores the role of Hasan al-Banna (1906-1949) in creating the collective identity of the Muslim Brotherhood. It examines the enduring impact of al-Banna’s thoughts and legacy on the Muslim Brotherhood (MB). The article argues that al-Banna interweaved a distinctive frame of identity for the MB which is still vibrant and operative. It also contends that the MB’s identity plays a pivotal role in preserving the movement’s coherence and sustaining its political and social activism. Al-Banna, the founder and the chief ideologue of the MB, had crafted what this article calls the ‘Jama‘a’ paradigm. It refers to the cognitive system of aims and objectives, duties and means, phases and norms, symbols and meanings that encompasses and guides the MB’s members in everyday life. The Jama‘a paradigm operates as a frame of reference to the MB’s collective action. While other studies focused on the historical and chronological journey of al-Banna, this study unpacks al-Banna’s legacy and investigates its effects on the MB’s identity. Based on a field research, the article provides a fresh and nuanced account for al-Banna enduring impact on the MB.
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Lattu, Izak Yohan Matriks. "CHRISTIAN-MUSLIM MORALITY AND FUNDAMENTALISM: The Ethical Perspectives of Karl Barth, and Hasan al-Banna." Jurnal THEOLOGIA 29, no. 2 (December 27, 2018): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/teo.2018.29.2.3275.
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The article explores Karl Barth and Hasan al-Banna ideas on ethics as the guidance for communal life. Barth emphasizes the command of God as the fundamental theology of Christian values. The prominent German theologian functions as the pivotal scholar in Christian evangelical stream. While al-Banna underlines the centrality of Islamic Sharia to reform Muslim life under colonial circumstances. As it is for Barth in the Christian side, Banna thought influences fundamentalist groups in many Muslim majority countries such as Egypt, Indonesia and many more. Using, a comparative study method, the article concludes that both scholars focus on how scriptures function as the fundamental value for human understanding of social and spiritual life. Although they shared similar issues, Barth, on the one hand, focuses more on how Christianity resist liberalism through the complete acceptance of the holy spirit role in Christian life. Banna, on the other hand, pay more attention to the application of Islamic values as the weapon to fight colonialism
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Jung, Dietrich, and Ahmed el Zalaf. "Hasan Al-Banna and the Modern Muslim Self: Subjectivity Formation and the Search for an Islamic Order in Early 20th-Century Egypt." Numen 66, no. 4 (June 18, 2019): 381–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341545.
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AbstractThe Muslim Brotherhood represents an exemplary case for the discussion of Islam and modernity. Founded in 1928 in Egypt by Hasan al-Banna, it developed from a religious movement into a well-organized institution and a cadre party with mass appeal. The Muslim Brotherhood assumed the role of a major social vehicle for the promotion of a specifically Islamic imagination of modernity and related forms of modern Muslim subjectivity. This article explores the ideas of Hasan al-Banna and their historical context from a distinct theoretical perspective. It poses questions with regard to ways in which he constructed an Islamic modern social order and meaningful Muslim selfhoods. Thereby, it understands the Muslim Brotherhood as an inherent part of the emergence of global modernity as “world history.”
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Yusof, Ahmad Syafiq, Muhammad Talhah Ajmain Jima’ain, and Muhammad Hazwan Mohd Shukor. "Da’wah Thoughts of Hasan Al Banna and Said Nursi: A Comparative Research in Islamic Education Perspective." International Journal of Islamic Khazanah 12, no. 1 (January 27, 2022): 86–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ijik.v12i1.16761.
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Islamic education has been strongly emphasized in Muslim communities. The quality of education and adherence to the Islamic worldview will shape Muslim personalities towards the true meaning of excellence in this world and the hereafter. This article discusses and introduces the efforts of Tawhid purification in Islamic Education perpsective undertaken by Hassan Al Banna (1906-1949 AD) and Badiuzzaman Said Nursi (1877–1960 AD) to address emergent problems within the Egyptian and Turkish Muslim community in early 20th century whereby the absorption of values and thought outside the authenticity of Islam had successfully influenced society thinking in terms of religious beliefs and practices. Both Hassan Al Banna and Said Nursi therefore offered a solution to this problem by implementing measures to purify tawhid in society. This article analyses their efforts in tawhid purification in the implementation of da’wah dictates in Egypt and Turkey. To achieve this goal, the historical analysis method is utilised to discuss the efforts of Hassan Al Banna and Said Nursi and present critical examination of his efforts to save the tawhid of Muslims and ensure they return to the true teachings of Islam. The results of this analysis highlight Hassan Al Banna and Badiuzzaman Said Nursi as a da’wah figure who contributed to tawhid purification in the Islamic world. The findings at the same time could be used as guidelines for the religious, preachers and researchers to propose tawhid purification as an important da’wah effort in society today.
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Fitri, Siti Hartinah, Sri Wiratma, and Mesra Mesra. "EKSPERIMEN PEMBUATAN MOTIF PADA KAIN DENGAN TEKNIK ECO PRINT DI SMP SWASTA AN-NIZAM MEDAN." SCHOOL EDUCATION JOURNAL PGSD FIP UNIMED 10, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 273–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24114/sejpgsd.v10i3.18738.
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This research aims to find out how the process of making the pattern using eco print technique and to find out the aesthetic value eco print pattern on the work of first year students of Hasan Al-Banna Class at SMP Swasta An-Nizam Medan 2019/2020 Period. The aesthetic value of the eco print pattern reviewed based on the process of leaves laying, beating technique and steaming cloth. The research method used is descriptive qualitative method. The population in this research contained of four students. The sample used in this research contained of three students, using the Slovin formula, which is included the population size and error tolerance. The result of the research showed that overall the level of aesthetic quality pattern produced using eco print technique by the students first year of Hasan Al-Banna Class SMP Swasta An-Nizam Medan reviewed based on the process of leaves laying, beating technique and steaming cloth get good category results. On the value of leaves laying, beating technique and steaming cloth get good category results. Keywords: Experiment, Pattern, Eco Print Technique
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Sukri, Mhd Alfahjri. "Negara Ideal dalam Pemikiran Fundamentalis Islam." Politea 4, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v4i1.9948.
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify; line-height: normal;"><em><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman',serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;" lang="EN-US">This research aims to explain the problem of Islamic fundamentalism and analyze the thoughts of Islamic fundamentalist figures, namely Abul A'la Al-Maududi, Hasan Al-Banna, and Taqiyuddin An-Nabhani about the ideal state. Qualitative methods are used in this research with data obtained through books, journals, scientific articles, and other related sources. The results showed that the ideal country according to the thoughts of Abul A'la Al-Maududi, Hasan Al-Banna, and Taqiyuddin An-Nabhani is a country based on Islam. These figures made Rasulullah when he founded the state of Medina until the time of Khulafaur Rasyidin as the reference for the ideal state. Because for them, at that time Islam was used as the main reference and foundation of life and could solve all problems, including problems in living as a state. These figures also reject the separation between religion and state (secularism), and agree to make sovereignty in God's hands. According to them, religion has an important role in the state. In addition, they also placed Ahlul Halli wal Aqdi as an important part of an Islamic state.</span></em></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify; line-height: normal;"><em><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman',serif; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;" lang="EN-US">This research aims to explain the problem of Islamic fundamentalism and analyze the thoughts of Islamic fundamentalist figures, namely Abul A'la Al-Maududi, Hasan Al-Banna, and Taqiyuddin An-Nabhani about the ideal state. Qualitative methods are used in this research with data obtained through books, journals, scientific articles, and other related sources. The results showed that the ideal country according to the thoughts of Abul A'la Al-Maududi, Hasan Al-Banna, and Taqiyuddin An-Nabhani is a country based on Islam. These figures made Rasulullah when he founded the state of Medina until the time of Khulafaur Rasyidin as the reference for the ideal state. Because for them, at that time Islam was used as the main reference and foundation of life and could solve all problems, including problems in living as a state. These figures also reject the separation between religion and state (secularism), and agree to make sovereignty in God's hands. According to them, religion has an important role in the state. In addition, they also placed Ahlul Halli wal Aqdi <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>as an important part of an Islamic state.</span></em></p>
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Mura, Andrea. "A genealogical inquiry into early Islamism: the discourse of Hasan al-Banna." Journal of Political Ideologies 17, no. 1 (February 2012): 61–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2012.644986.
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Abdul Kadir, Fakhrul Adabi, Yusmini Md Yusoff, and Zainuddin Hashim. "Pembangunan Insan Berdasarkan Wasail al-Tarbiyah: Kajian Terhadap Kitab Majmu'at al-Rasail Tulisan Hasan al-Banna." Journal of Al-Tamaddun 12, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol12no2.1.
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Setyono, Darwan. "ILMUWAN PEMIKIRAN PENDIDIKAN: MEMBANGUN KEBIASAAN BERPIKIR ILMIAH, DINAMIS DAN KRITIS TERHADAP PERSOALAN-PERSOALAN DI SEPUTAR PENDIDIKAN ISLAM." Didaktika Religia 3, no. 1 (January 24, 2015): 144–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30762/didaktika.v3i1.155.
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The paper highlights Islamic education which is the one organized by Islamic boarding schools and diniyah madrasah. Ministry of Religious Affairs also organizes education from Islamic elementary schools, Islamic junior high schools, Islamic senior high schools, and Islamic tertiary education. The curriculum is the assimilation of the public school curriculum and Islamic teachings. These all provide the basis of Islamic teachings and accommodating ideas developed by intellectuals outside of Islam. Islamic education can be seen from four models. They are textual salafi, traditionalmadzhabi, modernist, and non-modernist models. Ibn Khaldun, Langgulung Hasan, Hasan al-Banna, Harun Nasution, Hashim Ash'ari are then used as references in developing Islamic education so as to produce qualified generation.Key words: Thought, Education, Islam, diniyah madrasah
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Sanusi, Ahmad. "KONSEP NEGARA MENURUT IHKWANUL MUSLIMIN." Al-Ahkam 14, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/ajh.v14i2.1426.
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Tulisan ini ingin mengungkapkan konsep bernegara menurut sebuah kelompok yang berdiri di Mesir yang bernama ikhwanul muslimin. Kelompok ini bermula bertujuan untuk mendidik rakyat, meningkatkan standard hidup mereka, dan menyebarkan pesan “pranata Islam (al nizham al-Islami)”. Gerakan yang didirikan oleh Hasan al banna ini menegaskan kembali visi Islam yang komprehensif, yang meliputi kehidupan politik, sosial, dan ekonomi: “Islam adalan iman dan ritual, negara (wathan) dan kebangsaan, agama dan negara, spiritualitas dan amal, Alquran dan pedang”. Pada saat yang sama, mereka mengungkapkan kembali, sebagai cita-cita mereka, institusi Kekhalifahan selaku kepala seluruh umat Islam didunia. Sebelum cita-cita itu tercapai, mereka cukup puas dengan pandangan modernis tentang demokrasi kontitusional bagi negara-negara Islam yang berlainan Al-Banna memandang patriotisme (membela tanah air) sebagai kewajiban suci, dan menetapkan Mesir sebagai negara pillihan mereka untuk mewujudkan cita-cita itu. Namun kemudian kelompok ini tidak puas hanya dengan gerakan social tetapi ia merambah ke gerakan politik, maka mulailah mereka menguasai beberapa jabatan-jabatan penting di Mesir dan akhirnya terjadilah insiden berdarah yaitu Pada bulan Desember 1948, diantaranya pembunuhan atas kepala kepolisian Kairo, pemerintah Mesir di bawah raja Faruk akhirnya memutuskan melarang kegiatan al-Ikhwan al- Muslimin dan menangkap tokoh-tokoh utama organisasi itu selain Hasan al-Banna.hal itu sebagai reaksi terhadap terjadinya serentetan insiden berdarah. Konsep negara menurut ikhawanul muslimin sebagaiman yang diungkpakan oleh salah seorang tokoh ikhwanul muslimin Sayid Qutub dalam bukunya Al- Adalah al-Itjima’iyah fi al-Islam adalah sebagai berikut pertama: Pemerintah Supra Nasional kedua: Persamaan Hak Antara Para Pemeluk Berbagai Agama ketiga: negara harus berdasar tiga asas, yakni keadilan penguasa, ketaatan eakyat dan permusyawaratan antara pengusaha dan rakyat.selain itu menurutnya bahwa pemerintah atau negara harus melaksanakan syariat Islam secara keseluruhanKata kunci: ikhwanul muslimin, konsep, negara, pemikiran
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Sanusi, Ahmad. "Konsep Negara Menurut Ihkwanul Muslimin." Al-Ahkam 14, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.37035/ajh.v14i2.1426.
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Tulisan ini ingin mengungkapkan konsep bernegara menurut sebuah kelompok yang berdiri di Mesir yang bernama ikhwanul muslimin. Kelompok ini bermula bertujuan untuk mendidik rakyat, meningkatkan standard hidup mereka, dan menyebarkan pesan “pranata Islam (al nizham al-Islami)”. Gerakan yang didirikan oleh Hasan al banna ini menegaskan kembali visi Islam yang komprehensif, yang meliputi kehidupan politik, sosial, dan ekonomi: “Islam adalan iman dan ritual, negara (wathan) dan kebangsaan, agama dan negara, spiritualitas dan amal, Alquran dan pedang”. Pada saat yang sama, mereka mengungkapkan kembali, sebagai cita-cita mereka, institusi Kekhalifahan selaku kepala seluruh umat Islam didunia. Sebelum cita-cita itu tercapai, mereka cukup puas dengan pandangan modernis tentang demokrasi kontitusional bagi negara-negara Islam yang berlainan Al-Banna memandang patriotisme (membela tanah air) sebagai kewajiban suci, dan menetapkan Mesir sebagai negara pillihan mereka untuk mewujudkan cita-cita itu. Namun kemudian kelompok ini tidak puas hanya dengan gerakan social tetapi ia merambah ke gerakan politik, maka mulailah mereka menguasai beberapa jabatan-jabatan penting di Mesir dan akhirnya terjadilah insiden berdarah yaitu Pada bulan Desember 1948, diantaranya pembunuhan atas kepala kepolisian Kairo, pemerintah Mesir di bawah raja Faruk akhirnya memutuskan melarang kegiatan al-Ikhwan al- Muslimin dan menangkap tokoh-tokoh utama organisasi itu selain Hasan al-Banna.hal itu sebagai reaksi terhadap terjadinya serentetan insiden berdarah. Konsep negara menurut ikhawanul muslimin sebagaiman yang diungkpakan oleh salah seorang tokoh ikhwanul muslimin Sayid Qutub dalam bukunya Al- Adalah al-Itjima’iyah fi al-Islam adalah sebagai berikut pertama: Pemerintah Supra Nasional kedua: Persamaan Hak Antara Para Pemeluk Berbagai Agama ketiga: negara harus berdasar tiga asas, yakni keadilan penguasa, ketaatan eakyat dan permusyawaratan antara pengusaha dan rakyat.selain itu menurutnya bahwa pemerintah atau negara harus melaksanakan syariat Islam secara keseluruhanKata kunci: ikhwanul muslimin, konsep, negara, pemikiran
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Yahya, Yuangga Kurnia, Syamsul Hadi Untung, and Indra Ari Fajari. "Da'wah di Youtube: Upaya Representasi Nilai Islam oleh Para Content-Creator." Anida (Aktualisasi Nuansa Ilmu Dakwah) 20, no. 1 (June 9, 2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/anida.v20i1.8888.
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ABSTRACTYoutube is one of the popular media used for preaching. This study aims to analyze the stretch of da'wah on YouTube as an effort to represent Islam and to develop a positive Islamic representation. They use descriptive qualitative methods using the theory of Nidzam al-Ukhuwwah Hasan al-Banna and Ting-Toome inter-cultural communication in building a positive model of Islam in the Maya world. The author found that the younger generation carried out da'wah's propagation through Youtube and positively, Islam was represented through this preaching. They also access YouTube more than any other media platform. Therefore, somebody can build positive content and opinions in developing Islamic representation. The two strategies found are content-creating and collaboration. Through this research, Islamic da'wah via Youtube can be encouraged and grown to become a reference media in exploring Islam.ABSTRAKYoutube menjadi salah satu media populer yang digunakan untuk berdakwah. Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis geliat dakwah di YouTube sebagai upaya representasi Islam dan Pembangunan Representasi Islam yang Positif. Menggunakan metode kualitatif deskriptif dengan menggunakan teori Nidzam al-Ukhuwwah Hasan al-Banna dan komunikasi antar-budaya Ting-Toome dalam membangun representasi positif dari Islam di dunia Maya. Penulis menemukan bahwa Geliat dakwah dilakukan oleh generasi muda melalui Youtube dan Secara Positif Islam direpresentasikan melalui dakwah tersebut. Mereka juga mengakses YouTube lebih dari platform media lain. Konten dan opini positif dalam pengembangan representasi Islam dapat terbangun. Dua strategi yang ditemukan adalah content-creating dan collaboration. Melalui penelitian ini, dakwah Islam melalui Youtube dapat didorong dan dikembangkan sehingga menjadi salah satu media rujukan dalam mendalami Islam.Kata Kunci: Dakwah Islam, Komunikasi, Dunia Maya, Representasi Islam, YouTube
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Syahid, Akhmad Mad. "MODEL DAKWAH NABI MUHAMMAD SAW." Ath Thariq Jurnal Dakwah dan Komunikasi 1, no. 2 (December 28, 2018): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/ath_thariq.v1i2.1291.
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Da'wah is a noble task, because it aims to provide enlightenment to the human race so that life is directed and in accordance with what is expected by the Creator is Allah SWT. Prophet Muhammad SAW as an example in carrying out dakwah tasks, has provided guidance and model of diverse da'wah, to be implemented to the ummah who are also diverse.
Woman are a group that does not escape the attention of Prophet Muhammad SAW. Different psychological, physical and needs conditions with men, proves that women can not be equated with men anytime. In the civilization of Islamic civilization, women have a big role that can not be underestimated.
Shaykh Hasan al-Banna, whose real name Ḥasan Aḥmad 'Abd al-Raḥman al-Banna, was born on October 17, 1906 in Al-Maḥmudiyyah, Buhairah Province, Egypt. One of the Ulema who grew up under the care of both religious, wealthy, honorable and sincere parents who instilled a noble character to their sons and daughters.
As a great scholar, he has special attention to women and his problems. This proves that, the figure of women should get special attention, women can not be left alone to seek their own fitrah and women can not be equated with men. Because it has become their fitrah that women have special characteristics, both physically and psychologically and their needs.
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Jamaldi, Jamaldi. "GERAKAN NEO-REVIVALISME ISLAM." JURNAL AL-AQIDAH 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 132–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15548/ja.v11i2.1417.
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Gerakan neo-revivalisme Islam merupakan gerakan yang dilakukan oleh kaum modernis muslim dalam rangka mempersatukan dan memperkokoh masyarakat muslim. melalui upaya pembaharuan iman dan proses reinterpretasi warisan peradaban Islam masa lalu ke dalam dunia kontemporer. Kemunculan gerakan ini merupakan sebagai jawaban dari kondisi realitas dan modernitas di bawah pengaruh dominasi budaya Barat. Adapun karakteristik gerakan neo-revivalisme Islam ini pertama, menyoroti kondisi internal masyarakat Islam yang tidak terorgnisir secara sosio-politik. Kedua, upaya membuka kembali gaung pintu ijtihad dan berpegang teguh pada prinsip pokok ajaran Islam serta ketiga, pemurnian aqidah pokok Islam dari pengaruh faham yang merusak. Gerakan neo-revivalisme Islam di Pakistan oleh Abu A’la al-Maududi dalam organisasi “Jama’at al-Islami”, Hasan al-Banna melalui organisasi Ikhwanul Muslimin muncul di Mesir. Kata Kunci : Neo-revivalisme Islam, pembaharuan, pemurnian, tradisionalis konservatif
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Khan, Shahnaz. "The Idea of Woman in Fundamentalist Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i1.1735.
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Lamia Rustum Shehadeh’s timely book, The Idea of Woman inFundamentalist Islam, begins with a brief biography of influential “fundamentalists.” She examines the context in which they formulated their theoriesand the extent to which they influenced each other, a process thatallows us to see their ideas as a response to the historical, political, andsocial environments in which they lived. For example, the MuslimBrotherhood, founded by Hasan al-Banna in 1928, not only helped formulateand consolidate Islamic revivalism in Egypt, but also helped provide ablueprint for a sociopolitical organization that promoted the political Islamor Islamism influencing chapters in Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, and Palestine.The ideas promoted by the Brotherhood also spread to Sudan, where theycontinue to guide the current regime’s policies. In some cases, as in Iran andSudan, pronouncements of these ideologues influence state law and publicpolicy. At other times they challenge the state, as in Tunisia.Al-Banna promotes the view that Muslim countries became impoverishedand fell under European control because they have deviated fromIslam. He suggests that Muslims see Islam as the solution to their problems.However, al-Banna and other Islamists believe that Islam’s historicaltraditions are irrelevant for modern times. Instead, they propose areturn to what they believe to be the traditions of the Prophet’s time andthat of the first four caliphs. Moreover, they advocate the use of ijtihad(independent judgment), a practice that allows them to interpret seventhcenturytraditions in light of modern needs. Islamist ideologues reservethis practice for themselves, and thus largely marginalize its alternativeuses by feminists and other progressive groups to advance women’s rightsor minority rights ...
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El Zalaf, Ahmed Abou. "Islams komplethed (šumuliyyat al-Islam), kontinuitet eller brud?" Tidsskrift for Islamforskning 9, no. 2 (February 5, 2017): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tifo.v9i2.25356.
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Foreliggende artikel hævder, at Hasan al-Banna (d. 1949) formulerede en politisk-islamisk ideologi, der blev anvendt som ramme for Det Muslimske Broderskabs mobilisering og udbredelse i det egyptiske samfund. Bevægelsen fortolkede islam som et komplet system og en livsfilosofi (šumuliyyat al-islam), der ifølge bevægelsens strategi skulle udgøre fundamentet for reform i Egypten såvel som i resten af den islamiske verden. Denne artikel vil diskutere, hvorvidt šumuliyyat al-islam (islams komplethed) repræsenterede et brud med det traditionelle islam, eller om denne ideologi i grunden udgjorde en fortsættelse af en lang tradition, hvor islam har været anskuet som et holistisk system. Dertil vil artiklen undersøge, hvordan ovenstående ideologi, blev italesat i en moderne kontekst. I den forbindelse vil artiklen demonstrere, hvilke koncepter Det Muslimske Broderskab adopterede fra de vestlige ideologier, og hvordan disse koncepter blev italesat som traditionelle islamiske koncepter for at fremhjælpe Broderskabets mobilisering i samfundet.
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Ramadhani, Yunizar. "Ideologi Keagamaan, Partai Politik, dan Pendidikan Islam: Refleksi Pemikiran Hasan Al-Banna di Sekolah Islam Terpadu Ukhuwah Banjarmasin." NALAR: Jurnal Peradaban dan Pemikiran Islam 5, no. 1 (June 29, 2021): 78–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.23971/njppi.v5i1.2455.
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Syarif, Fajar. "Politicization of Religion: Religion in Political Discourse." Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 25, no. 2 (December 7, 2017): 443. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.25.2.1569.
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<p>This article discusses the position of religion in politic that has relation to leadership. The main argumentation of this research is religion will constantly become a political power and social movement. In one side the research has different opinion from the integration politic paradigm and secular that proposed by Hasan al-Bannā and ‘Alī Abd. al-Rāziq, but in another side, it has reinforced the two paradigms. By using literature study and descriptive method and philosophical historical approach, it indicates Islam will constantly exist and has influence in the political process. Although Islam is not depending on politic and on the contrary. Islam and politic are both integrated dimension of life, so both are not able to be separated from social politic dynamics.</p><p>Artikel ini membahas kedudukan agama dalam politik yang berkaitan dengan kepemimpinan. Argumentasi utama penelitian ini adalah bahwa agama tetap akan menjadi kekuatan politik dan gerakan sosial. Di satu sisi penelitian ini berbeda pendapat dengan paradigma politik integrasi dan sekuler yang dikemukakan oleh Hasan al-Banna dan ‘Alî Abd. al-Rāziq, namun di sisi lain memperkuat kedua paradigma tersebut. Dengan menempuh studi kepustakaan dan menggunakan metode deskriptif serta pendekatan filosofis dan historis, penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa Islam akan tetap eksis dan berpengaruh dalam proses politik. Hakikat Islam meskipun tidak bergantung pada politik dan begitu pula politik tidak bergantung pada Islam. Islam dan politik merupakan dua dimensi yang integral dalam kehidupan, maka keduanya tidak dapat dipisahkan dari dinamika sosial politik.</p>
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LAWRENCE, BRUCE B. "AHMAD S. MOUSSALLI, Moderate and Radical Islamic Fundamentalism: The Quest for Modernity, Legitimacy, and the Islamic State (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1999). Pp. 249. $49.95/cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 317–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380134206x.
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This is the slyest, and therefore smartest, assessment of Islamic fundamentalism currently available. The author, a prolific Lebanese political theorist, has offered in this, his fourth monograph on the subject, a well-argued, highly original thesis. Moussalli asks one basic question: does Islamic fundamentalism have a philosophical basis? “Yes, it does,” he replies, “but it is not the same basis for all Islamic fundamentalists.” He then proceeds to demonstrate how particular Islamic fundamentalist theorists have addressed issues such as ideology and knowledge, society and politics, from their own philosophical perspective. The argument is markedly tilted toward politics, as each of the six chapters examines either a facet of political philosophy or the discourse of a particular theorist on the Islamic state. The first three chapters are framed as general overviews, first of the fundamentalism–modernism dyad, then of the epistemological divide between divine revelation and human reason, and finally of the discursive dichotomy between the Islamic state and democratic pluralism. The next three chapters shift to dominant theorists, the three “heroes” of Islamist ideology. Chapter 4 examines Hasan al-Banna on the Islamic state; Chapter 5, Sayyid Qutb. Chapter 6 takes up the most prominent current Islamist: Hasan al-Turabi. Not since Hamid Enayat's Modern Islamic Political Thought (Texas, 1982) has any scholar made such a comprehensive effort to trace the patterns of similarity—and the evidence of conflict and disagreement—among the major ideologues of Islamic fundamentalism.
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Yasin, Achmad. "Pemetaan Pemikiran Islamic State, Khilafah dan Nation State Perspektif Fiqh al-Siyasi." al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam 2, no. 2 (October 1, 2012): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/ad.2012.2.2.161-184.
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Abstrak: Perdebatan perihal membentuk dan memperjuangkan Negara Islam/Islamic state pasca runtuhnya Kekhalifahan Usmaniyah di Turki yang telah dihapuskan oleh Muhammed Kemal Ataturk dan koleganya, Zia Gokalp membuat perdebatan diantara para teoritikus politik Islam di Dunia Islam baik yang ada dibelahan Timur Tengah, anak benua India dan Asia yang berpenduduk muslim sangat berlawanan. Para tokoh dan penggiat Islamic state itu terdiri atas sekuler-modernis radikal, revivalis-Islamis normative dan Islamis moderat substantifik. Juru bicara kelompok Islimis- aktivis negara Islam dan penggiat khilafah, misalnya Rashid Ridha, Abu al-A`la al-Mawdudi, Hasan al-Banna dan terakhir Taqiy al-Din al-Nabhani mendapatkan perlawanan dari juru bicara muslim sekuler – modernis dan kelompok nation state, misalnya Ali Abdur Rajiq, Fazlur Rahman, Muhammed Arkoun. Mereka yang muslim sekuler–modernis bahwa model Negara Madinah merupakan masalah duniawi dan profan tidak termasuk perintah sunnah amali karena hal itu bersifat temporer dan praktik itu merupakan pilihan rasional (al-ra`y dan ijtihadi) dan bentuk/sistem Negara boleh mengambil model Negara modern demokrasi yang bersifat nasional atau berbasis nation state. Misal, Negara republik, keamiran, atau kesultanan. Dalam hal ini, teoritikus politik Islam terdapat tipologi yang revivalis-Islamis moderat substantifik muncul tokoh seperti: Yusuf al-Qardhawi dan Diya` al-Din al-Rayes bahwa memperjuangkan negara yang menjunjung tinggi hukum (substansi syariah) merupakan perintah agama. Sedangkan model dan bentuk pemerintahan dapat diadaptasi sesuai dengan semangat dan praktik al-syura/musyawarah yang bersifat kelembagaan rakyat/suatu parlemen (ahl al-halli wa al-aqdi) yang dekat dengan model demokrasi konstitusional. Pemerintahan dapat dikontrol oleh UUD dan hak rakyat yang dijamin dalam mengekspresikan politiknya dengan adil.Kata Kunci: Revivalis-Islamis radikal, sekuler-modernis liberal, Islamis moderat substantifik, khilafah, nation state
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Sadiq, Yushau. "Tenth Annual Meeting of the American Council for the Study of Islamic Societies." American Journal of Islam and Society 10, no. 4 (January 1, 1993): 571–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v10i4.2484.
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The general theme, "Islam and Muslim Issues around the World ," wasdiscussed in six two-hour sessions. After the welcome address b y MichaelBishku, the conference coordinator, the first session began withdiscussion on "Nationalism in the Balkans." Pet ya Nitzova presented apaper on theMuslims of Bulgaria. Nedzib Sacirbey outlined the historical causes ofthe problems of Bosnian Muslims and said that what is now happeningin Bosnia is a preplanned anti-Muslim policy dating back to 1917. EdwardDamich (George Mason University, Fairfax, VA), who focused on theCroats, disagreed. Both papers generated a heated debate."Islam in the Arab World" was the topic of the second session. DavidCommins (Dickinson College, Carlisle, PA) talked about the Muslim Bmthersand Egyptian popular culture. He gave a historical account of howthis movement was founded by Hasan al Banna and how it incorporatedand adapted elements of Egyptian culture, especially the Sufi culture, intoits program. Ibrahim Abu Rabi' (Hartford Seminary, West Hartford, cr)enlightened the audience with his presentation "Reading the IntellectualHistory of the Modem Arab World: The Islamic Factor." He explainedhow Islamic ideologies influenced the thoughts of some of Arab intellectuals,especially Sayyid Qutub ...
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Nurkhalis, Nurkhalis. "REPRESENTASI KHILAFAH DALAM PEMERINTAHAN REPUBLIK SPIRITUAL." AKADEMIKA: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 23, no. 2 (September 19, 2018): 283. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/akademika.v23i2.1109.
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Abstract
Khilafah cut off after the Ottoman Caliphate so that is no longer found of the Islamic government in the modern era. Then al-Afghani and M. Abduh reappeared the khilafah to the expression of wahdat al-Islamiyah which idea’s Rashid Ridha turned to a new term into Pan Islamism. This study is a literature study (library research) where the source data obtained from books of khilafah and Islamic government thinkers. Data were analyzed using critical interpretation analysis methods from Khomeini and al-Juwaini's thoughts including data reduction, data exposure, and conclusion. Based on the accumulation of theory among others Al-Mawdudi made it possible to divert Islamic rule to democracy. Hasan al-Banna socialized the return system of the khilafah. Ibn Khaldun hinted that the breaking of the Caliphate signifies that every state has a final period of government so that the caliphate system will not be permanent until the state fell in the territorial nations. Iqbal criticizes Islam not nationalism and even imperialism but the commonwealth nations without racial and demarcation. Al-Shatibi maintains the spirit of the maqashid shari'ah in the Islamic government. Imam Khomeini switched to the wilayat al-faqih. Ibn Taymiyya states that the complexity of establishing the Islamic Government is as complex as determining Islamic scholars. Al-Juwaini offers a solution to the concept of ghiyatsi namely the government that emphasizes the shari'ah that continues to be discussed in searching for the best format. The modern era is certainly running the Islamic Government only through the government of the spiritual republic by not lifting ahlu zimmah (non Muslim), ahlu kitab, munafiq (hipocrit), zindiq (orientalist), dayyus, musyrik (idolatry), dahriyyun (atheis), ashab'ah (naturalist) become government leaders. Preferred leaders who have be ahl muruwwah (authority) ie people who have previous life records in a measurable and open goodness in the public space for executive, legislative and judicial candidates performed fit and proper test by people who have the same religious knowledge with the fuqaha.
Keywords: Khilafah, Islam, Government, and Spiritual Republic
Abstrak
Khilafah terputus pasca Khalifah Utsmaniyah sehingga hampir tidak ditemukan lagi bentuk Pemerintahan Islam di era modern. Kemudian al-Afghani dan M. Abduh merekonstruksi khilafah kepada Wahdat al-Islamiyah yang kemudian Rashid Ridha mengalihkan ke istilah baru menjadi Pan Islamisme. Kajian ini dilakukan melalui studi kepustakaan di mana sumber datanya diperoleh dari buku dan kitab dari pemikir khilafah dan pemerintahan Islam. Data dianalisis dengan menggunakan metode analisis interpretasi kritis dari pemikiran Khomeini dan al-Juwaini meliputi reduksi data, pemaparan data dan penarikan kesimpulan. Akumulasi teori pemerintahan Islam dari beberapa intelektual Islam diantaranya Al-Maududi memungkinkan pergeseran pemerintahan Islam ke demokrasi. Hasan al-Banna mengajak mensosialisasikan pengembalian sistem khilafah. Ibnu Khaldun mengisyaratkan terputusnya khilafah menandakan setiap negara memiliki masa akhir pemerintahan menyebabkan sistem khilafah tidak akan permanen hingga terbentuk negara dalam territorial bangsa-bangsa. Iqbal mengkritisi Islam bukan nasionalisme bahkan imperialisme melainkan bangsa-bangsa persemakmuran tanpa rasial dan demarkasi. Al-Shatibi mempertahankan adanya ruh maqashid syari‘ah dalam pemerintahan Islam. Imam Khomeini beralih berpedoman kepada wilayah al-faqih. Ibnu Taimiyah menyatakan bahwa dharurat mendirikan Pemerintahan Islam sebagaimana dharurat menentukan ahli Islam. Al-Juwaini menawarkan solusi kepada konsep ghiyatsi yakni pemerintahan yang mementingkan syari‘at yang terus didiskusikan dalam mencari format yang terbaik. Era modern kepastian menjalankan Pemerintahan Islam hanya melalui pemerintahan republik spiritual dengan tidak menjadikan ahlu zimmah (non muslim), ahlu kitab, munafiq, musyrik, dahriyyun (atheis), ashab’ah (naturalis) menjadi pemimpin pemerintahan. Pemimpin diutamakan yang mempunyai ahl muruwwah (kewibawaan) yakni orang yang memiliki catatan hidup sebelumnya dalam kebaikan yang terukur dan terbuka di ruang publik bagi kandidat eksekutif, legislatif dan yudikatif dilakukan fit and proper test oleh orang yang memiliki religius yang sama ilmunya dengan fuqaha.
Kata Kunci: Khilafah, Islam, Pemerintahan, dan Republik Spiritual
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Sugara, Bobi, Kasinyo Harto, and Rusdy A. Siroj. "Pola Pengkaderan Kesatuan Aksi Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia (KAMMI) dalam Membentuk Kepribadian Muslim di Perguruan Tinggi Se-Kota Palembang." Muaddib: Islamic Education Journal 2, no. 2 (December 14, 2019): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/muaddib.v2i2.5660.
Full textAbstract:
KAMMI cadre education process is a process that is continuous and constantly experiencing growth. From a number of trainings attended by KAMMI cadres, there is a tendency and correlation between KAMMI cadre patterns and the religious behavior of participants / cadres. The higher the level of education followed by KAMMI pastors / cadres, the more thought patterns and religious behavior of participants / cadres will be formed as a Muslim person. This research uses descriptive qualitative research methods. The purpose of this research is to find out the pattern of cadre of Kesatuan Aksi Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia (KAMMI) in universities throughout Palembang in shaping Muslim personalities, to find out their Muslim personalities and to understand the religious behavior of their cadres. The results showed that the KAMMI cadre pattern was oriented to the Cadre Identity Index (IJDK) as a measure to determine the success of the cadre pattern that was carried out and the implementation of the KAMMI cadre pattern in shaping Muslim personalities in direct proportion to the level of cadre membership. Muslim personalities will be formed when KAMMI members / cadres follow the regeneration pattern to the maximum. The pattern of KAMMI cadre formation of Muslim personalities has implications for the cadre's religious behavior. Referring to the understanding of Muslim personality from Hasan Al-banna about muwashofat Muslim personality, that KAMMI cadres in terms of aqidah, worship and morality tend to have reached mowasofat or cadre identity index (IJDK) but in some muwashofat (index) or indicators are still lacking, as in the case of maintaining physical / physical health, expertise and breadth of scientific insight, especially foreign languages and writing scientific papers. In addition, in terms of economic independence, the majority of KAMMI cadres are still not economically independent.
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Lutsenko, N. "MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD ACTIVITY IN EGYPT (20th – EARLY 21st CENTURIES)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 145 (2020): 52–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.145.9.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the origins of political Islam in the Middle East and the terminological aspect of the problem. The stages of the formation of the Egyptian Islamic organization Muslim Brotherhood were clarified and its key ideological tenets were established. The political and socio-economic circumstances in which the organization was formed are outlined. Attention is drawn to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the military and economic presence in Egypt of the United Kingdom, which consolidated political Islamic parties. The process of transforming the Muslim Brotherhood from a "group of like-minded people" into a political party is considered. The political and legal ideas of the founder of the organization Hasan al-Banna are covered. which became the main strategy of the Muslim Brotherhood. The situation of the organization in the 30's and 40's was analyzed during the attempt of Nazi Germany to turn the Brothers into their own puppet. The article reveals the role in the organization of its ideologist Said Qutb. His main ideas and views, which formed the basis of the radical Muslim Brotherhood branch, are analyzed. The link between the radicalism of the organization and the ultra-conservative trend of Islam - "Salafism" - was noted. The connection of the Muslim Brotherhood with the Free Officers organization, which came to power in Egypt in 1952, has been disclosed. It was stated that the Brothers supported General Gamal Nasser in the struggle for power, which allowed them to take part in the parliamentary elections. It is stated that the Brothers' criticism of the policies of Gamal Nasser and Anwar Sadat on Israel led to a ban of the organization's activities in Egypt. It has been established that under the presidency of Hosni Mubarak, the "Brothers" tried to enter parliament in other parties. The place and role of the organization during the Egyptian Revolution of 2011, which led the Muslim Brotherhood to power, were examined. The main reasons for the failure of the organization are indicated.
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Yahya, Yuangga Kurnia. "PHENOMENOLOGICAL APPROACH IN INTERFAITH COMMUNICATION: A Solution to Allegation of Religious Blasphemy in Indonesia." Al-Tahrir: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 18, no. 2 (January 10, 2019): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.21154/altahrir.v18i2.1378.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: This paper will research the phenomenological approach in interfaith communication. The strength globalization’s flow which is destroying every border between nations, regions, and cultures, unfortunately, is not strong enough to destroy one solid wall, the border of religion and faith’s differences. The phenomenological approach is a theoretical perspective based on the concept “back to the things themselves”. In Husserl’s phenomenology, he made an epoche and eidetic vision as the starting point of this perspective. Both of those concepts are a main and basic concept which is needed in interfaith communication to postponing judgment and looking with their own believer’s perspective. This approach is radically needed to smooth out the interfaith communication. This approach also allows the transcultural communication and identity transformation from one religion’s followers to another to reach a mutual agreement and decrease religious sentiments which are born from the subjectivity of one religion’s followers in judging other religions and their followers. In the end, al-Banna’s Role of Brotherhood can be interpreted as the foundation of Islamic phenomenology in building the solid society.الملخص: عنى هذا البحث الكلام عن المنهج الظواهري في الاتصال بين الأديان. قوة موج العولمة التي تهاجم الحدود بين البلدان والمناطق والثقافات لم تكن تقوى على هجوم جدار متين، وهو جدار اختلاف الأديان والإيمان. المنهج الظواهر هي إحدى وجهة النظر القائمة على أساس "الرجوع إلى الأشياء نفسها". على نظرية Husserl, يقوم هذا المنهج على نقطتين أساسيتين, هما Epoche وEidetic Vision. كانا مفهومين مهمّين في ابتداء الاتصال بين الأديان لتأجيل الظنون والتقييم والتحكيم عند نظرتهم إلى الأديان المجاورة. وبهذا المنهج أيضا، يمكن لأحد المتيدينين معرفة عادات أديان غيرهم وتحول الهوية بعضهم بعضا للوصول على كلمة السواء بينهم ولإضاعة الكراهة الدينية بين الأديان المولّدة من نظرية ذاتية لديهم. في آخر المقالة، بيّن الكاتب نظام الأسرة عند حسن البنا الذي سيكون أساسا في إقامة منهج الظواهر الإسلامي من أجل بناء مجتمع صلب.Abstrak: Paper ini akan membahas tentang pendekatan fenomenologi dalam komunikasi antar agama. Kuatnya arus globalisasi yang menggerus berbagai batas antar negara, regional, dan budaya nyatanya tidak cukup kuat untuk menghancurkan salah satu dinding tebal, yaitu dinding perbedaan agama dan kepercayaan. Pendekatan fenomenologi adalah sudut pandang yang berdasar pada konsep “kembali kepada sesuatu itu sendiri”. Dalam fenomenology Husserl, ia menetapkan dua titik awal dalam perspektif ini, yaitu epoche dan eidetic vision. Kedua konsep tersebut adalah konsep dasar dan pokok yang dibutuhkan dalam komunikasi antar agama untuk menunda penghakiman dan melihat suatu agama melalui kacamata pemeluknya sendiri. Pendekatan ini dibutuhkan untuk memuluskan komunikasi antar agama. Pendekatan ini juga memungkinkan komunikasi lintas budaya dan transformasi identitas dari satu pemeluk agama kepada pemeluk agama lainnya untuk menggapai suatu kesepakatan bersama dan mengurangi sentiment keagamaan yang lahir dari subyektivitas seorang pemeluk agama dalam melihat dan menilai pemeluk agama lainnya. Di akhir, penulis memaparkan sistem kekerabatan yang disusun oleh Hasan al-Banna yang dapat pula diinterpretasikan sebagai asas gerakan “fenomenologi Islam”dalam membangun masyarakat yang solid.
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Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.463.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.463.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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Sfar, Mondher. "Comptes rendus / Reviews of books: Aux sources du renouveau musulman. D'al-Afghani à Hassan al-Banna un siècle de réforme islamique." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 28, no. 3 (September 1999): 384–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842989902800317.
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Šabasevičiūtė, Giedrė. "Theory of the Islamic State in Hasan al-Banna’s Political Discourse." Acta Orientalia Vilnensia 5 (December 1, 2004). http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/aov.2004.18232.
Full textAbstract:
The goal of this paper is to analyse the political discourse of one among the most influential thinkers of Islamic resurgence movement Hasan al-Banna. who is frequently considered the father of contemporary radical movements advocating the must for the Islamic state what is due to extra-legal activities of his created Islamic organization. “The Muslim Brotherhood” which was often taken as an organizational model by subsequent Islamic groups. The theoretical analysis. however. of the major principles that Hasan al-Banna employs in constructing foundations of the legitimate Islamic state reveals that his political theory is compromising and open to the basic values of Western democracy. This article seeks to show how Hasan al-Banna reconstructs Islamic political theory by reworking the meanings of its basic foundations.
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Niyah, Iin Mas. "TUJUAN PENDIDIKAN ISLAM DAN GERAKAN IKHWANNUL MUSLIMIN MENURUT HASAN AL-BANNA." ISTORIA: Jurnal Pendidikan dan Ilmu Sejarah 15, no. 2 (October 1, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/istoria.v15i2.25412.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRAKHasan al-Banna sebagi tokoh yang terkemuka di zamannya. Menurut Hasan al-Banna aspek ketuhanan atau keimanan merupakan segi terpenting dalam pendidikan Islam. Yang demikian itu karena tujuan pertama dari pendidikan Islam adalah membentuk manusia yang beriman kepada Allah. dalam Islam, iman bukanlah sekedar ucapan atau pengakuan belaka. Iman merupakan kebenaran yang jika masuk ke dalam akal akan memberi kepuasan akli, jika masuk ke dalam perasaan akan memperkuatnya, jika masuk ke dalam iradah atau keinginan (will) akan membuatnya dinamis dan mampu menggerakkan. Tiang pendidikan berdasar ketuhanan adalah hati yang hidup dan salalu berhubungan dengan Allah SWT, meyakini pertemuan dengan-Nya dan hisab-Nya, mengharapkan rahmat-Nya dan takut akan siksa-Nya. Hat adalah satu-satunya pegangan yang dapat ditunjukkan oleh seorang hamba kepada Tuhannya pada hari kiamat sebagai sarana bagi keselamatannya. Menurut al-Banna, secara garis besar tujuan pendidikan Islam dibagi menjadi dua bagian: tujuan akhir (permanen) dan tujuan antara (kontekstual).Kata kunci: Hasan Al-Banna, Ikhwanul Muslimin,pendidikan Islam,[WU1] ABSTRACTHasan al-Banna was a prominent figure in his day. According to Hasan al-Banna the aspect of divinity or faith is the most important aspect of Islamic education. That is because the first goal of Islamic education is to shape people who believe in Allah. in Islam, faith is not just a mere speech or confession. Faith is a truth that if it enters into the mind will give satisfaction, if it enters the feeling it will strengthen it, if it enters into the iradah or desire (will) will make it dynamic and able to move. Godhead-based education poles are hearts that live and are always in touch with Allah SWT, believe in meeting Him and His reckoning, expecting His mercy and fearing His punishment. Hat is the only handle that can be shown by a servant to his Lord on the Day of Judgment as a means for his salvation. According to al-Banna, broadly the aim of Islamic education is divided into two parts: the final goal (permanent) and the intermediate goal (contextual). Keyword : Hasan Al-Banna, Muslim Brotherhood, Islamic education,
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Asyari, Khoirul Hadi. "STUDI METODOLOGI HUKUM ISLAM: FIKIH PEMBAHARUAN DALAM PANDANGAN GAMAL AL-BANNA DAN RELEVANSINYA DENGAN PERKEMBANGAN FIKIH DI INDONESIA." EMPIRISMA 25, no. 2 (November 2, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.30762/empirisma.v25i2.307.
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This study is based on library research examines the discourse of fiqh reform in view of Gamal al-Banna. Gamal al-Banna is one of the younger brothers of Hasan al-Banna. This study has some questions: first, what is Gamal al-Banna’s opinion; second, how social and political biography that covers the life of Gamal al-Banna; third, how their relevance to the development of jurisprudence in Indonesia. By the qualitative research methods, analytical content, historical approach and content analysis are used to investigate the books related in gaining datas of Gamal al-Banna’s thought, while historical approach try to investigate how scope and biographies are in the neighborhood of Gamal al-Banna. The results of this study are: first, Gamal al-Banna reforms fiqh more moderate than his brother Hassan al-Banna; secondly, to know Gamal al-Banna's life biography; and third, determine its relevance to the development of Fiqh reform in Indonesia. Kata Kunci : Fikih, Pembaharuan, Gamal, Relevansi
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M.Pd, Tanita Liasna. "KEMAMPUAN MENGANALISIS UNSUR INTRINSIK DAN NILAI MORAL DALAM CERPEN RABIAH KARYA HASAN AL-BANNA PADA SISWA KELAS XI SMA SE-KECAMATAN BAHOROK TAHUN PELAJARAN 2018/2019." Jurnal Serunai Bahasa Indonesia 15, no. 2 (December 3, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.37755/jsbi.v15i2.79.
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Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui kemampuan menganalisis unsur intrinsik dan nilai moral dalam cerpen Rabiah karya Hasan Al Banna oleh siswa kelas XI SMA se-Kecamatan bahorok. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode deskriptif dengan bentuk kuantitatif. Sampel penelitian ini adalah siswa kelas XI SMA se-Kecamatan Bahorok dengan jumlah 73 siswa. Adapun data yang dikumpulkan dalam penelitian ini adalah hasil dari pemahaman siswa yang berupa tes tertulis.Hasil analisis data menunjukkan bahwa kemampuan menganalisis unsur intrinsik dan nilai moral dalam cerpen Rabiah karya Hasan Al Banna pada siswa kelas XI SMA se-Kecamatan Bahorok tahun pelajaran 2018/2019 adalah baik. Hal tersebut dapat dilihat dari nilai rata-rata siswa yang telah berada pada kategori baik dengan nilai rata-rata 82,77.
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Lubis, Ramadhan Saleh, Yolandita Octavianty Sipahutar, Jesika Anasthasia Siregar, Sumarni Sumarni Saragih, and Gugun Kristina Silalahi. "Analisis Kritik Sastra Menggunakan Pendekatan Pragmatik Pada Antologi Cerpen Karya Hasan Al Banna." Kode: Jurnal Bahasa 9, no. 4 (December 22, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.24114/kjb.v9i4.22044.
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Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menyampaikan tujuan tertentu kepada pembaca. Tujuan tersebut berupa tujuan efek estetika, nilai agama, nilai moral, nilai sosial, dan budaya dalam antologi cerpen karya Hasan Al Banna. Sumber data dalam penelitian ini adalah kumpulan cerpen karya Hasan Al Banna. Data dalam penelitian ini adalah tujuan kepada pembaca melalui nilia-nilai menggunakan pendekatan pragmatik. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode deskriptif. Instumen dalam penelitian ini yang dipakai adalah jurnal yang berkaitan dengan penelitian. Teknik analisis datanya adalah dengan cara membaca teliti, menghayati, memahami, kemudian menganalisis data sesuai dengan aspek yang dikaji dengan cara sistematis dan terperinci. Hasil yang diperoleh terdapat gambaran efek kesenangan, kesedihan, dan efek estetika. Serta terdapatnya nilai-nilai yang dibaca oleh sipembaca seperti nilai agama, sosial, budaya, dan agama. Kata Kunci: Antologi Cerpen, Pendekatan Pragmatik
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Annissa, Annissa, Revensyah Sihombing, Siti Rahmadhani Siregar, and Trisnawati Hutagalung. "Analisis Gaya Bahasa dalam Cerpen “Tio Na Tonggi” Karya Hasan Al Banna." Asas: Jurnal Sastra 9, no. 1 (June 7, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.24114/ajs.v9i1.18333.
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AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui gaya bahasa dalam cerpen karya Hasan Al Banna yang berjudul “Tio Na Tonggi”. Metode yang digunakan peneliti adalah metode deskriptif kualitatif. Jenis penelitian ini tergolong dalam jenis penelitian kepustakaan dengan studi dokumen teks dan teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan teknik baca tulis.Berdasarkan hasil analisis data yang ditemukan oleh peneliti dapat disimpulkan bahwa terdapat lima gaya bahasa yang ada dalam cerpen yang berjudul “Tio Na Tonggi”. Lima gaya bahasa tersebut adalah gaya bahasa metafora, gaya bahasa depersonifikasi, gaya bahasa personifikasi, gaya bahasa hiperbola dan gaya bahasa simile.
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Mahmudah, Siti. "ISLAMISME: KEMUNCULAN DAN PERKEMBANGANNYA DI INDONESIA." Aqlam: Journal of Islam and Plurality 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.30984/ajip.v3i1.628.
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Abstract. This study examines the origin, existence, and development of Islamism group in Indonesia since pre-independence until now. Islamism is a group of Muslims who are obedient to the teachings of Islam, but they are very extreme, literal, static and rigid in understanding the teachings of Islam (Alquran), and reject to the other Muslims who disagree with Islamic ideology that they have embraced. The group of Islamism existed and emerged in Indonesia, it was not apart from the influence of the spread of Islamic teachings from al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun that was founded by Hasan al-Banna in Egypt in 1928. The group of Islamism was the first Muslim group before the other Muslim groups in Indonesia; such as the Pos-Islamism group, the Liberal Islam Group, the Moderate Islamic Group, the Progressive Islam Group. The group of Islamism in Indonesia—as al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun in Egypt who aspires to spread the ideology of Islam for all of the world—seeks to spread their ideology with the movement of "creeping up" for all of the area in Indonesian, since before independence until now. Islamist groups succeeded in spreading Islam and Sharia through mosques, schools, ta'lim majlis. The existence and development of Islamist groups in Indonesia today are flattered. They have very much support from the political elite. However, they are not aware that their hands are being borrowed or exploited by political elites to seize or get the power in irrational ways. Keywords: Islamism, Emergence, Existence, Development, Indonesia. Abstrak. Studi ini membahas tentang asal usul, eksistensi dan perkembangan kelompok Islamisme di Indonesia sejak pra-kemerdekaan sampai sekarang. Kelompok Islamisme adalah kumpulan Muslim yang patuh terhadap ajaran Islam, namun mereka sangat ekstrem, literal, statis dan kaku dalam memahami ajaran Islam (Alquran), serta menolak golongan Muslim lain yang berbeda dengan faham Islam yang sudah mereka anut. Kelompok Islamisme ada dan muncul di Indonesia tidak terlepas dari pengaruh penyebaran ajaran Islam ala al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun yang didirikan oleh Hasan al-Banna di Mesir pada tahun 1928. Kelompok Islamisme merupakan kelompok Muslim yang pertama ada sebelum adanya kelompok-kelompok Muslim lain di Indonesia; seperti kelompok Pos-Islamisme, Kelompok Islam Liberal, Kelompok Islam Moderat, Kelompok Islam Progresif. Kelompok Islamisme di Indonesia –sebagaimana al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun di Mesir yang bercita-cita menyebarkan faham berislam ke seluruh dunia—berupaya menyebarkan paham Islamisme dengan gerakan “merayap” ke seluruh bumi Indonesia sejak sebelum Indonesia merdeka sampai sekarang. Kelompok Islamisme berhasil menyebarkan faham Islam dan Syariah melalui, antara lain: masjid-masjid, sekolah-sekolah, majelis-majelis taklim. Eksistensi dan perkembangan kelompok-kelompok Islamisme di Indonesia zaman ini sedang merasa tersanjung, karena banyak mendapat dukungan dari para elit politik. Namun sebaliknya, mereka tidak sadar bahwa tangan-tangan mereka sedang dipinjam atau pun dimanfaatkan oleh para elit politik untuk merebut atau pun mendapatkan sebuah kekuasaan dengan cara-cara yang tidak rasional. Kata Kunci: Islamisme, Eksistensi, Kemunculan, Perkembangan, Indonesia.
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HAMMOND, ANDREW. "“The Imam of modern Egypt was a sceptic”: Mustafa Sabri's Radical Critique of Muhammad ʿAbduh and Modernist Theology." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, August 24, 2021, 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186321000663.
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Abstract This article re-examines the theology of Egyptian ʿalim Muhammad ʿAbduh (1849–1905) through the writing of Late Ottoman sheikh ül-Islam Mustafa Sabri (1869–1954) and his radical critique of the Muslim reform (tajdīd) movement. One of Mustafa Kemal's most implacable foes, Sabri was alarmed to find Egyptian ʿulamaʾ and intellectuals advancing the positivist-materialist agenda he had challenged in Istanbul before fleeing in 1922 from Ankara's victorious nationalist forces. Debating the leading lights of the modernist movement in Egypt of the 1930s and 1940s, Sabri came to see its reform theology as little more than a calque on Enlightenment notions of religion; his ideas became influential through his close relationship with Hasan al-Banna and other figures from the Muslim Brotherhood. Examining Sabri's work in Istanbul and Cairo, ʿAbduh's early and later writing, and texts such as ʿAbduh's famous debate with Farah Antun, the islāmiyyāt literature of Egypt's liberal age, and material by Sayyid Qutb, I argue that Sabri was instrumental in formulating the hostile discourse that came to dominate Muslim views of ʿAbduh in the later twentieth century once the ideologies of Salafism and Brotherhood Islamism had eclipsed that of the reformers.
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Muhammad Nawaz Awan, Dr. Mamnoon Ahmed Khan. "CONSTRAINTS FOR MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN THE POLITICS OF EGYPT." Pakistan Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 2 (March 29, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.52337/pjia.v1i2.42.
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This Political party was established in Egypt in 1920. His founder was Sheikh-al-hasan Al banna and he was from the village of Alexandria. He started this group in 1923 but it is properly established in 1929. His motivation was to reassure and implement the basic beliefs of Islam, but later it took political form. This movement was very popular in Egypt and its branches will also be established in other Arab countries. On the end of the Second World War, its members had a population of 20 million. It was a democratically party dictatorship and wanted to end the kingdom, abstain from militancy, it has many services for Egypt's people. In addition, he used to present in welfare works, they established thousands of schools in Egypt in which general public used to get education. The organization became very popular because it was consisting of educated people, the party of Palestine, Hamas was also the part of Muslim Brotherhood. The Muslim Brotherhood worked hard to end the kingdom, but every time the party was pressed and was not given any success in any way, because this party only wants the democratic government. In 1952, Muslim Brotherhood was a pro-Egyptian military revolution, but it also opposed General Najeeb and General Nasir’s foreign policy. In 1954, some of the party workers was unsuccessful to assassinate general Nasser, after which it was considered as a law-enforcement law and their property was confiscated. Then the leader of the group Sheikh Hassan Aldebi changed his president's position from Damascus to Cairo. This group raised a loud voice against Arab nationalism and slammed the Islamic Brotherhood. In the past, many members of the party were closed in prisons and executed martyred like Syed Qutb. After this ban, the group remained and spread across the entire Arab territories. The Muslim League has close ties with Pakistan. In my article I am giving light on the role of the Muslim Brotherhood for Egypt.