Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Hate speech online'

This thesis highlights the complex ways in which hate speech operates online, which ties into more general debates on online hate speech as something special. One way of elucidating this complexity is by dividing online hate speech into overt and covert. In doing so, we can gain a better understanding of both motivations for hate speech as well as insights in how to prevent it. While overt hate speech is widely discussed, there is not much discussion on covert hate speech. This is especially so when it comes to covert hate speech in online contexts. The questions this thesis raises are how hate speech operates online, and how we can understand this in terms of hate speech being overt or covert. By introducing two different ways of understanding overt and covert, via slurs and dog-whistles respectively, this thesis shows that covert hate speech also has some harmful consequences. If ambiguous terms laced with negative attitudes as communicative content seeps into the mainstream, there is a risk of normalisation of these negative attitudes. Given the ambiguity of these terms or statements, it makes it difficult to take proactive measures. With these results, I conclude that covert online hate speech is a vital part of understanding the mechanisms of hate speech overall.

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex people (LGBTI) are discriminated and subjected to violence in societies across the world, and ensuring their rights is on the international agenda. On a European level, nationalism, state-led persecution and rhetoric of hate have slowed down the process of ensuring human rights for LGBTI people particularly in Eastern Europe, where they are subject to violence, discrimination and hostility. One type of hostility targeting LGBTI people is hate speech. As literature has shown, hate speech can have harmful effects on its targets. Additionally, with the increased accessibility and use of the Internet and social media networks, hate speech has become more widespread and new challenges have appeared. Our research objective has addressed the gap identified by Brown (2018); to contribute to the research on hate speech and its harmful effects in general, comparing the effects of online and offline hate speech in particular. Additionally, by comparing the findings from Moldova and Ukraine, we have investigated if the context in which the hate speech is produced has any effect on the harmful effects experienced by targets. The research was conducted using a mixed method with a parallel convergent design, giving equal priority to qualitative and quantitative data. Data collection took place in Moldova (Chisinau) and in Ukraine (Kyiv) during Pride in the respective countries. Due to the nature of this research, results are not representative, and conclusions drawn can neither be applied to the entire LGBTI community in Moldova nor in Ukraine. Conclusions can, however, provide interesting insights for further research. Constitutive and consequential harms from online and offline hate speech are experienced by the LGBTI activists and community in both countries. In terms of constitutive harms, LGBTI community have suffered from harms like negative impact on self-esteem, silencing, psychological distress and restrictions on freedom of movement and association. Experienced consequential harms were negative stereotyping, physical violence and normalization of discrimination. Further, this research indicated that there is a difference in terms of harms caused by online and offline hate speech when it comes to the constitutive harms, as the harms from offline hate speech seemed to be experienced to a larger extent. Comparing results from Moldova and Ukraine, it can be concluded that the content of hate speech and harmful effects of hate speech are experienced differently depending on the context in which hate speech was produced. In general, hate speech in Ukraine seemed to be more violent and aggressive while in Moldova it was more related to the structural violence.

This doctoral thesis investigates into the international, the US and European- the Council of Europe and the European Union- constitutional models of the right to freedom of expression and hate speech over Internet. The anonymity and mobility afforded by the Internet has made it very easy for hate mongers to spread hate in an environment which is abstract and beyond the realms of traditional law enforcement. Presence of Internet in daily life consequently has brought some intense difficulties such as crisis of the traditional liberal conception of free speech as ‘marketplace of ideas’, caused by online communications (the virality of false assumptions of racist nature or similar phenomena); Crisis of the ‘tolerant society’ approach in the sense that hate speech acts made in a ‘tolerant’ context can spread all over the world through internet, inflaming rage in ‘non tolerant’ context, or in context where western constitutional concepts such free speech and toleration are ignored or opposed; Crisis of traditional approach based on the ‘present and danger test’ doctrine and the use of criminal law as ‘extrema ratio’. In this case, multicultural societies ask for recognition of collective identities even through criminal law because toleration of certain form of satire against Islam or other collective identities can be seen as disguised form of discrimination. Current hate speech and Internet regulation in the US and European countries accompanied by a review of arguments which support and protest online hate speech regulation indicate the complexity in regulating online hate speech. Regulating online hate speech raises so many issues because at one hand such hate expression might be considered as an element of self-expression and is subject to protection under the right to freedom of expression and on the other hand, it might call to hatred and violence which is highly required to be prohibited; otherwise, it could prevent minority groups to participate in social activities, improve their human capability. Furthermore, Internet raises the issue of cross-jurisdictional legal mechanism for controlling hate speech because the crime of posting hate comments on Internet may happen in one jurisdiction but its effects be somewhere else. Thus, it would hinder the effective investigation of cybercrime and prosecution of offenders. The complexity in regulation does not necessarily implicates that there must be a unified legal definition or homogeneous way of responding to online hate speech crime among all countries in order to be released from this issue. On the contrary, this research indicates that historical circumstances and cultural norms would be different in each country and based on that minority groups would have different experiences when they want to exercise their rights and participation in the society. Although, Internet is universal in nature but boundaries of freedom of expression over Internet vary from country to country. Nonetheless, still, there is an emergency need of harmonizing the US and European approach along with increasing their criminal justice cooperation in transnational contexts towards this issue. At the end, this research develops to consider that apart from enacting hate speech regulation, there would be some other ways to minimize hate speech on social media Web sites including encouraging self-regulation and code of conduct on the part of social media companies. Also, technological innovations could be applied to restrain online hate propagation.
Questa tesi indaga i modelli internazionali, degli Stati Uniti e dell'Europa - il Consiglio d'Europa e la Costituzione dell'Unione Europea - del diritto alla libertà di espressione e lo "hate speech" su Internet. L’anonimato e la mobilità offerta da Internet ha reso molto facile per i mercanti di odio diffonderlo in un ambiente astratto e collocato oltre il “regno” delle tradizionali forze dell'ordine. La presenza di Internet nella vita quotidiana, di conseguenza, ha portato intense difficoltà, come la crisi della tradizionale concezione liberale della libertà di parola intesa come “mercato delle idee”, causata dalla comunicazione online (la viralità di false assunzioni di natura razzista o fenomeni simili); così la crisi dell'approccio alla “società tollerante”, nel senso che un atto qualificabile come "hate speech" pronunciato in un contesto “tollerante” può diffondersi in tutto il mondo attraverso internet, infiammando la rabbia in un contesto “non tollerante”, o in un contesto in cui i concetti costituzionali occidentali, quali la libertà di espressione e la tolleranza, sono ignorati o contrastati; così la crisi dell’approccio tradizionale basato sulla dottrina del “test del pericolo presente” e l'uso del diritto penale come “extrema ratio”. In questo caso, le società multiculturali chiedono il riconoscimento di identità collettive, anche attraverso il diritto penale, perché la tolleranza di certe forme di satira contro l'Islam o altre identità collettive può essere vista come forma dissimulata di discriminazione. Il corrente "hate speech" e le regole di Internet negli Stati Uniti e nei paesi europei, accompagnati da un riesame degli argomenti che sostengono e contestano in rete la regolazione dello "hate speech", indicano la complessità della sua regolamentazione in rete. Regolamentare lo "hate speech” online solleva molti problemi perché, da un lato, tale espressione di odio potrebbe essere considerata come un elemento di auto-espressione, soggetta a tutela ai sensi del diritto alla libertà di espressione, mentre, dall'altro, potrebbe incitare all'odio e alla violenza, cosa che deve essere assolutamente vietata; in caso contrario, ciò potrebbe impedire ai gruppi di minoranza di partecipare alle attività sociali e di migliorare la loro capacità umana. Inoltre, Internet pone il problema del meccanismo giuridico intergiurisdizionale per il controllo dello "hate speech" perché il reato di pubblicazione di commenti di odio su Internet potrebbe accadere in una giurisdizione, ma i suoi effetti possono verificarsi in qualche altro luogo. Così, sarebbero ostacolati l'effettivo accertamento della criminalità informatica e il perseguimento dei colpevoli. La complessità della regolamentazione non implica necessariamente che, per essere liberati da questo problema, si debba giungere ad una definizione legale unitaria o ad un modo omogeneo di rispondere ai crimini dello "hate speech" online tra tutti i Paesi. Al contrario, questa ricerca mostra che le circostanze storiche e le norme culturali sono diverse in ogni Paese e basate sul fatto che i gruppi di minoranza hanno diverse esperienze nell’esercitare i loro diritti e partecipare alla società. Anche se Internet è per natura universale, i limiti alla libertà di espressione online variano da Paese a Paese. Ciò nonostante, ancora, si avverte come emergenza la necessità di armonizzare l’approccio statunitense e quello europeo e, nel contempo, aumentare la loro cooperazione penale in contesti transnazionali nei confronti di questo problema. Infine, questa ricerca giunge a considerare che, a parte l’approvazione della regolamentazione dell’incitamento all’odio online, ci sarebbero altri modi per ridurre al minimo lo "hate speech" sui social media, tra cui incoraggiare l’autoregolamentazione e approvare di codici di condotta da parte delle società di social media.

This dissertation is a critical discourse analysis of how anti-Islamic rhetoric in prominent online forums is articulated within the context of popular discourses of multiculturalism and tolerance. According to Melanie McAlister, perceptions of Muslims within the United States are unique in comparison to other minority groups in that they are almost entirely mediated, whether it is the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the terrorist attacks of September 11th, or the various Muhammad cartoon controversies. While much work has been done analyzing how Islam and Muslims are mediated in popular film and television, very little attention has been given to how these perspectives are mediated through the Internet. Using Erving Goffman's theory of performativity and Kristine Fitch's notion of persuadables, I examine how both prominent bloggers and pseudonymous commentators work in a "back stage" context to bring Islamophobic norms and premises within the sphere of acceptable opinions for the "front stage" of mainstream media discourses. In particular, I examine how these discourses have evolved over the past few years on three prominent weblogs: the anti-jihadist Little Green Footballs, the liberal-atheist advocacy blog One Good Move, and the popular news aggregate Fark. In light of increasing evidence that weblogs exert a high level of influence over popular media discourses disproportionate to their readership, these websites offer a glimpse "back stage" into how contemporary American discourses on Islam and Muslims are articulated across a broad array of political perspectives, particularly in relation to norms and premises regarding multiculturalism, tolerance, and freedom of expression. While Islamophobic rhetoric has become firmly embedded within discourses of the American Right, each of the three sites examined show a steady integration of anti-Islamic perspectives within the American Left. Leftist anti-Islamic discourses are frequently articulated within the context of general anti-religious sentiment, misanthropy, and a belief that the values of "the Islamic world" are inherently incompatible with the liberal, democratic, and multicultural values of "the West." While by no means universal, these perspectives have become sufficiently common, recognizable, and sensible to be granted the status of persuadables within these particular web forums, which in turn helps to move them into the realm of popular American cultural persuadables.

Web 2.0 opened up for a lot of opportunities, digital spaces became open for everyone to participate. But if groups of people get harassed and threatened in this spaces, how does that affect participation? Threats, hateful comments and harassment is a phenomenon that appears to be a common part of life online. Some groups of people may experience this more then others. To investigate this further a qualitative study was conducted using two different methods of internet research; observation and interview online. I wanted to study how cyber hate take the expression against female bloggers that write about feminism. The women that participated in this study have all been harassed and received threats online of various kinds. The blogs that were observed all write about subjects that question and criticize social structures and norms that many take for granted. This seems to spark hatred and threats against these female bloggers. The interviewed bloggers had different strategies for dealing with cyber hate they received. One example of this is that they all review the comments before posted on the blog. A problem that a majority of the bloggers expressed was that general public and the justice system did not take cyber hate seriously. Some people that threats and post hateful comments do that with their full name exposed.  The study indicates that anonymity didn’t play that big part, as first expected, in how people expresses themselves online.

Magister Artium - MA
The controversial singing of the Shoot the Boer song by Julius Malema was a focus of media attention during the period of March 3, 2010 to September 12, 2011.This study aims to analyse the discourses participants draw on in the expression of their positions of race and identity in selected online texts, as well as the different meanings and interpretations the Shoot the Boer song has acquired over time. Using the data drawn from three court rulings, namely the South Gauteng High Court, North Gauteng High Court and the Equality Court and commentaries from various online websites, this project focuses on the various ways in which issues of race are realised through language by focusing on the construction and interpretation of Julius Malema and the Shoot the Boer song within different contextual spaces. This study uses a critical discourse analysis framework, as well as theories of intertextuality, resemiotization, contextand chronotope to analyse the texts which were generated in response to the song. Key findings include the ways in which participants who consider themselves as part of a minority group, construct themselves as 'victims‘ in relation to Malema and the singing of the song. Similarly, another key finding is that the broader discourse of fear exhibited in the various commentaries links to a general fear of 'black power‘ where Malema is a signifier of this 'black power.‘ Overall, the thesis argues that the meanings of the song are multiple and shift with the changing chronotopia of its performance. It therefore support Blommaert‘s (2005) emphasis on the importance of 'text trajectories‘ in establishing the meaning of texts, and argues that the historical meanings associated with the Shoot the Boer song form a complex set of frames on which different participants draw when interpreting the song in 2010.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
This master’s thesis analyses the constitution of the so-called Hate Speech in Digital Social Networks (DSNs), specifically, on Facebook. Starting from users’ text interactions in public Facebook pages of the 2014 presidential candidates Dilma Rousseff (Workers Party) and Aécio Neves (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) during the presidential run (August to October 2014), I’ve searched for the characterization of this phenomena within a political-party polarization scenario. Focusing in the political constitution of the referred phenomena, I’ve then evidenced the difference between the legal concept of Hate Speech and a more widespread phenomena, which worked in this scenario as a political component of the social interactions: the political hate. Furthermore, the debate gets centralized in the mediation process of social interactions in an Instant Communication Technology (ICTs) scenario, in search of a confluence with the Latin American studies about the process of technological and communicational mediation, its diferences and implications in an Interactional Sociology. Finally, having analysed such studies as a theorical and methodological background, I've presented a discussion about the importance of the new computational techniques such as "filter bubbles", "social bots" and User Experience (UX) in the daily life of today's liberal democracies, leading the debate to the establishment of "fear techniques", clearly an expression of the so-called "Fear Culture", to which many authors refeer today
Esta dissertação analisou a constituição do chamado Discurso de Ódio nas Redes Sociais Digitais (RSDs), mais especificamente no Facebook. Partindo das interações textuais dos usuários nas páginas públicas dos candidatos à Presidência da República no ano de 2014, Dilma Rousseff (PT) e Aécio Neves (PSDB), durante o pleito eleitoral (agosto a outubro de 2014), buscou-se a caracterização desse fenômeno dentro de um cenário de polarização político-partidária. Voltando o olhar para a constituição política do fenômeno em questão, buscou-se a diferenciação da figura jurídica do Discurso de Ódio de um fenômeno mais capilar, que funcionou como componente político das interações societárias nesse cenário: o ódio político. Além disso, centralizamos o debate nas interações sociais e na mediação das Tecnologias de Comunicação Instantânea (TCIs), buscando uma confluência com o pensamento latino-americano sobre os processos de mediação tecnológica e comunicacional e suas diferenciações e implicações em uma Sociologia Interacionista. Buscou-se também, a partir desse arcabouço teórico-metodológico, discutir os pesos das novas técnicas computacionais, como a “bolha de filtros”, os “social bots”, “fake news” e as técnicas de User Experience (UX) no cotidiano das democracias liberais atuais, direcionando o debate para o estabelecimento de “técnicas do medo”, visivelmente assentados na chamada “Cultura do Medo”, a qual muitos pesquisadores recorrem na atualidade

Lo scopo di questa tesi è quello di dimostrare se la violenza online è contrastata, sia a livello internazionale ed europeo, sia a livello italiano. In particolare, voglio concentrarmi su due tipologie di violenza online: il discorso d'odio e la diffusione non consensuale di foto intime private. Inizierò con una panoramica generale sul fenomeno della violenza, fornendo una definizione e una breve descrizione delle sue caratteristiche. Successivamente, studierò le caratteristiche della dimensione online della violenza, supportando l’analisi con alcuni dati legati al fenomeno. Il secondo capitolo sarà dedicato all'analisi dell'attuale quadro giuridico sulla violenza online. Dimostrerò che il discorso d'odio e la diffusione non consensuale di foto intime private non sono regolate né dal quadro giuridico internazionale, né da quello europeo. Sulla base di questo presupposto, la prima parte del capitolo sarà dedicata all'analisi dei documenti internazionali giuridicamente vincolanti, al fine di dimostrare come la libertà di espressione e la discriminazione sono regolamentate. Mentre la seconda parte del capitolo verrà dedicata alle convenzioni del Consiglio d’Europa e alla Corte Europea dei Diritti Umani e, successivamente, ai documenti appartenenti alla sfera dell’Unione Europea. Dopo aver illustrato l'attuale quadro giuridico internazionale ed europeo, vorrei soffermarmi sulla legislazione italiana. Lo scopo del terzo capitolo sarà quello di dimostrare se la legislazione italiana e il suo codice penale contrastano o meno la violenza online. Per questo motivo dedicherò un paragrafo agli obblighi internazionali dell'Italia, in particolare al ruolo della Framework Decision 2008/913/GAI e all'attuazione della Convenzione di Istanbul del Consiglio d'Europa. Mi concentrerò poi sul codice penale italiano, spiegando gli articoli che possono essere applicati per contrastare i due fenomeni, illustrando il disegno di legge "DDL Zan" sulla discriminazione di genere e il Codice Rosso sulla diffusione non consensuale di foto private intime.

La ricerca affronta il tema delle manifestazioni di “pensiero prevenuto” nell’ambiente digitale, spesso collegate a performance razziste “banalizzate” e socialmente condivise. Per individuare risposte educative specifiche e buone prassi di intervento, è necessario analizzare le diverse forme assunte dal pregiudizio in Rete alla luce degli aspetti affettivo-emotivi e non solo razionali. L’ambiente di ricerca è il Web 2.0, inteso come “realtà aumentata”, ovvero uno spazio non contrapposto al reale ma segnato dalle proprie specificità. Si è individuato un corpus di “razzismi online” da sottoporre a un’analisi di tipo qualitativo-testuale attraverso il software T-Lab e, in parallelo, a un’analisi di tipo qualitativo-motivazionale. I risultati ottenuti sono stati quindi interpretati alla luce di una duplice bibliografia: da un lato quella della pedagogia interculturale e degli studi classici sui razzismi, dall’altro quella sulle caratteristiche del digitale, della pragmatica della comunicazione online e della Media Education. Durante la ricerca si sono inoltre svolte – con esiti differenti – alcune conversazioni via Ask.fm con adolescenti contattati poiché, in vario modo, avevano preso parte a performance razziste; oltre che come caso studio di etnografia virtuale, viene proposto come esperimento di educazione alla riflessività. Si noterà come dalla banalizzazione delle tesi razziste e dalla deresponsabilizzazione dello “stare in Rete” deriva un recupero implicito dell’istanza biologica, su basi non scientifiche, svuotate di senso, ma paradossalmente accettate e interiorizzate. D’altro canto, si incontrano svariati esempi di attivazione di “cittadini digitali”; anche a partire da questo “capitale antirazzista”, si sottolineerà il ruolo dell’educazione alla cittadinanza – interculturale, digitale e morale – nel formare soggetti e agenti morali nella mediapolis, affermando il valore della responsabilità verso gli altri.
The study deals with the topic of manifestations of “prejudiced thought” in the digital environment, which are often linked with “banalised” racist and socially shared performances. In order to identify specific educational responses and good practices of intervention, the various forms taken by prejudice on the Web in the light of affective-emotive, and not only rational, aspects have to be analysed. The research environment is Web 2.0, understood as “augmented reality”, i.e. a space that is not opposed to reality but marked by its own specificities. A corpus of “online racism” has been identified to be submitted to a qualitative-textual analysis through T-Lab software and, in parallel, a qualitative-motivational type of analysis. The results obtained were then interpreted in the light of a dual bibliography: on the one hand that of intercultural pedagogy and classic studies on racism, on the other that on the characteristics of the digital environment, the pragmatics of online communication and of Media Education. Some conversations were also carried out during the research – with different outcomes – via Ask.fm with adolescents contacted as, in various ways, they had taken part in racist performances; as well as a case study of virtual ethnography, this is proposed as an experiment on education on reflectivity. It will be noticed how an implicit recovery of the biological question, with non-scientific bases, emptied of meaning, but paradoxically accepted and internalised, derives from the banalisation of racist theories and the lack of a sense of responsibility of “being on the Web”. On the other hand, several examples of activating “digital citizens” are encountered; from this “antiracist capital” as well, the role of education for citizenship – intercultural, digital and moral – in forming subjects and moral agents in the mediapolis, asserting the value of responsibility towards others, will also be emphasised.

La ricerca affronta il tema delle manifestazioni di “pensiero prevenuto” nell’ambiente digitale, spesso collegate a performance razziste “banalizzate” e socialmente condivise. Per individuare risposte educative specifiche e buone prassi di intervento, è necessario analizzare le diverse forme assunte dal pregiudizio in Rete alla luce degli aspetti affettivo-emotivi e non solo razionali. L’ambiente di ricerca è il Web 2.0, inteso come “realtà aumentata”, ovvero uno spazio non contrapposto al reale ma segnato dalle proprie specificità. Si è individuato un corpus di “razzismi online” da sottoporre a un’analisi di tipo qualitativo-testuale attraverso il software T-Lab e, in parallelo, a un’analisi di tipo qualitativo-motivazionale. I risultati ottenuti sono stati quindi interpretati alla luce di una duplice bibliografia: da un lato quella della pedagogia interculturale e degli studi classici sui razzismi, dall’altro quella sulle caratteristiche del digitale, della pragmatica della comunicazione online e della Media Education. Durante la ricerca si sono inoltre svolte – con esiti differenti – alcune conversazioni via Ask.fm con adolescenti contattati poiché, in vario modo, avevano preso parte a performance razziste; oltre che come caso studio di etnografia virtuale, viene proposto come esperimento di educazione alla riflessività. Si noterà come dalla banalizzazione delle tesi razziste e dalla deresponsabilizzazione dello “stare in Rete” deriva un recupero implicito dell’istanza biologica, su basi non scientifiche, svuotate di senso, ma paradossalmente accettate e interiorizzate. D’altro canto, si incontrano svariati esempi di attivazione di “cittadini digitali”; anche a partire da questo “capitale antirazzista”, si sottolineerà il ruolo dell’educazione alla cittadinanza – interculturale, digitale e morale – nel formare soggetti e agenti morali nella mediapolis, affermando il valore della responsabilità verso gli altri.
The study deals with the topic of manifestations of “prejudiced thought” in the digital environment, which are often linked with “banalised” racist and socially shared performances. In order to identify specific educational responses and good practices of intervention, the various forms taken by prejudice on the Web in the light of affective-emotive, and not only rational, aspects have to be analysed. The research environment is Web 2.0, understood as “augmented reality”, i.e. a space that is not opposed to reality but marked by its own specificities. A corpus of “online racism” has been identified to be submitted to a qualitative-textual analysis through T-Lab software and, in parallel, a qualitative-motivational type of analysis. The results obtained were then interpreted in the light of a dual bibliography: on the one hand that of intercultural pedagogy and classic studies on racism, on the other that on the characteristics of the digital environment, the pragmatics of online communication and of Media Education. Some conversations were also carried out during the research – with different outcomes – via Ask.fm with adolescents contacted as, in various ways, they had taken part in racist performances; as well as a case study of virtual ethnography, this is proposed as an experiment on education on reflectivity. It will be noticed how an implicit recovery of the biological question, with non-scientific bases, emptied of meaning, but paradoxically accepted and internalised, derives from the banalisation of racist theories and the lack of a sense of responsibility of “being on the Web”. On the other hand, several examples of activating “digital citizens” are encountered; from this “antiracist capital” as well, the role of education for citizenship – intercultural, digital and moral – in forming subjects and moral agents in the mediapolis, asserting the value of responsibility towards others, will also be emphasised.

L'elaborato vuole essere una lente di ingrandimento sulla responsabilità delle piattaforme social, in particolare Facebook e Twitter, nel propagare e diffondere disinformazione. Prima di vedere da vicino il ruolo dei social network, viene effettuata una panoramica sulla normative vigenti che disciplinano questi networks. Etichettati dalle regolamentazioni come Internet Service Provider, viene analizzato il loro fittizio ruolo neutrale online e le loro responsabilità nel momento in cui un utente carica all’interno di questi informazioni illecite, distinguendo la legislazione europeo con quella statunitense. Per comprendere dove nasce il problema della disinformazione online vengono poi presi in esame una serie di casi dove la propagazione di informazioni illecite a contribuito alla modifica delle percezione della realtà da parte degli utenti di queste piattaforme. Viene poi fatta un’analisi più profonda sul ruolo dei Social Network nella diffusione di notizie riguardanti il Covid-19, e partendo da questo, viene visionato uno studio su come combatterne la propagazione. Studio che se applicato, potrebbe essere espanso per diminuire in generale tutte le fake news e i discorsi d’odio, senza però limitare la libertà di parola degli utenti. In conclusione, si evince come ad oggi ci si affidi sostanzialmente ad una auto regolamentazione da parte di queste piattaforme, non essendo le normative aggiornate ed in grado di compiere atti decisi nei loro confronti. Ad ogni caso, qualsiasi sia la fonte della disinformazione, online o offline, questa va affrontata non solo con le regolamentazioni, ma sopratutto attraverso politiche volte all’educazione e responsabilizzazione dei cittadini, nonché con un’azione tesa ad alimentare il pluralismo informativo.

Este estudio exploratorio tiene el objetivo principal de posicionar la alfabetización periodística como un factor mediador hacia el fomento del compromiso político, al investigar su papel en la mejora de la experiencia de noticias en línea de los jóvenes, preparándolos contra contenido perjudicial. La alfabetización periodística se define como un constructo multi-estructural con tres constituyentes principales; Motivación, conocimientos y habilidades. El estudio se aplica a una muestra de jóvenes de Egipto y una muestra de jóvenes de España, en base a la cual se realiza un análisis comparativo. El objetivo principal del estudio se logra profundizando en la experiencia de noticias en línea para jóvenes, evaluando su nivel de alfabetización de noticias e inferiendo implicaciones para el compromiso político. En ese sentido, la noción de contenido dañino surge con un enfoque en noticias falsas y discursos de odio como dos tipos principales de contenido engañoso encontrado en Internet en general y en las redes sociales en particular. Esta cuestión ayuda a explorar si los ciudadanos son "responsables" cuando se trata de su comportamiento de noticias en línea. En consecuencia, se comprueban las correlaciones entre la alfabetización de las noticias y otras variables. Los hallazgos revelan una correlación positiva entre la alfabetización de las noticias y: la capacidad de identificar noticias falsas, la capacidad de identificar el discurso del odio, el compromiso con las noticias, preocuparse por la veracidad del contenido antes de compartir, la motivación para buscar noticias y el compromiso político
This exploratory study has the main goal of positioning news literacy as a mediating factor toward fostering political engagement, by investigating its role in enhancing youth's online news experience preparing them against harmful content. News literacy is defined as a multi-structural construct with three main constituents; motivation, knowledge and skills. The study is applied on a sample of young people from Egypt and a sample of young people from Spain, based on which comparative analysis is conducted. The study's main goal is accomplished through delving into youth's online news experience, assessing their level of news literacy and inferring implications for political engagement. In that sense, the notion of harmful content emerges with focus on fake news and hate speech as two main types of misleading content encountered on the internet in general and on social media in specific. This calls to question whether citizens are 'responsible' when it comes to their online news behavior. Accordingly, correlations between news literacy and other variables are tested. Findings reveal a positive correlation between news literacy and: the ability to identify fake news, the ability to identify hate speech, engagement to news, caring about veracity of content before sharing, motivation to seek news and political engagement

Det finns många fördelar med sociala medier men likväl flera baksidor. Baksidorna inom denna kontext inkluderar kränkningar, trakasserier och hot. Näthat som begrepp är dessutom svårdefinierat, vilket gör ämnet än mer relevant att diskutera. För att lyfta diskussionen kring näthat på sociala medier ämnar detta projekt utforma en prototyp till en interaktiv produkt för unga. Den interaktiva produkten ska fungera i undervisningen på högstadie- och gymnasienivå som ett engagerande verktyg gällande näthat. Syftet med projektet är således att engagera unga gällande näthat på sociala medier. För att skapa en prototyp till en interaktiv produkt som engagerar unga gällande näthat på sociala medier ansåg vi experter och potentiella användare relevanta att undersöka. Projektet genomfördes därför med en kvalitativ forskningsansats genom enskilda intervjuer samt fokusgrupper. De enskilda intervjuerna genomfördes med experter inom området näthat och fokusgrupper med potentiella användare, i åldersspannet 13–19 år. Resultatet från undersökningen analyserades utifrån projektets teoretiska ramverk i form av motstrategier på sociala medier, interaktionsdesign och serious games. Därefter lyfte vi fram de teman som var extra framträdande och av störst relevans för projektet. Det empiriska materialet användes således för att identifiera de krav och behov den interaktiva produkten bör uppfylla. Projektet visar att den interaktiva produkten bör kunna användas regelbundet och vara av spelkaraktär. Vi identifierade tre framträdande kategorier som extra viktiga att inkludera i vår prototyp; motstrategier, definitionen av näthat samt genus. Utefter resultatet från projektet skapade vi en prototyp till ett interaktivt spel i form av en mobilapplikation med integrerad diskussion i klassrummet.
There are many benefits with social media but nevertheless several downsides. The downsides within this context includes violations, harassment and threats. Online hate speech as a concept is difficult to define, which makes the question even more relevant to discuss. In order to highlight the discussion about online hate speech on social media, this project will design a prototype for an interactive product adapted for youngsters. The interactive product shall work as an engaging complement when teaching youngsters about online hate speech. To create an interactive product who engage youngsters regarding online hate speech on social media we deemed experts and potential users as relevant to examine. The project therefore implemented a qualitative research approach through individual interviews and focus groups. The individual interviews were implemented with experts within the field of online hate speech and the focus groups with potential users, 13–19-year-olds. The results of the examination were analyzed based on the project’s theoretical framework, in the form of counter-strategies on social media, interaction design and serious games. The most prominent themes and the ones of the highest relevance for the project were subsequently highlighted. The empirical material was used to identify the requirements and needs that the interactive product should meet. The project shows that the interactive product should be able to be used regularly and be of game character. Three prominent categories were identified as extra important to include in our prototype; counter strategies, the definition of online hate speech and gender issues. Following the results from the project, a prototype was created for an interactive game in the form of a mobile application with integrated discussion in the classroom.

This study was conducted to identify and analyse Mail and Guardian Online moderation outputs which contradicted the platform‟s own stated policy on hate speech and other forms of problematic speech. The moderation outputs considered were a battery of readers‟ comments that were posted in response to Thought Leader blogs on xenophobia published between May and June, 2008. This was the same period a series of xenophobic attacks was taking place in some parts of South Africa, leaving an estimated 62 people dead, more than 30,000 displaced, and countless victims injured and robbed of their property. The attacks were a catalytic moment that enabled a whole range of discursive positions to be articulated, defended, contested and given form in the media. They also made visible the potential tensions between free speech on the one hand, and hate and other problematic speech on the other. Using qualitative methods of thematic content analysis, document review, individual interviews, and an eclectic approach of framing analysis and rhetorical argumentation, this study found instances of divergence between the M&G policy and practice on User Generated Content. It found that some moderator-approved content advocated hate, hatred, hostility, incitement to violence and/or harm, and unfair discrimination against foreign residents, contrary to the M&G policy which is informed by the constitutional provisions in both section 16 of the Bill of Rights and section 10 of the Equality Act. Based on examples in the readers‟ comments of how „the foreigner‟ was made to signify unemployment, poverty, disease, unfair competition, and all manner of deprivation, and bearing in mind how such individuals have also become a site for the violent convergence of different unresolved tensions in the country, the study‟s findings argue that the M&G – a progressive paper dealing with a potentially xenophobic readership (at least a portion of it) – should have implemented its policy on acceptable speech more effectively. The study also argues that the unjustifiable reference to foreigners as makwerekwere, illegals, illegal aliens, parasites, invaders and border jumpers, among other terms, assigned them a diminished place – that of unwanted foreigner – thereby reproducing the order of discourse that utilises nationality as a space for the expurgation of the „other‟. The study argues that the use of bogus (inflated) immigration statistics and repeated reference to the foreigners‟ supposedly parasitic relationship to the country‟s resources also unfairly constructed them as the „threatening other‟ and potentially justified action against them.

碩士
國立政治大學
傳播學院傳播碩士學位學程
106
Abstract In Japan, the phenomenon of extreme conservative and xenophobic speech has been rising over the first half of 2010s. Under the background that there has been a series of controversial affairs between Japan and East Asia countries in terms of politics, diplomacy and history, speakers frequently target at Korean and Chinese. Considering that Japan is facing with unprecedented change in population structure aided by increase in foreign residents, the Diet passed Japan’s first anti-discrimination law in 2016. Afterward, Osaka city, the most populated and demographically diversified city in West Japan, had enacted its anti-hate speech ordinance on the same year. The thesis mainly seeks how Japan would counter hate speech in upcoming multicultural era under current legal framework including aforementioned laws. On the one hand, “hate speech” is a type of “political speech”, which contains speaker’s viewpoint on public issues concerning with particular groups, and could promotes democratic dialogue to make decision on policies. Thus, it should enjoy protection by freedom of speech clause in the Constitution of Japan. On the other side, such kind of speech, of which concept is elusive, might cause serious damage to target’s dignity that is also guarded in the constitution, by leading public opinion toward intolerance. Importantly, the Internet, currently the prime communication means, is having the double-edged aspect of the marketplace of ideas and trigger for hatred due to its openness. Hence, it is worthy to discuss how efficiently the Japan’s new laws could combat hate speech ― especially online contents ― in precondition of the balance between two constitutional values. Additionally, the thesis also explore on how to make Internet Service Providers (ISPs) engaged with efforts for counter under the “Provider Liability Limitation Law” in Japan. To some extent, ISPs are deemed not only as a platform mediating user’s messages, but also as a publisher who takes control over them. In the light of technical characteristics of online hate massage, such as permanence, itinerancy or immediate revival, ISPs should take considerable responsibility in counter action. The research found that both two laws hold the “idealistic” character in common, which is centering on “educative activity” by governments to enlighten citizens on human rights and tolerant community, without any prohibitory or penalty stipulation on “hate speech” which they simply define within their articles. Therefore, they remain two doubtful points. First, there is a risk that public bodies such as governments or courts, might expansively interpret questioned speech as “hate speech” only in accordance with ambiguous definition by laws, or based on individual perception by adjudicator. Second, in absence of restriction, two laws could not reach higher efficiency to curb hate speech, especially on the Internet. In light of these problems, this thesis hold that Japan should consider about criminalizing hate speech that seriously incites hostile atmosphere destructive to social public good and personal dignity, with highly concrete definition for it. As for guilty or not, the “clear and present danger” test could be applied to examine the disputed speech whether to cross the bottom line of freedom of speech. Due to the difficulty of judging whether to exceed the threshold, this thesis provides nine contextual elements for identifying unconstitutional hate speech. The purpose of adopting this identification is to guarantee sufficient objectivity, neutrality, seamlessness and multi-faceted perspectives in its legal philosophies. The thesis expects the criminalization of hate speech would meet the “principle of clarity” in virtue of this determination method. Besides, this thesis suggest that along with the aforementioned criminalization of hate speech, the “Provider Liability Limitation Law”, of which ongoing one hasn’t stipulated any ISP’s responsibility in online hateful message, could oblige ISPs to deal with unconstitutional hate contents. At that time, the law could establish requirement for ISP’s immunity from any sanction, which calls for using the nine contextual elements by ISPs themselves to determine the content may create the substantive “clear and present danger”, and proving that they had no alternative but to believe in their self-determination. 要旨 　日本では2010年代初期より、街宣やインターネットを通じた、過度に保守的ないし排外的な表現が増加してきた。「ヘイトスピーチ」として一括りにされるその種の表現は、日本と歴史や外交問題で軋轢を抱える南北朝鮮や中国、またそれらに出自を持つ人々に主に向けられる。2016年、外国人居住者の増加に伴い国内の人口構造が多様化しつつあることに鑑み、国会で「ヘイトスピーチ解消法」が成立、施行された。また同年、多くの韓国人および在日朝鮮人が暮らす大阪市では、住民の人権保護と多文化共生の推進を目的に、ヘイトスピーチ対策条例が実施された。 　 本稿は、以上の情勢を背景に、日本は前述の二つの法規を加えた現在の法的枠組みのもと、いかにしてヘイトスピーチ問題に対処していくべきかを、法理論、コミュニケーション論の双方の観点から模索する。ヘイトスピーチ対策の最大の難点は、日本国憲法の中心的権利と言える表現の自由と、同じく憲法の保護を受けるとみられる被害者の人格権とのバランスである。いわゆる「ヘイトスピーチ」は、表現者の政治的観点を含んでおり、そして外交政策、または国内のマイノリティの利益に関わる公共政策に関する有権者同士の対話を促す側面があり、保護に値すると考えられる。一方で、特定のマイノリティに対する民衆の憎しみを焚きつけることで、彼らの人権や社会の平穏を危機にさらす可能性も否めない。特に、インターネットで拡散される「オンライン・ヘイトスピーチ」は、その伝達上の特性から、「意見の自由市場」を活性化させ、同時に「憎悪扇動」を加速させるという諸刃の剣的性質を擁する。ゆえに、二つの法規が「ぶつかり合う憲法上の権利」の均衡を保ちつつ効果的にヘイトスピーチを減らしていくに足るかを検証すること、そしてそれらの改善点を洗い出すことは、社会が多様化に向けて歩んでいる昨今の情勢において、大きな意義を持つ。 　 加えて本稿は、インターネット・サービス・プロバイダのヘイトスピーチに対する自主的対応を「プロバイダ責任制限法」のもとで促す方法を探る。インターネット情報の滞留恒久性や拡散広汎性といった伝達上の特性を考慮すると、行政の法規に基づいた対応だけでは効果に限界がある。そのため、電子掲示板やソーシャル・ネットワークサービス等プラットフォームの直接の管理者であるプロバイダの役割が期待され、また一定の責任が求められる。 　本稿はまず、二つの法規を分析し、両者の共通の特徴と問題点をまとめた。特徴として、両者はそれらが比較的簡潔に定義する「ヘイトスピーチ」に対しいかなる禁止事項や罰則も設けておらず、啓発・教育活動を通じ国民の人権意識を高めることで長期的にヘイトスピーチを根絶していく、いわば「理念法」の性質を持つ。そのため、両者は次の問題を孕む：１、規制条項が無いため、特にオンラインの表現に対し、抑制の即効性および実行性に欠ける；２、行政や裁判所が法規上の曖昧な定義を頼りに、あるいは判定者の個人的主観に基づいて表現を「拡大解釈」し、「理念法」であるはずの法規を根拠に不当に表現行為を制限してしまう。 　 次に、本稿は以上の懸念から、二つの法規の改善方法を提案する。まず、日本は将来のマイノリティをめぐる社会の動向や雰囲気を考慮し、教育・啓発活動は基本理念として継続しつつ、必要であればヘイトスピーチを刑事罰の対象とすべきである。禁止する表現は憲法の保護を受けない極めて危険な表現に限り、それを拡大解釈の隙を与えない、また表現活動を抑止する効果を生まない具体的な文字で定義する。何をもって憲法違反の表現とするかは、「明白かつ現在の危険」の法理を適用し、公共の秩序と個人の尊厳に「明らかに」かつ「差し迫って」脅威を与えようとしている扇動的表現を規制の対象とする。 　 問題の表現が「明白かつ現在の危険」を引き起こそうとしているかどうかも判定者の主観に頼ることが多く、極めて客観的かつ公正な判断が必要である。そこで本稿は、表現が被表現者の権利を侵害しているかどうかは、表現を構成する「文脈的要素」によって判断されるべき点に注目し、憲法違反のヘイトスピーチを判定する九つの「要件」を提唱する。「要件」は「表現の自由的側面」と「ヘイトスピーチの文脈」からなり、前者はa「非物理的闘争」、b「表現者の理念」そしてc「政治的スピーチ」、後者はⅰ「コンテクスト」、ⅱ「表現者の身分」、ⅲ「権利侵害の意図」、ⅳ「内容と形式」、ⅴ「表現の拡散範囲」そしてⅵ「切迫性と蓋然性」を揃える。特にオンラインの表現に注目する本稿では、ⅴにあたるオンラインの文脈、すなわち表現に接触した人数、表現者の影響力、あるいはプラットフォームの規模や性質等を重視する。以上の多面的かつシームレスに表現を構成する文脈を吟味する判定方式を採用することで、表現を制限する、または表現者を処罰する際の合憲性をチェックする「厳格な審査基準」に合致することを期待する。 　 さらに本稿は、法規のヘイトスピーチ刑罰化に伴い、「プロバイダ責任制限法」において、プラットフォーム上の犯罪にあたる表現に対するプロバイダの責任を明確化するよう提案する。プロバイダの主な免責条件として、彼ら自身が、前述の九つの「要件」を用いて、犯罪の恐れがある表現が「明白かつ現在の危険」の基準に達したかを判定することを盛り込む。プロバイダが、表現が犯罪にあたらない/あたるを判断し、またそうであることを信じるに足りる相当の理由があるうえで送信防止措置を講じなかった/講じた際、表現の媒介者としての/ユーザーの表現の自由に対する責任を負わないことができる。

(in English): This diploma thesis aims to find out whether there is a higher occurrence of vulgarity in discussions where users are anonymous than in non-anonymous discussions. The text of the thesis presents the concept of anonymity and the concept of hate speech and puts them in the context of the Internet environment and online discussions forums. The individual phenomena and their contexts are presented using selected relevant studies. The thesis also deals with the issue of the presence of a conflict topic in the discussions as a potential factor influencing their nature in the matter of civility and vulgarity. Then follows a practical part, which is based on an original research. This part starts with a description of methodology and the preparation of the survey, and then presents the results and their interpretation. The research analyzes a sample of 1,200 discussion comments divided into two groups anonymous and non-anonymous. These are comments on articles on news sites. The results then describe not only the effect of anonymity on the amount of vulgar and uncivil comments in discussion forums but also the influence of the presence of a conflict topic. The interpretation of results also includes a comparison with foreign research (Santana, 2014).

碩士
國立臺北大學
法律學系法律專業組
107
The spread of information in today’s internet era is faster than ever before, but the anonymity of online interactions is oftentimes misused to cause harm to others. While the previous discussion on the regulation of hateful expression focuses largely on those based on race and religion, misogyny speech is also a growing phenomenon today. The misogyny speech can be put into the category of discrimination speech, and sometimes amounts to hate speech which becomes a threat to the society. This thesis argues that misogyny speech can only be criminally punished when it amounts to be hate speech. After reviewing relevant literatures regarding political philosophy freedom of expression in Chapter 1, this thesis finds that most of the scholarship concludes that only those speeches violating the Harm Principle, i.e. inciting crimes or hatred, should be regulated. The thesis nevertheless agrees with the feminist scholarship that the seemingly neutral language we use in daily lives reflects and reinforces the underlying power relations in society. By adopting J.L. Austin's Speech Act Theory, Chapter 3 provides an analysis of the misogyny speech in PTT (批踢踢實業坊), the most popular online forum in Taiwan. The analysis shows how the internet magnifies the harm done to women, including threats to physical security and self-silencing effect in online discussions. While such a spiral of silence could undermine the existence of a public sphere where genuine discussion can take place, which should be essential to any democratic society, we might have to reconsider the criteria used to contemplate what constitutes harms caused by such hate speech in order to achieve substantive equality among men and women. Finally, by comparing the jurisprudence of the United States, Canada and the European Court of Human Rights, this thesis analyzes these distinctive models of speech regulations in Chapter 4. Although in some of the countries gender has yet to be explicitly included as one of the prohibited grounds of hateful expressions, the comparative study still offers valuable insights for the legal framework of gender hate speech regulation in Taiwan.

Юр’єва Н. С. Мова ворожнечі як прояв мовної агресії в українських інтернет-медіа : кваліфікаційна робота магістра спеціальності 061 "Журналістика" / наук. керівник К. Г. Сіріньок-Долгарьова. Запоріжжя : ЗНУ, 2020. 77 с.
UA : Тема роботи – «Мова ворожнечі як прояв мовної агресії в українських інтернет-медіа». Робота складається зі вступу, трьох розділів, висновків, списку використаної літератури та додатків. Обсяг основного тексту роботи – 77 сторінок. Список використаної літератури містить 87 найменування, викладених на 10 сторінках. Об’єктом дослідження є публікації сучасних суспільно-політичних інтернет-видань Запоріжжя: 061, IPnews+, Forpost та РепортерUA в період з 1 травня по 30 листопад 2019 року. Предметом дослідження є прояви мови ворожнечі у публікаціях запорізьких онлайн-ЗМІ. Мета роботи охарактеризувати мову ворожнечі в сучасних онлайнвиданнях Запоріжжя. Реалізація мети передбачає виконання наступних завдань: 1. Опрацювати теоретико-методологічні джерела з теми дослідження. 2. Окреслити межі поняття «мова ворожнечі», його трактування в медіазнавстві. 3. Класифікувати різновиди мови ворожнечі в мас-медіа. 4. Визначити прийоми створення та методи запобігання мові ворожнечі. 5. Дослідити запорізькі онлайн-медіа на наявність у них мови ворожнечі. Методологічну та теоретичну основу становлять праці таких науковців: А. Вебер, Т. Воронової, М. Дзялошинського, С. Жаботинської, Г. Кожевнікової, С. Колосова, Р. Пикалюка, Г. Почепцова, Н. Ратинової, В. Різуна, Г. Черненко та інших. Методи дослідження. У роботі застосовувалися методи аналізу та синтезу, пошуковий і порівняльний. Були використані методи узагальнення та типологізації як в теоретичній, так і в практичній частинах роботи. Новизна роботи полягає у тому, що: - узагальнено теоретичні напрацювання медіазнавців щодо поняття «мова ворожнечі», які на практиці застосовано для аналізу запорізьких онлайн-медіа; - конкретизовано роль та вплив мови ворожнечі у засобах масової інформації; - набуло подальшого розвитку дослідження шляхів використання мови ворожнечі в електронних та друкованих медіа. Практичне значення одержаних результатів. Висновки дослідження можуть бути використані у діяльності редакцій друкованих та електронних видань, а також під час підготовки фахівців із соціальної комунікації та журналістики. Теоретичне значення одержаних результатів полягає у тому, що матеріали дослідження можуть бути використані для подальших наукових робіт на тему використання мови ворожнечі у сучасних електронних ЗМІ.
EN : Yurieva N.S. The Language of Hostility as a Manifestation of Language Aggression in Ukrainian Internet Media. Zaporizhzhia, 2020. 94 p. Actuality of the qualification paper is caused by the need to identify and understand the manifestations of hate speech in regional online publications, as they are a source of information for a large audience, potentially subject to the negative influence of hostile statements. The aim of the work is to characterize the hate speech in modern online editions of Zaporizhzhya. The realization of the goal involves assuming the following tasks: 1. To develop theoretical and methodological sources on the topic of research. 2. Outline the limits of the concept of «hate speech», its interpretation in media studies. 3. Classify varieties of hate speech in the media. 4. Define the methods of creation and methods of preventing hate speech. 5. Explore Zaporizhzhia online media for hate speech usage. Methods of research are content monitoring, deduction and induction. Methods such as descriptive, comparative, historical, generalization, analysis, and synthesis were also used. In the result of the research, publications in modern online media of the city of Zaporizhzhia were analyzed. Research has shown that hate speech is most commonly used in relation to representatives of ethnic minorities groups, women, and people with disabilities. According to the study, the level of hostility has remained consistently low over the past few years.

Юр'єва Н. С. Мова ворожнечі як прояв мовної агресії в українських інтернет-медіа : кваліфікаційна робота магістра спеціальності 061 "Журналістика" / наук. керівник К. Г. Сіріньок-Долгарьова. Запоріжжя : ЗНУ, 2020. 97 с.
UA : Робота складається зі вступу, трьох розділів, висновків, списку використаної літератури та додатків. Обсяг основного тексту роботи – 77 сторінок. Список використаної літератури містить 87 найменування, викладених на 10 сторінках. Об’єктом дослідження є публікації сучасних суспільно-політичних інтернет-видань Запоріжжя: 061, IPnews+, Forpost та РепортерUA в період з 1 травня по 30 листопад 2019 року. Предметом дослідження є прояви мови ворожнечі у публікаціях запорізьких онлайн-ЗМІ. Мета роботи охарактеризувати мову ворожнечі в сучасних онлайнвиданнях Запоріжжя. Реалізація мети передбачає виконання наступних завдань: 1. Опрацювати теоретико-методологічні джерела з теми дослідження. 2. Окреслити межі поняття «мова ворожнечі», його трактування в медіазнавстві. 3. Класифікувати різновиди мови ворожнечі в мас-медіа. 4. Визначити прийоми створення та методи запобігання мові ворожнечі. 5. Дослідити запорізькі онлайн-медіа на наявність у них мови ворожнечі. Методологічну та теоретичну основу становлять праці таких науковців: А. Вебер, Т. Воронової, М. Дзялошинського, С. Жаботинської, Г. Кожевнікової, С. Колосова, Р. Пикалюка, Г. Почепцова, Н. Ратинової, В. Різуна, Г. Черненко та інших. Методи дослідження. У роботі застосовувалися методи аналізу та синтезу, пошуковий і порівняльний. Були використані методи узагальнення та типологізації як в теоретичній, так і в практичній частинах роботи. Новизна роботи полягає у тому, що: - узагальнено теоретичні напрацювання медіазнавців щодо поняття «мова ворожнечі», які на практиці застосовано для аналізу запорізьких онлайн-медіа; - конкретизовано роль та вплив мови ворожнечі у засобах масової інформації; - набуло подальшого розвитку дослідження шляхів використання мови ворожнечі в електронних та друкованих медіа. Практичне значення одержаних результатів. Висновки дослідження можуть бути використані у діяльності редакцій друкованих та електронних видань, а також під час підготовки фахівців із соціальної комунікації та журналістики. Теоретичне значення одержаних результатів полягає у тому, що матеріали дослідження можуть бути використані для подальших наукових робіт на тему використання мови ворожнечі у сучасних електронних ЗМІ
EN : Actuality of the qualification paper is caused by the need to identify and understand the manifestations of hate speech in regional online publications, as they are a source of information for a large audience, potentially subject to the negative influence of hostile statements. The aim of the work is to characterize the hate speech in modern online editions of Zaporizhzhya. The realization of the goal involves assuming the following tasks: 1. To develop theoretical and methodological sources on the topic of research. 2. Outline the limits of the concept of «hate speech», its interpretation in media studies. 3. Classify varieties of hate speech in the media. 4. Define the methods of creation and methods of preventing hate speech. 5. Explore Zaporizhzhia online media for hate speech usage. Methods of research are content monitoring, deduction and induction. Methods such as descriptive, comparative, historical, generalization, analysis, and synthesis were also used. In the result of the research, publications in modern online media of the city of Zaporizhzhia were analyzed. Research has shown that hate speech is most commonly used in relation to representatives of ethnic minorities groups, women, and people with disabilities. According to the study, the level of hostility has remained consistently low over the past few years.

W mojej pracy podejmuję próbę opisania nieetycznego języka w komentarzach polskich użytkowników zamieszczanych na popularnych portalach internetowych, który zgodnie z uzusem nazywam „hejtem”. Zajmuję się „nieetycznym językiem komentarzy”, a nie „językiem komentarzy w ogóle”, ponieważ nie we wszystkich wypowiedziach tego typu naruszane są zasady etyki słowa. Celowo nie piszę też o „agresywnym języku komentarzy”, ponieważ nie w każdej nieetycznej wypowiedzi jest agresja. Nieetyczny komentarz wyrządza krzywdę, ale jego autor nie musi w tym celu łamać zasad kultury słowa. Jeśli nadawca nieetycznej wypowiedzi krzywdzi nią intencjonalnie, to jego działalność może być przejawem przemocy językowej. Uznając, że ściśle lingwistyczny opis samego języka byłby niewystarczający do trafnego uchwycenia zjawiska hejtu (pokazywałby tylko, jak hejt wygląda, ale nie objaśniałby, dlaczego i jak powstał oraz jaki jest jego cel i skutek), zdecydowałem się na opis pragmalingwistyczny, w którym uwzględnia się także elementy pozajęzykowe, między innymi relacje między nadawcą, adresatem i odbiorcą, illokucyjny i perlokucyjny charakter wypowiedzi oraz kontekst komunikacyjny. Na opis hejtu w mojej dysertacji składa się osiem rozdziałów. W rozdziale I przedstawiam przedmiot badania, którego dotyczy ta rozprawa. Wyjaśniam, dlaczego podjąłem próbę opisania hejtu w komentarzach internetowych. W rozdziale II omawiam niektóre polskie badania poświęcone językowi Internetu i internautów. W drugiej części tego rozdziału zamieszczam definicje hejtu sformułowane przez innych badaczy. W rozdziale III prezentuję założenia metodologiczne, którymi posłużyłem się do przeprowadzenia analizy hejtu. Uważam, że zjawisko to nie może być badane tylko z perspektywy lingwistyki. Aby dobrze przedstawić złożoność problemu hejtu, potrzebne jest szersze, funkcjonalno-pragmatyczne podejście, takie jak krytyczna analiza dyskursu. W tym rozdziale opisuję główne założenia najważniejszych szkół KAD oraz wyjaśniam, w jaki sposób odnoszę się do nich w kolejnych częściach tej dysertacji. W rozdziale IV opisuję etymologię słowa „hejt” – staram się dowieść, że leksem ten nie jest ani synonimem wyrazu „nienawiść”, ani nie oznacza tego samego, co „mowa nienawiści”. „Hejt" w języku polskim to słowo o odrębnym znaczeniu, określające typ ataku słownego w Internecie. W rozdziale V omawiam związek hejtu z Internetem. Charakteryzuję w nim również trzy grupy (rodzaje) komentujących wyszczególniane przez innych badaczy: trolle, trolle polityczne oraz komentujących „autentycznych”. Rozdział VI tej dysertacji zawiera wyniki analizy ponad 8000 komentarzy internetowych. Omawiam kryteria, które decydowały o wyborze materiałów do badania, a następnie przedstawiam pragmatyczną analizę hejtu. Opisuję systemowe i tekstowe sposoby wartościowania w tekście, a także stosowane przez hejterów techniki dyskredytacyjne: prowokację, odwracanie uwagi, etykietowanie, deprecjację i szydzenie. Omawiam też wybierane przez hejterów punkty zaczepienia ataku: brak wiarygodności ich ofiary, jej zależność, wygląd, seksualność, obcość, cynizm i hipokryzję. Wprowadzam także własną typologię hejterów, których dzielę na „żartownisiów”, „krzykaczy”, „oburzonych” oraz „informatorów”. W rozdziale VII opisuję hejt jako przejaw przemocy językowej. Ostatni rozdział tej pracy poświęcam działaniom, które mogą zostać podjęte, aby przeciwdziałać hejtowi.
In my dissertation I attempt to describe unethical language in Polish Internet users' comments posted on popular websites. In accordance with the common practice of Polish native speakers I call this type of language ‘hejt’. I deal with the ‘unethical language of comments’ and not ‘the language of comments in general’ because not all comments violate the rules of ethical communication, so clarification is needed. I also do not write about the ‘aggressive language of comments’ because aggression is not always present in unethical speech. Unethical speech is intended to harm the person it targets. When the author of an unethical utterance harms deliberately, this may be interpreted as an act of violence, precisely of violence in language (or linguistic violence). Considering that a strictly linguistic description would be insufficient to accurately capture the phenomenon of ‘hejt’ (it would only show how ‘hejt’ looks, but would not explain why and how it emerged and what its effects and purposes are), I decided on a pragmalinguistic description. This description includes non-linguistic elements, such as relations between the sender, the addressee and the recipient, context or the illocutionary and perlocutionary nature of the utterance. There are eight chapters in this dissertation. In the first one I present the subject of this study. I explain why I made an attempt to describe ‘hejt’ in online comments. In chapter II I discuss major Polish research on the language of the Internet and its users. In the second part of this chapter I present other researchers’ definitions of ‘hejt’. In chapter III I present the methodology I used. I believe that the phenomenon of ‘hejt’ cannot be studied only from the perspective of linguistics. To properly illustrate the complexity of this problem a broader, functional pragmatic approach, such as critical discourse analysis (CDA), is needed. In this chapter I describe the main assumptions of CDA and explain how I relate to them in the subsequent parts of this dissertation. In chapter IV I describe the etymology of the word ‘hejt’ – I try to prove that it is neither synonymous with the Polish word for ‘hatred’ (Pol. ‘nienawiść’), nor does it mean the same as ‘hate speech’ (Pol. ‘mowa nienawiści’). ‘Hejt’ in Polish is a word with a separate meaning that names verbal attacks on the Internet. A complete analysis of ‘hejt’ calls for the description of the medium in which it can be found. Therefore in chapter V I discuss the relation between ‘hejt’ and the Internet. In this chapter I also characterize three groups (types) of commenters (posters) listed by other researchers: trolls, political trolls and ‘authentic’ commenters. Chapter VI of this dissertation contains the results of an analysis of over 8000 online comments. I discuss the criteria that determined the choice of research material for this study. Then I present a pragmatic analysis of ‘hejt’. I enumerate ways of assigning values in text. I describe discrediting techniques used by haters: provocation, distraction, labeling, depreciation and mocking. I also discuss the areas that haters usually choose to attack: their victim’s lack of credibility, dependence, appearance, sexuality, strangeness, cynicism and hypocrisy. I also introduce my own typology of haters. I classify them as ‘jesters’, ‘loudmouths’, ‘outraged ones’ and ‘informants’. In chapter VII I describe ‘hejt’ as a form of linguistic violence (or violence in language). In the last chapter of this work I describe actions that can be taken to counteract hate.