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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Hate crime'
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1
Montague, Richard. "Challenging "hate crime" in a divided city : racist and sectarian hate crime in Belfast." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.675454.
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Rafeedie, Sonia Issa. "Hate Crime: The Unidentified Evil." Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1002131699.
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Zaykowski, Heather. "Predicting hate crime reporting to police insights from the National Crime Victimization Survey /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 60 p, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1597633471&sid=5&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Lloyd, Jonathan Andrew. "Hate Managers and Where They Target: An Analysis of Hate Crime as Hate Group Self-Help." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/90883.
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I explore the relationships between hate group activity, community factors, and the likelihood of hate crime occurrence within a county area. I integrate considerations raised by Routine Activity and Social Control theorists as well as current hate crime literature to frame my concept of the hate manager, an agent of social control that utilizes hate crimes as a means of enacting extralegal self-help for hate groups. I explore the relationship between hate managers and hate crime by testing a model relating hate group activity and hate crime occurrences by location. Next, I correlate hate crime occurrences with hate group activity at the county level for the state of Virginia using public data. I find that a hate group's presence holds greater predictive power than nearly any other factor for hate crime likelihood. My findings illustrate the nature of hate crime as a means of social control; whereby hate groups act as a parochial order and maintain hierarchical relations between offenders and victims through means of disciplinary crimes. I conclude by outlining suggestions for future research into the role of the hate manager.Master of Science
In my thesis, I ask the question of how hate groups methodically encourage where hate crimes occur. I do this by creating the concept of the hate manager. Hate managers are figures which influence would-be criminals into their illegal acts. They do this by stoking the fears necessary for them to act outside legal boundaries in reaction to some feeling of threat, an act known as self-help. Hate crimes, I argue, are a form of self-help where the feeling of threat is directed towards individuals belonging to some marginalized group. By looking at data collected by various agencies in the state of Virginia, I discover that the presence of a hate group in a county is a stronger predictor for such acts than any other factor for hate crime likelihood. By doing so, I demonstrate that hate crimes are a form of social control. That is, I argue that hate groups maintain a sense of order or ranking by means of illegal and disciplinary self-help in the form of hate crimes. I conclude my thesis by outlining suggestions for future exploration of the hate manager’s role.
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Broadhurst, Monica DeAnn. "The Integral Role of Training in the Implementation of Hate Crime Legislation." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2818/.
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This research focuses on the association between law enforcement training and implementation of hate crime legislation. The Anti-Defamation League's state hate crime statutory provisions and the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Hate Crime Reporting by States data are examined. Section one includes the following: What Constitutes Hate?, The History of Hate Crime Legislation, and Issues Facing Hate Crime Legislation. Section two surveys literature on both Hate Crime Legislation and the training of law enforcement officers. Section three discusses the Anti-Defamation League and FBI data in detail and explains the methods used to test the association between law enforcement training and reporting of hate crime legislation. Findings yield a statistically significant association between law enforcement training and reporting of hate crime legislation.
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Coester, Marc. "Hate crimes das Konzept der hate crimes aus den USA unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Rechtsextremismus in Deutschland." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2007. http://d-nb.info/989755606/04.
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Hall, Nathan Richard John. "Policing hate crime in London and New York city." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.510768.
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Hodge, Jessica P. "Proving grounds the gender quandary of hate crime law /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 309 p, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1654490941&sid=3&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Sikk, Helis. "Affective Economies of Activism: Reimagining Anti-Lgbtq Hate Crime." W&M ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1477068228.
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“Affective Economies of Activism: Reimagining Anti-LGBTQ Hate Crime” is a critique of racism and misogyny within the contemporary LGBTQ movement. I argue that the mainstream LGBTQ movement’s narrow focus on street crimes against white gay men has resulted in a hyperreality that distracts us not only from the effects of the actual racialized violence that takes place, but also denies meaningful discussion of structural violence. This dissertation traces the origins of this exclusive and harmful discourse since the late 1960s with each chapter describing different forms of active resistance and possibilities for finding solutions today. I analyze publications gathered from special collections across the country; oral histories I conducted with activists in the South; documentary films; and queer online culture. My scholarship combines theory with everyday lived experience in order to bring social justice to the center of our field of vision. I do not only discuss and theorize about social justice, but also practice what I preach by engaging in archive activism and contributing to a grassroots LGBTQ history.
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Adebjörk, Andrea. "Misogyny: a hate crime or a private affair? : A socio-cultural study of the intersection between hate crime legislation and men’s violence against women." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-421488.
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Hate crime and men’s violence against women are two well-recognised and highly prioritised human rights phenomena in both international and local contexts. Yet, the idea of linking the two phenomena together has received very limited support. As a series of lethal acts of Incel- violence – violence characterised by misogynistic motives and an alt-right ideology of male supremacy – have taken place globally in recent years, a discussion on the region of the human rights spectrum where gendered violence and hate crime legislation overlap is more relevant than ever. Thus, this study’s overarching purpose is to – through a comparative analysis of studies on hate crime and men’s violence against women from the United States, the United Kingdom, and Sweden – investigate the definition of hate crime and its scope in relation to gendered violence with a primary objective of identifying factors that explain why violent crimes against women motivated by misogynistic principles are rarely, if ever, recognised as hate crimes. By drawing on explanatory models of normalisation and theories on power relations, the practice of othering, the male norm and the norm of masculinity, and gendered spheres, the study sets out to evaluate a thesis that suggests that the infrequent inclusion of violent crimes with female victims in the legal and general perception of hate crime can be at least partially explained with reference to the normalisation of male violence against women, and the traditional expectation and assumption that violence against women is rooted in personal, emotional conflicts rather than impersonal hate motives. The analysis initially explores how the gender category is positioned within the legal phenomenon of hate crime by looking at a generalised criteria for hate crime, the normative view on hate crime victims, the reporting and statistics of hate crime, and arguments for and against the inclusion of a gender category in legal statues on bias crimes. The analysis then moves on to analyse three different categories of violence against women – domestic abuse, sexual assault and rape, and Incel-violence – in relation to gendered power dynamics and norms. The study’s results show that even though motives of hate can be linked to different forms of gendered violence, the traditional understanding of what constitutes a hate crime and a hate crime victim along with stereotypical assumptions on what male-on-female violence looks like, makes men’s violence against women appear incompatible with the hate crime phenomenon even in situations when cases of gendered violence actually fit into the generalised hate crime criteria that legal authorities and the public accept as the definition of a hate crime.
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Asquith, Nicole. "Speech Act Theory, Maledictive Force and the Adjudication of Vilification in Australia." Network Books, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3897.
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Asquith, Nicole. "The Harms of Verbal and Textual Hatred." Praeger, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3894.
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NoTraditional Millian theory posits that free speech is the most important mechanism to achieve a greater tolerance of difference and thus create a dynamic marketplace for truth to flourish. In responding to maledictive hate, theorists such as Gelber (2002) and Butler (1997) have recommended that marginalized speech actors engage with a process of speaking back, of returning the gaze to make perpetrators¿ contributions to the marketplace of ideas marginal and aberrant. However, as will be demonstrated by an analysis of maledictive force and effects, the ideal speech situations of communicative action theory, and the recasting of terms of abuse by ¿speaking back¿, require both rational speech actors ¿something clearly absent in many acts of maledictive hate¿and an institutional validation of the authenticity of marginalized subjects and their speech. Constructing new truths in the marketplace of ideas is both socially and politically contingent. As such, the capacity for marginalized subjects to contribute to the marketplace rests on their ability to be able to speak with authority and to be authorized to speak.
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Edgar, Jill Marie. "Hate crime in Canada: A quantitative analysis of victimization survey data." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/6209.
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Hate crime victimization in Canada is a criminal justice issue that has received insufficient attention. To address this lack of information, Statistics Canada included two questions concerning hate crime on the 1999 administration of the General Social Survey. The data from this survey were analyzed for this thesis. Differences between hate crime and non-hate crime respondents were examined. Subsequently, the three most frequently reported hate crime motivation categories of race/ethnicity, sex and culture were compared. The results of the analysis revealed that while differences exist between hate crime and non-hate crime respondents, the main differences appeared between respondents reporting sex-motivated hate crimes and those in the two remaining categories of race/ethnicity and culture. The main variations were in the reasons respondents cited for not reporting the incident to the police and their psychological reactions to the event. Those who perceived their victimization to be based upon their race/ethnicity or culture did not report the incident to the police because they felt it was not important enough. Respondents victimized on the basis of their sex indicated that they did not bring the incident to the attention of the police because they felt the "police do nothing". While respondents of the three motivation categories of hate crime examined in this study reported being fearful as a result of their victimization, respondents who perceived themselves as having been the victim of a sex-based hate crime were substantially less likely than those victimized as a result of their race/ethnicity or culture to report that they were not effected that much.
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Holder, Eaven. "Political Competition and Predictors of Hate Crime: A County-level Analysis." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2018. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3491.
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Research on hate crime has tended to utilize sociological frameworks to best explain the incidence of such offending, but little research has been conducted to determine whether political factors may play a role. Although Olzak (1990) touched upon the relationship between racial violence and third-party politics during the American Progressive era (1882-1914), the research did not fully articulate how political competition may influence the commission of hate crime. The current study seeks to fill this gap, while also extending concepts associated with social disorganization theory and the defended communities perspective. It does so by utilizing a longitudinal research design to assess the impact of theoretical predictors and political competition measures on hate crime prevalence in counties across three states (Tennessee, Virginia & West Virginia) over a seven-year span (2010-2016).
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Hatcher, Jennifer. "Hate crime in the media a content analysis of the Washington post and the New York times /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2002. http://etd.wvu.edu/templates/showETD.cfm?recnum=2417.
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Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2002.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 61 p. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-58).
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Panush, Louis. "The Expressive Goals of Bias Crime Legislation and the Media." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/206.
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State level bias crime legislation was passed throughout much of the United States over the last three decades. Beyond their prosecutorial or instrumental application, bias or hate crime laws serve an expressive or messaging function. This function is meant to promote societal cohesion through the rejection of hateful ideologies, as well as signal to attacked or marginalized members of communities that the government is directly addressing the effects of bias crime. As the number of reported hate crimes in the United States remains essentially level, it is of importance to assess how well the expressive function is performing. Following a background on the development, debate, and variation of bias or hate crime law, this project focuses on a content analysis of prominent state level media with the expectation that the expressive success of laws can be detected in bias crime coverage. It is found that bias crime related stories were featured with greater regularity in the states of Washington and Minnesota, which have passed extensive bias crime legislation. Bias crime related stories were far less prominent in South Carolina, which has no bias crime laws. The State of Wyoming, another state with no bias crime laws, displayed a surprisingly large amount of coverage, primarily as a result of the high-profile murder of Matthew Shepard in 1998.
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Walters, Mark Austin. "Hate crimes hurt more : can restorative practices help repair the harms?" Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5b28fa3f-38b0-4af4-ad88-7922e1d834b1.
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The current retributive approach to tackling hate crime, while intuitively grounded in the principle of proportionately, does little to either repair the harms caused by incidents of hate or engender greater levels of acceptance of those deemed as “different”. This thesis therefore explores whether restorative justice, a relatively new theory and practice of criminal justice, is better placed to tackle the causes and consequences of hate victimisation. The 18 month empirical study, carried out to examine the thesis’ aims, uses a triangulation approach by incorporating observations of restorative justice meetings, semi-structured interviews with victim participants and semi-structured interviews with restorative practitioners who have experience facilitating hate crime cases. The mainly qualitative data collated provides for a detailed evaluation of the various processes found within restorative practices that: 1) helped to alleviate the distress caused by hate victimisation and 2) prevented the recurrence of hate-motivated incidents. A broad conceptualisation of hate crime was used within the thesis that included “hate incidents”. This allowed me to explore the utility of restorative practices in cases involving serious violence and the more pervasive “low-level”, but nonetheless highly deleterious, non-criminal incidents of hate that are frequently committed against minority group individuals. There were also several unanticipated findings from the study. First, data emerged which highlighted various aspects of the restorative practice which were unforeseen as being central to the successful application of restorative processes, these are discussed throughout the thesis. Second, great insight was gained into the nature of hate victimisation, helping to unravel some of the complex socio-cultural factors pivotal to both the cause and effect of hate victimisation. It is hoped that these additional findings provide important epistemological advancements in both fields of study.
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McCaffery, Patrick Paul. "Hate motivated crime victimization, a perceptual study of the effectiveness of the Ottawa-Carleton Police Bias Crime Unit." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0023/MQ26962.pdf.
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Mason-Bish, Hannah. "Hate crime in Great Britain : Establishing, expanding and exploring a policy domain." Thesis, University of Essex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499756.
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Sanders-Hahs, Erin M. "The impact of hate crime trauma on gay and lesbian interpersonal relationships." Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/1050.
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Asquith, Nicole. "Understanding the Role of Verbal and Textual Hostility in Hate Crime Regulation: Interim Report." London Metropolitan Police Service, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3900.
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noVerbal-textual hostility plays a significant role in victims¿ subjective perceptions of hatred and police officers¿ assessment of a hate crime. Yet, to date, the role of hate speech in hate crime has been largely uninterrogated. The aim of this research project is to assess and evaluate the forensic possibilities contained in a closer reading of the words used in hate crimes. Through a critical discourse analysis of incident characteristics and officers¿ narratives of incidents, this report maps out how key hate speech-text indicators may assist to better evaluate the force and effects of hate crimes. It is expected that this type of contextual analysis will lead to the development of more sophisticated risk assessment tools for use in frontline policing, and more targeted service-enhancements for victims of hate crimes.
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Asquith, Nicole. "The Text and Context of Malediction: A Study of Antisemitic and Heterosexist Hate Violence." VDM Verlag, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3898.
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noResearch into the contours of hate crime has gone through several ebbs and flows over the last twenty years. At times, acts of horrific brutality have brought the issue of hate violence into the public imagination; sometimes leading to legislative changes, education programs and the funding of community organisations to manage the harms caused by this unique form of violence. The Stephen Lawrence murder in the UK in April 1993, and the Matthew Shepherd murder in the USA in October 1998 both led to major policing and legislative changes, including the introduction of penalty-enhancement measures, which were thought to more adequately ameliorate the additional harms generated from targeted violence, and to create the conditions for good citizenship in diverse societies. However, this legislative and policing transformation of hate crime regulation is not universal, even in Western democratic states. The Australian Federal government has not responded in comparable ways; preferring instead to abrogate much of its responsibilities under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and International Convention on Civil and Political Rights to state governments¿particularly, in relation to gay men and lesbians¿ social citizenship rights. In relation to hate violence, contemporary Australian research has begun to address the inconsistent application of law, public policy and policing practice. However, the issue of `hate speech¿ has remained largely uninterrogated. Equally, research has tended to focus on the unique characteristics of specific forms of hate violence, rather than assess the conditions of exclusion shared by disparate groups. This book remedies both of these deficiencies by providing a critical analysis of the role of hate speech in hate violence, and offering a comparative investigation of antisemitic and heterosexist violence.
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Lee, Jenifer Ann. "Judging the hate crime victim law school student perceptions and the effects of individual and law school factors /." Connect to this title online, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2069/32.
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Marek, Heather. "Criminalizing Our Way to Racial Equality? An Empirical Look at Hate Regulation." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/24193.
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Does regulating hate promote racial equality? This dissertation proposes a method for beginning an empirical examination into the benefits and burdens of anti-hate laws. Since prohibiting hate speech necessarily invokes the penal system, a promising approach involves measuring the effects of criminalizing similar conduct, i.e., hate crimes. The effects of criminalization are particularly important given the U.S. history of racialized and colorblind justice and some evidence indicating criminalization may harm racial minorities.
Chapter 2 examines whether hate crime laws have the unintended consequence of promoting racial inequality by contributing to racial disparities in arrests. It finds that while police are more likely to recognize assaults as hate crimes when the suspects are white, African Americans are nonetheless significantly overrepresented among hate crime arrestees.
Chapter 3 examines how race affects victim perception of potential hate crimes, and how this, in turn, affects police response. While research suggests people tend to have a preconceived notion of the quintessential hate crime in which African Americans are victims, it also shows a negative racial bias in which people ascribe greater culpability and are more punitive towards African Americans. This study looks at how people act under the real-world stresses of crime. Findings provide clear evidence of a tendency to label African Americans as hate crime offenders and to report them to police at significantly higher rates. Further, while African American suspects experience relatively high arrest rates generally, the magnitude of this effect is significantly greater for hate crimes.
Chapter 4 explores the nefarious uses of hate crime laws, examining how they may be weaponized to inoculate police and undermine movements for racial justice. Specifically, it looks at the case of “Blue Lives Matter” legislation, which extends hate crime protections to police. Findings reject the officer safety rationale: States with BLM proposals do not differ significantly from other states in terms of violence against police. However, African American arrests do predict these bills, indicating they are a continuation of past police repression. Further research is needed to fully understand how officials enforce hate regulations, and the reverberations of this enforcement on society.
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Ferreira, Eduardo. "Crimes de ódio e discriminação contra a comunidade LGBTI+." Bachelor's thesis, [s.n.], 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10284/9960.
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Projeto de Graduação apresentado à Universidade Fernando Pessoa como parte dos requisitos para obtenção do grau de Licenciado em CriminologiaO crime de ódio é um ato ilegal, onde as vítimas são selecionadas de forma intencional com base em preconceitos. As vítimas pertencem a minorias étnicas e religiosas, à comunidade LGBTI+, e pessoas com deficiências físicas ou mentais. Estes tipos de crime, contra estas pessoas, trazem consequências nefastas e duradouras, provocando danos psicológicos e físicos bastante graves. A esta vitimização aliam-se os antecedentes, e ainda atuais, negativos das relações entre pessoas LGBTI+ (Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Transsexuais e Intersexuais) e as forças de segurança, que faz com que não se verifique a denúncia dos atos ilícitos de que são vítimas. Portanto, este projeto tem objetivo formar, alertar, preparar e prevenir os agentes da autoridade para as questões LGBT de forma a melhorar a relação e comunicação entre ambas as partes. Consiste numa ação de formação aos militares do Comando Territorial (CTer) do Porto, da Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR).
Hate crime is an illegal act where victims are intentionally selected based on prejudice. They belong to ethnic and religious minorities, the LGBTI+ community, and people with physical or mental disabilities. These types of crimes, against these people, bring harmful and long-lasting consequences, causing serious psychological and physical harm. In addition to this victimization, the negative and still current background of relations between LGBTI+ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Intersex) people and the security forces, is also a cause that makes sure that there are no reports of the illicit acts of which they are victims. Therefore, this project aims to train, alert, prepare and prevent law enforcement agents to LGBTI+ issues to improve the relationship and communication between both parties. It consists of a training action for the military of the Comando Territorial do Porto (CTer) of the Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR).
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Healy, Jane. "On the periphery of hate crime : disability at the intersections of marginalisation, vulnerability and difference." Thesis, Middlesex University, 2018. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/25907/.
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This research explores the nature and impact of disability hate crime from the perspective of disabled people, victims and key informants from criminal justice and other agencies. The evidence base included two focus groups with disabled people, an online anonymous questionnaire with 83 disabled participants, narrative interviews with 12 victims of disability hate crimes and semi-structured interviews with 15 key informants. It draws on all forms of disability, impairment and conditions and contributes to the current research deficit in the field of disability hate crime. All of the participants spoke of a prevalence of targeted violence and harassment against disabled people that is cumulative and repetitive in nature. Victims reported a variety of abuse and hostility, from name-calling and verbal abuse to physical and sexual violence, harassment and damage to property. A significant minority reported experiencing a withdrawal of support or assistance from carers or family members, something which is unique to this strand of hate crime. The impact of this victimisation on disabled communities is both emotional and practical, and can include utilising avoidance or acceptance strategies that restrict living and working conditions for disabled people, thereby contributing to their isolation and Othering. Some participants reported suicidal ideation; others were resilient and described their experiences as normative. Victims recount inadequate, offensive and inappropriate responses from the criminal justice system generally, and a consequential lack of confidence in them as a result. Government policy on benefit claimants and concurrent negative media coverage of disabled people were factors in victims' experiences of hate crimes, with participants advocating that recent cultural and social changes in how disabled people are perceived and framed have directly led to an increase in incidents and crimes. The research demonstrates how domination and subordination of a marginalised group in society has led to resignation and acceptance by them of disability hate crime as part of life. It makes recommendations to address this by establishing dedicated hate crime units within police forces, embedding hate crime awareness and training within safeguarding practices and improving third party reporting facilities.
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Campbell, Rosemary. "Not getting away with it : addressing violence against sex workers as hate crime in Merseyside." Thesis, Durham University, 2016. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11960/.
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Adopting a participatory approach, this thesis examines Merseyside Police’s treatment of violent and other crimes against sex workers as hate crime - through the lens of what is referred to as the ‘Merseyside hate crime approach’ The first academic study to do so, it describes the development of the approach and explores the key elements which constitute it. It proposes the approach is a banner encompassing a range of policing and partnership initiatives - not just the inclusion of sex workers in the force’s hate crime policy, but including, critically, a wider shift from enforcement to protection-focused policing and improved support for sex worker victims of crime. Based on analysis of data from interviews with 22 sex workers and 39 police officers, it reports support for the approach and the notion that sex workers can be victims of hate crime. It argues that sex workers’ experiences of victimisation fit a number of definitions of hate crime, straddling those foregrounding prejudice and those foregrounding the targeting of ‘perceived vulnerability’. As such they can be included as a hate crime group and there are tangible benefits for inclusion. However, the thesis asserts there is some way to go in fully integrating sex workers into hate crime procedures in Merseyside. It supports the further development of an inclusive model for understanding hate crime which includes non-established hate crime groups and recognises intersectionality. It argues that the hate crime approach to sex work is progressive - within the UK framework of the quasi-criminalisation of sex work, it offers a rights-based approach to addressing violence against sex workers. Nonetheless, it cautions the approach should not be seen as an end it itself in the regulation of sex work, with international research evidence pointing to decriminalisation as a more conducive framework to address crimes against sex workers.
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Sullivan, Alison. "The impact of hate crime retribution on racism : when blaming the victim becomes blaming the group /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2006. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe19755.pdf.
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Malmberg, Sara, and Calle Dahlström. "Healing from hate-crime in an unsafe and exposed position : Black lesbian women in South Africa." Thesis, Ersta Sköndal högskola, Institutionen för socialvetenskap, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:esh:diva-1723.
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In March 2011 the South African government agreed to address the issue of “corrective rape” due to a petition made by a lesbian activist group. The knowledge of how many women that are raped in South Africa because of their sexual orientation is impossible to achieve since the South African police do not make any distinctions of the motive behind the rape when it is reported. There are “Gay advocacy groups” that claim that there are 10 cases of corrective rape every week just in Cape Town, but these figures have not been confirmed. The gravity of the problem is still eminent as women come forth witnessing about the hate-crimes committed against them. This study is an attempt to gain knowledge about the situation for these women that exist under the radar of official statistics. Through interviews the study tries to shed light on how the women perceive their situation and through theories from the professional field of social work the aim is to analyse their recovery process, if there is one, after being the survivor of hate crime. This research shows that the women lived in an exposed position filled with fear, making them alienate from society. The study also found that the women face a number of problems that interfere with their process of recovery and healing. It also disclosed factors that made healing possible even in a violent society like the South African. The support system that surrounded the women was scarce in regards to for example family, but the greater when including the LGBTI community. The research lifts forth how social work can change the lives for people living in an exposed position in society.
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Asquith, Nicole. "Race riots on the beach: A case for criminalising hate speech?" British Society of Criminology, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3896.
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noThis paper analyses the verbal and textual hostility employed by rioters, politicians and the media in Sydney (Australia) in December 2005 in the battle over Sutherland Shire¿s Cronulla Beach. By better understanding the linguistic conventions underlying all forms of maledictive hate, we are better able to address the false antimonies between free speech and the regulation of speech. It is also argued that understanding the harms of hate speech provides us with the tools necessary to create a more responsive framework for criminalising some forms of hate speech as a preliminary process in reducing or eliminating hate violence.
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Kelly, Terri Lee. "A critical review of issues in applying restorative justice principles and practices to cases of hate crime." PDXScholar, 2002. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3629.
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A restorative approach to justice focuses on accountability for healing the harm done to victims and communities as a result of criminal acts. Hate crimes are intended to send a threatening message to a particular group of people. There is enough reliable research on restorative justice principles and practices, and on the causes, meaning and impact of hate crimes, to bring together a representative selection of available literature for a critical review. This thesis critically reviews the literature of restorative justice principles and practices, and the literature of hate crime causes, definitions, laws, and typologies of offenders, using as a model Comstock's seven-step Critical Research Method. Findings suggest that congruencies between the two fields of study are primarily found in how activities appropriated to define the fields have increased the ambiguity of the definitions. Further findings suggest that there are important underlying issues of class and power distribution in need of attention in both fields of research. These findings are discussed and suggestions are made for future areas of research.
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Haggerty, Bernard P. "Hate crime law & social contention : a comparison of nongovernmental knowledge practices in Canada & the United States." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/1520.
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Hate crime laws in both Canada and the United States purport to promote equality using the language of antidiscrimination law. National criminal codes in both countries authorize enhanced punishment for crimes motivated by “sexual orientation” but not “gender identity” or “gender expression.” Cities and states in the United States have also adopted hate crime laws, some of which denounce both homophobic and trans-phobic crimes. Hate crime penalty enhancement laws have been applied by courts in both Canada and the United States to establish a growing jurisprudence. In both countries, moreover, other hate crime laws contribute to official legal knowledge by regulating hate speech, hate crime statistics, and conduct equivalent to hate crimes in schools, workplaces, and elsewhere.
Yet, despite the proliferation of hate crime laws and jurisprudence, governmental officials do not control all legal knowledge about hate crimes. Sociological “others” attend criminal sentencing proceedings and provide support to hate crime victims during prosecutions, but they also frame their own unofficial inquiries and announce their own classification decisions for hate-related events. In both Canada and the United States, nongovernmental groups contend both inside and outside official governmental channels to establish legal knowledge about homophobic and trans-phobic hate crimes.
In two comparable Canadian and American cities, similar groups monitor and classify homophobic and trans-phobic attacks using a variety of information practices. Interviews with representatives of these groups reveal a relationship between the practices of each group and hate crime laws at each site.
The results support one principal conclusion. The availability of local legislative power and a local mechanism for public review are key determinants of the sites and styles of nongovernmental contention about hate crimes. Where police gather and publish official hate crime statistics, the official classification system serves as both a site for mobilization, and a constraint on the styles of contention used by nongovernmental groups. Where police do not gather or publish hate crime statistics, nongovernmental groups are deprived of the resource represented by a local site for social contention, but their styles of contention are liberated from the subtle influences of an official hate crime classification system.
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Dunn, Peter. "Abuse around difference : a sociological exploration of gay men's experiences of 'hate crime' and policy responses to it." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/495/.
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This thesis explores gay men's experiences of 'hate crime' and its aftermath. The consequences of their victimisation and the meanings that participants in this research attached to the processes involved are described. Criminal justice policy concerning hate crime is based on the premise that it is more harmful to victims and communities than crime motivated by other factors. That, it has been argued elsewhere, is an assumption. Harmful consequences that participants associated with homophobic victimisation and the interaction of racism and homophobia in particular, are suggested by the accounts of victimisation and its consequences. While the immediate impact of hate-motivated victimisation and other offending were similar, many participants described a series of damaging consequences that flowed from their victimisation. These seemed contingent upon masculine norms that they had challenged, and the pervasive nature of homophobia that, it is argued, hampered effective responses to homophobic victimisation. Participants' experiences are considered alongside developments in criminal justice policy and practice about 'hate crime'. These are often presented as evidence that victims are now ‘at the heart of the criminal justice system’ in the UK. Yet many of the participants felt marginalised by their contact with state authorities, identifying few valued outcomes from having sought help and protection. Official accounts of improvements in police responses to 'hate crime' in London and police engagement with minority communities are compared with participants’ experiences. In parallel to criminal justice developments, support organisations have sought to improve their services to victims of hate crime. Their effectiveness is considered: the data suggests that aspects of their work that participants found unhelpful were similar to those of state authorities that were experienced as ineffective. A minority of participants valued the help they received, and implications of the study's findings for policing and support services are suggested.
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Disha, Ilir. "Anti-Arab hate crimes in the aftermath of September 11, 2001 assessing the influence of geographic and situational factors /." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0001045.
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Mahamud, Abdullahi. "Förekomsten av rasism och diskriminering på den svenska arbetsmarknaden och regeringens förebyggande insatser." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-165384.
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In this essay I am going to discuss the different forms of discrimination and disadvantages of immigrant employees in the Swedish labor market. By using policy analysis, the purpose is to study the policies that contain the guidelines of which discrimination laws and other directives about discrimination are presented. This work is going to study how discrimination and racism occur in the Swedish labor market and how the government counter the disadvantages by acting in the policies they have established. The results show that immigrant and foreign groups in the labor market have disadvantages because of the discriminatory structure that display the employers’ underestimation of these groups by acting on the prejudices and discriminations that these groups are affected by. Problems like ethnic occupational segregation, ethnic hierarchies, hate crime and mainly ethnic discrimination are all independent factors that leads to the disadvantages displayed on the immigrant groups in the Swedish labor market. Salaries and level of education are also determining how far one employee can succeed and be compared with the respective native Swedish employee. The conclusion is, based on the discriminations policies and guidelines, that immigrant groups of Sweden are having a lower salary and definitely not gaining same amount of salary despite the same education and qualifications attained. Worst case is for the black Swedes which have the lowest income compared to other immigrants and mostly to native Swedes. By the help of the government would the qualitative differences between these groups be less defined because of the government influence in form of multicultural projects and activities, which allow immigrants to be established firmly into the Swedish society and hopefully into the labor market
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Torgalsböen, Emma, and Linda Rääf. "Jag blir kränkt till följd av den jag är : En kvalitativ studie av individers upplevelser av att utsättas för hatbrott." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för socialt arbete och psykologi, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-22243.
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The aim of this study is to examineindividuals talk about their experience of being exposed to hate crimes, how their exposure has influenced their everyday lives, how the individuals experience the policeinteraction, what affects the choice to report or not, but also to see if there is any difference between theexposure for females and males. Themain results that individuals feel because of the exposure, are a great concern and a limitation on everyday life. Individuals experience a positive first impression of the police, which turns to negativity when the investigation is not completed. This is often given as reason not to file a report. A view also develops that shows that females are both more concerned and exposed. One of the most important conclusionsare that social constructs in society have an impact on how the surrounding society, and the victim in person view their exposure.Syftet är att studeraindividers berättelser om sina upplevelser av att utsättas för hatbrott. Hur utsattheten påverkat individer i deras vardag, hur individerna upplever bemötandet av polisen, vad som har betydelse för om man väljer att inte anmäla en händelse men också om man upplever skillnader mellan kvinnor och mäns utsatthet. Huvudresultaten visar att individer till följd av utsattheten känner en stark oro samt begränsning i vardagen. Individer upplever ofta första intrycket med polisen positivt vilket förändras till negativt då utredningen inte fullföljs. Detta anges ofta som förklaring till varför man inte anmäler. Framkommer gör också uppfattningen om att kvinnor både är mer rädda och utsatta. En av de viktigaste slutsatser som gjorts är att sociala konstruktioner i samhället har betydelse för hur omgivningen och offret själv ser på sin utsatthet
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Striblen, Cassie Ann. "Recognizing Collective Responsiblities." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1181591359.
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Norup, Dan, and Liza Sjölund. "Antisemitism och brottsprevention : en kvalitativ studie om unga judars upplevelser i storstäderna." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för socialt arbete och kriminologi, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-33033.
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Syftet med denna studie har varit att undersöka hur unga med judisk tillhörighet upplever antisemitism på mikro- och makronivå för att uppnå en bättre förståelse för hur dagens antisemitism i Sverige påverkar individer med judisk religiös tillhörighet utifrån deras egna känslor kring ämnet. Det har använts semistrukturerade kvalitativa intervjuer med fem respondenter från Sveriges storstäder. Det transkriberade materialet har därefter analyserats utifrån kvalitativ innehållsanalys och kategoriserats samt tematiserats utifrån uttalade upplevelser och känslor av upplevelserna. Resultaten visade att respondenterna upplever en ökning i antisemitism. De menar också att det bör genomföras åtgärder för att öka kunskap om antisemitism i skolan samt att få ett större fokus på ämnet inom polismyndigheten. Arbete mot en större anmälningsbenägenhet bör också prioriteras enligt respondenterna.The purpose of this study was to research how youth with Jewish affiliation experience antisemitism on both micro- and macro level, this to gain a greater understanding of how antisemitism affects religious jewish individuals based on their own feelings towards the subject. Semistructured qualitative interviews have been used for five respondents from the largest cities in Sweden. Afterwards, the transcribed material was analyzed with qualitative content analysis, and categorized and thematised based on expressed experiences and feelings towards the experiences. The results show that respondents feel an increase of antisemitism. They also believe that actions such as increase of knowlegde about antisemitism in schools and a greater focus on the subject at the police should be done. According to the respondents, work towards more people reporting to the police should be prioritized.
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Schofield, April. "Blood At The Root." TopSCHOLAR®, 2015. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1450.
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This is a coming of age story about two very different boys – Jason, a Northerner who ends up stuck in a small Southern town and Billy, a Southern boy with an abusive father. The boys become friends and grow up learning the dark secrets that are allowed to fester in a tiny southern town ruled by the Good Ol’ Boy System of justice. The story chronicles how their shared experiences change them in ways they never imagined and ultimately destroys their friendship and their lives. Through a history of violence and prejudice, Billy and Jason learn who they really are and just how far they’re willing to go to get what they want. They discover the true meaning of strength and weakness and how to survive in a world where they don’t fit in. The story explores the issues of violence, drug abuse, and murder that often lie hidden beneath the façade of fanatic Christianity, propriety, and status in seemingly innocent, charming Southern towns.
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Sands, Jennifer C. "Orlando’s Pulse: Diversity and Inclusion in Higher Education After a Tragedy." Scholarly Commons, 2018. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/3139.
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The Pulse Nightclub Tragedy in Orlando shocked the nation, after a gunman who identified as being Muslim walked in to a gay nightclub and gunned down 49 people and injured 53 more. In addition to the LGBTQ+ community being targeted, the Latinx community had been targeted as well, considering it was Latin night. With many of those affected being of traditional college age, local colleges and universities took action to offer support. Focusing on the Pulse shooting, I explored the ways in which higher education institutions offered support after this tragedy occurred, while reviewing other tragedies and the responses by local colleges and universities. By using a document study of newspapers, institutional publications, and literature, I looked for information on how students were supported and noted best practices by the institutions which offered the most support to minority student groups. Additionally, I examined the themes and patterns regarding inclusion and what tactics were helpful for higher education institutions that could be implemented after a tragedy.
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伸次, 桧垣, and Shinji Higaki. "ヘイト・スピーチ規制に関する憲法学的考察 : 表現の自由を巡る現代的課題." Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB12972124/?lang=0, 2015. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB12972124/?lang=0.
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Brahim, Rachida. "La race tue deux fois : particularisation et universalisation des groupes ethniquement minorisés dans la France contemporaine, 1970-2003." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0163.
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En France, entre les années 70 et fin 90, alors que la notion de crime raciste occupait fréquemment la sphère militante et médiatique, elle ne constituait pas une catégorie juridique dans la sphère judiciaire. La mésentente concernant le traitement des crimes racistes semble trouver son origine dans le fait que deux conceptions d’une même réalité ont pu coexister pendant une trentaine d’années : la réalité du groupe concerné par ces violences d’une part et celle émanant du droit étatique d’autre part. Alors que pour les premiers, le caractère raciste des violences ne faisait aucun doute, pour les parlementaires l’idée même d’un mobile raciste a régulièrement été rejetée. D’un point de vue législatif, il a fallu attendre l’année 2003 pour que la France adopte une loi permettant de prendre en compte l’intention raciste d’un crime. Depuis cette date, sous certaines conditions, le mobile raciste peut constituer une circonstance aggravante dans les infractions de type criminel. Cette thèse s’intéresse à ces deux vérités et aux circonstances qui ont déterminé leur existence. Elle vise notamment à interroger le rôle joué par le droit étatique dans la production et le maintien des catégories ethnoraciales par delà la politisation des violences qui en résultent. D’un point de vue empirique, l’enquête a consisté à confronter la parole des militants ayant dénoncé une double violence, celle provoquée par les agressions d’une part et celle induite par leur traitement pénal d’autre part, à un ensemble de sources archivistiques émanant des services du ministère de l’Intérieur et du Parlement. D’un point de vue théorique, les apports de la sociologie et de l’histoire de l’immigration ont été complétés en intégrant les réflexions des théories de l’ethnicité et de la Critical Race Theory. En définitive, cette recherche met en évidence le fait que l’universalisme républicain fait partie intégrante du processus de racialisation. En revenant sur les dispositions majeures de la politique d’immigration et sur la figure stigmatique de l’homme arabe, un premier axe s’intéresse à la manière dont le droit étatique a particularisé une catégorie d’individus en participant à la production des catégories ethnoraciales. Un deuxième axe vise à caractériser les crimes racistes qui ont été dénoncés entre les années 70 et fin 90. Un dernier axe enfin étudie la carrière juridique du mobile raciste durant cette même période. Il expose la manière dont la législation antiraciste a invisibilisé la question des crimes racistes et maintenu les catégories ethnoraciales en appliquant des règles universelles à des groupes qui ont auparavant été différenciésIn France between the 1970s and the 1990s, while the notion of racist crime was frequently brought up in the activist and media fields, it was not a legal category in the field of justice. The disagreement regarding the treatment of racist crimes seems to find its roots in the fact that two different conceptions of a same reality could coexist for thirty years: thereality of the group that was primarily concerned by such violence on the first hand, and that flowing from the State law on the other hand. Whereas for the former, the racist component of the violence was out of doubt, the members of the Parliament regularly rejected the mere idea of racist motive. In legal terms, it was not until 2003 that France adopted a law allowing toconsider the racist motive of a crime. Since then, and only under certain circumstances, the racist motive can constitute an aggravating factor for criminal offenses. This dissertation investigates these two truths and the circumstances that led to their existence. In particular, this research seeks to interrogate the role that the State law played in the production andconservation of ethnoracial categories, beyond the politicization of the violence flowing from such categories. In empirical terms, the study compared the discourses of the activists that denounced this dual violence, that provoked by the aggressions and that of their penal treatment, to an array of archival sources from the Interior Ministry’s services and theParliament. In theoretical terms, this research completes the contributions made by the sociology and history of immigration by integrating the theories of ethnicity and Critical Race Theory. Overall, this dissertation sheds light on the fact that Republican universalism is an integral part of the process of racialization. Through the study of the main dispositions of theimmigration policy and of the stigmatic figure of the Arab man, a first part investigates the way the State law particularized a category of people by taking part in the production of ethnoracial categories. A second part seeks to characterize the racist crimes that were denounced between the 1970s and 1990s. A last part investigates the judicial career of theracist motive. It shows how the anti-racist legislation blinded the question of racist crimes and maintained the ethnoracial categories by enforcing universal rules to groups that were formerly differentiated
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Peippo, Patric. "Frihet till hat? : Hatbrott, rasistiska organisationer och inskränkningar av yttrandefriheten." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för ekonomi, kommunikation och IT, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-7758.
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The present paper is part of a project carried on by the Swedish Section of the International Commission of Jurists. Sweden has ratified several major international human rights instruments. Most of the rights are covered by national law, and only in exception is there a discrepancy between national and international law. Such a discrepancy is found in the UN Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination, in which the State parties agree on penalizing and prohibiting the founding of and participation in racist organizations. Sweden is not complying with this statute, despite the fact that the government has ratified the convention. The Swedish government states that national laws prohibit the activities of these organizations, and therefore it is not necessary to reform the legislation. The National Council for Crime Prevention (Brottsförebyggande rådet) presents an annual report on hate crime in Sweden. Between the years 2005 and 2009 the number of reported hate crimes almost doubled. To some point the increase can be explained by a widened definition of hate crime, but the reports have increased in real terms as well. The Swedish government is combating human rights violations, and the long term objective is to ensure full respect for human rights. Critique raised against Sweden in international reviewing institutions indicates that Sweden has some ground to cover before reaching such an objective. Most of the presented critique concerns the non-existing ban of racist organizations, increased reports of hate crime as well as racist influences within Swedish politics and society as such. Prohibiting racist organizations constitutes limitations in the freedom of expression and the freedom of association. Ever since Sweden incorporated the European convention for the Protection of Human Rights, freedom of expression has been given a unique position within the national legal system. This position is strengthened even further through different judgments in the Swedish Supreme Court, in cases on agitation. The questions raised in this paper are consequently: Is it possible to ensure full respect for human rights, or can you only come near such an ensuring? Does Sweden live up to its international obligations? How does the Swedish government weigh the different rights against each other? Should the rights be differently balanced? The purpose of this paper is, therefore, to establish Sweden’s international obligations, to highlight the possibility of limitations in the freedom of expression and to look at the occurrence of and legislations against hate crime.Uppsatsen utgör en del av projektet "Implementering av kritik i internationella organ mot Sverige och Rätten till kompensation" som drivs av Internationella Juristkommissionen - Svenska avdelningen.
Implementering av kritik i internationella organ mot Sverige och Rätten till kompensation
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Seehafer, Silvia. "Strafrechtliche Reaktionen auf rechtsextremistisch / fremdenfeindlich motivierte Gewalttaten." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Juristische Fakultät, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/14857.
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Im Mittelpunkt dieser Arbeit steht die Frage, inwieweit in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland mit den Mitteln des Strafrechts auf rechtsextremistisch / fremdenfeindlich motivierte Gewalttaten reagiert werden sollte. Dabei geht es insbesondere um die Untersuchung, ob es einer Neuregelung im Strafrecht bedarf. Nach der Darstellung der kriminalpolitischen Lage wird zunächst ein Blick zurück auf den Umgang der deutschen Justiz mit Gesinnungstätern in der Vergangenheit seit 1945 gerichtet. Im Ergebnis wird festgestellt, dass sich die Justiz nicht zur Bekämpfung politischer Einstellungen oder gesellschaftlicher Skandale eignet. Die Untersuchung der Rechtsprechung bezogen auf fremdenfeindlich / rechtsextremistisch motivierte Gewalttaten seit 1990 bis heute zeigt, dass eine entsprechende Motivation in besonderer Weise, meist strafverschärfend berücksichtigt wird. Das bestehende Strafrecht erfasst diese Taten und bedroht sie mit angemessenen Strafen. Daraus ergibt sich die Frage, ob dennoch aus symbolischen Gründen eine neue strafrechtliche Regelung notwendig ist. In diesem Zusammenhang werden die "hate crime"-Regelungen der USA und einiger ausgewählter europäischer Staaten dargestellt. Diese sind entweder eigenständige Straftatbestände oder - überwiegend - Strafzumessungsregeln. Im Ergebnis wird für das deutsche Strafrecht eine Neuregelung, die einzig im Bereich der Strafzumessung realisierbar wäre, abgelehnt.This work is focussed on the issue to what extend the penal law should be used against rightwing extremistic and xenophobic motivated crimes in the Federal Republic of Germany. It is investigated, whether a new legal regulation is necessary or not. First the current political situation regarding that crimes is discussed. Afterwards it is shown how certain political convictions have been taken into consideration by judicature in Germany from 1945 to the present. As a result it is found, that judicature is not a proper way to deal with political convictions or social scandals. Investigating the dispensation regarding rightwing extremistic and xenophobic motivated crimes since 1990 one finds that such a motivation leads to a more severe sentencing. Crimes likes that are already covered by the existing penal law and there are reasonable penalties for it. The resulting question is, whether a new regulation in penal law might be necessary for symbolic reasons. The hate crime concepts of the United States of America and some selected european countries are investigated in this context. Either these are separate penal laws or mostly sentencing regulations. It is shown, that only a sentencing regulation might be considered for the german penal law. As the final result, this is refused by the author.
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Shadi, Taha. "Hatbrott : En diskursanalys av hatbrottsrättsfall." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-18466.
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Hate crime is a collective name for criminal acts committed due to the offender’s prejudice or hate against an individual or a group of people. There is no explicit legal definition of “hate crime” in Swedish criminal law, but in 1994 a rule called “straffskärpningregeln” has been introduced, primarily to combat racist crime and protect vulnerable groups in society. The rule means that all types of crime may constitute hate crimes if the motive is to aggrieve a person or group of people because of race, colour, ethnic origin, creed, sexual orientation or similar circumstance (Penal Code 29 chapter 2§ 7p).The aim of this essay is to study and investigate how the Swedish judicial system handles hate crime cases, but also to describe constructions of crime victims and discuss perpetrator’s motives. In order to gain a better understanding of hate crimes in the Swedish context, the ideal victim theory has been applied. With the use of critical discourse analysis, I have identified three different discourses. The results of my study are among other findings that the Swedish legal system need to make visible how “straffskärpningregeln” is applied. The perpetrator paints a stereotypical picture of “the others” by categorizing themselves as “we” and the others as “them” and thereby constructing differentiated categories.
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Bennett, Cheryl Louise. "Investigating Hate Crimes in Farmington, New Mexico." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/293748.
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The racial violence between Navajos and whites in Farmington, New Mexico is historical. One of the first documented acts of racial violence was in 1875, when white settlers would take gunshots at Navajos for entertainment. This violent atmosphere continued throughout the years, and most notoriously in 1974 with the murders of three Navajo men by three white teenagers. This violence was part of an ongoing cycle of racism and hostility between Navajos and whites. The murders ignited local and national media frenzy, and Farmington was dubbed the "Selma, Alabama of the Southwest." Navajo citizens responded to the murders with activism and demonstrations in the streets of Farmington, and demanded justice and change. Throughout subsequent years, racism and racial violence continues and Navajos are still the targets of hate crimes. The purpose of this study is to examine and investigate the hate crimes that have been committed against Navajo people in Farmington and its neighboring towns. This study, in particular, analyzes the impacts that hate crime has on Navajo citizens. Interviews with Navajo victims of hate crime expand on the findings of a pilot interview. The research in this dissertation shows that the affects of hate crime are long lasting and impact not only the victims but also the entire Navajo Nation. As a result of the unrelenting hate crimes in Farmington, the Navajo Nation has created a human rights commission to investigate race relations in Navajo Nation border towns. This study addresses what steps the Navajo Nation and Navajo citizens have taken to combat and recover from racism and racial violence. Finally, this study proposes interventions to improve race relations.
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Climaco, dos Santos Patrick. "The Canadian criminal legislative response to hate crimes /." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83948.
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The main objective of this thesis is to present an analysis of the issue of hate crimes and the manner in which the Canadian criminal justice system is currently addressing this problem. In doing so, certain inherent concerns with the current Canadian criminal legislative response to hate crimes will be highlighted and discussed in detail.More precisely, the introduction of how recent Canadian criminal legislation has dealt with hate crimes will serve as the basis for the consideration of two of the main areas of concern as they relate to the effective application of hate crime legislation, namely the areas of prosecutorial discretion and evidentiary burden. The detailed survey of these two areas will provide the reader with a greater understanding of the dynamics behind the factors that currently hinder the potential effectiveness of hate crime legislation in Canada and will ultimately allow for the consideration of possible solutions.
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Jeyacheya, D. Z. "Exploring the nature of oppression as experienced by people with learning disabilities." Thesis, Coventry University, 2015. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/e544e73d-2450-44fb-a4f7-4afb248f4d72/1.
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Aim: The principal aim of this qualitative research study is to gain a clearer understanding of oppression as experienced by People with Learning Disabilities (PWLD). In particular, this study investigated: 1) the nature of oppression - the typical kinds of oppression PWLD face during the course of their everyday lives; 2) the causes of their oppressive experiences: 3) the impact these oppressive experiences can have on their quality of life; and 4) their reaction - the strategies PWLD employ to prevent further oppression. Rationale: Despite policies of deinstitutionalisation since the 1980s, many PWLD have not found social integration easy and continue to endure oppressive experiences in community-based settings. The nature/extent of this social problem has often been overlooked by researchers and practitioners. Methods: This research was conducted using interpretive phenomenology as a methodology; an approach which influenced the study’s design, method of data collection and strategy for analysing the rich qualitative findings. Semi-structured interviews were carried out across two sample populations; a group of PWLD (N=11) and a group of community-based practitioners/carers (N=11). The participants were selected through purposive sampling and the qualitative data was analysed using a specific Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) process. Findings: PWLD remain a deeply oppressed social group. Respondents reported experiencing multiple forms of oppression, which seem to interact in complex ways and be present throughout the course of their lives. The two key super-ordinate themes (most dominant forms of oppression experienced by PWLD) emerging from the process of IPA appear to be: 1) The life-long effects of marginalisation (social exclusion, powerlessness and existing as a socio-economic underclass) and 2) Multiple forms of victimisation (coping with exploitation, intimidation and abuse, both overt and subtle, from the public, family members and at times practitioners). Respondents believe that the underlying cause of their oppressive experiences is society’s negative perception. Negative attitudes and beliefs arise from oppressive social forces such as: the use of diagnostic labels, segregated special needs education and limited opportunities for employment. These are experiences which respondents assert often do little more than spoil their social identity as human beings. Conclusion: The findings confirm that PWLD living in the community continue to encounter negative social experiences which are pervasive. This research attempts to draw together and make sense of these experiences in terms of the concept of oppression. Through gaining a clearer understanding of the marginalised and victimised status of PWLD policy makers will be more informed about how to respond to their social and economic needs, and in turn help alleviate their experiences of oppression.
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Funnell, Corinne. "Racism by stealth : the construction of racist hate crimes." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2013. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/54045/.
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This thesis presents the findings of an ethnographic study of the social worlds of racist hate crime victims and their caseworkers. The fieldwork involved participant observation and 25 interviews with victims and caseworkers at a charity that supports victims of racist hate crime, based in an ethnically diverse UK city. The aim of the research was to explore victims’ perceptions and experiences of racist hate crime in light of the victim-centred definition of ‘hate crime’ adopted by the criminal justice system in England and Wales. This research contributes to a gap in our understanding of who is victimized and how, with what impact, and why they believe they have been victims of racist hate crime. The literature review sets the foundations for the thesis, arguing that empirical research is required to understand victims’ perceptions of racist hate crimes at the micro-level and the process of victimization as it extends to claiming and negotiating hate crime victim status with, for example, police officers. The analysis and findings build on the idea of racist hate crime as a process and shows how people become victims and how hate crimes are interactional accomplishments. Whilst making the case for the use of embodied ethnography for research into hate crime, the thesis addresses a range of complex ethical and epistemological issues – from cross-cultural research to researcher safety. The research also addresses gaps in knowledge, including the significance and operation of the Stephen Lawrence definition of hate crime. It adds granularity to our understanding of who is victimized and how, including less blatant forms of victimisation – racism by stealth. The thesis thereby contributes to our understanding of the ways in which racism is encoded in victims’ lives and how they perceive risk and suffer harm.
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Shreve, Johanna R. "Anti-LGB Hate Crimes: Political Threat or Political Legitimization?" PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4465.
Full textAbstract:
While activists and others have argued that the legitimization of biased attitudes and stereotypes by political leaders foments violence against minority groups, criminological research in the U.S. has focused more on "threat" hypotheses that view hate crime as a retaliatory response to perceived gains or encroachment of targeted groups. Another view suggests that heightened public visibility of hate crimes or other bias issues, usually in the form of media coverage, increases hate crimes. This study compares the effect on anti-LGB crimes of events representing political threat (a court decision legalizing marriage equality) and political legitimization of bias (passage of a ban on marriage equality), both of which occurred in California in 2008. The study also tests effects of media coverage prior to the ban on marriage equality. Results showed a statistically significant increase in anti-LGB hate crimes after the ban on same-sex marriage. There was no effect on anti-LGB crime counts after the court decision to legalize marriage equality, or during the media campaign leading up to the vote to ban marriage equality.