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Journal articles on the topic 'Hathorn'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Hathorn, Kelly E. "Author Spotlight: Kelly E. Hathorn." Digestive Diseases and Sciences 65, no. 8 (May 8, 2020): 2178. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10620-020-06298-z.

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2

Nadon, Daniel-Raymond. "Ramon Hathorn. Our Lady of the Snows: Sarah Bernhardt in Canada." Theatre Research in Canada 19, no. 1 (January 1998): 96–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/tric.19.1.96.

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3

Owram, Doug. "Images of Louis Riel in Canadian Culture. Edited by Ramon Hathorn." Canadian Historical Review 102, s1 (June 2021): s240—s241. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-102-s1-017.

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4

Stokes, John. "Ramon Hathorn Our Lady of the Snows: Sarah Bernhardt in CanadaNew York: Peter Lang, 1996. 327 p. ISBN 0-820-42899-X." New Theatre Quarterly 14, no. 55 (August 1998): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00012239.

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5

Vertiienko, H. V. "«ORIENTAL APHRODITE» ON THE OBJECTS FROM TERRITORY OF SCYTHIA (on the origins of iconography)." Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine 33, no. 4 (December 25, 2019): 340–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2019.04.25.

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The article analyzes the origins of the iconography of a woman’s face with a hairstyle that has characteristic curls, which have been deployed in different directions, on the objects of Scythian material culture. This feature of iconography is fixed twice. The first case are four silver and gilded pendants from the barrow 34 near the village Sofiyivka, Kherson region (Museum of Historical Treasures of Ukraine — a branch of the National Museum of History of Ukraine, inv. no. 2755/1—4). The second case, is the image on the working part of a bronze stamp from the Kamyanskoe settlement (Archaeology Museum of the Karazin National University of Kharkiv, inv. no. VN 2089). As for the female hairstyle on these images, it is not typical for classical Hellenic art, but finds parallels in the art of the Eastern Mediterranean and Ancient East. This style is similar to the so-called «Hathoric wig» in the art of ancient Egypt (on stelae, sculptures, amulets, painting on coffins, mirrors, musical instruments, etc.), which influenced the iconography of the hairstyles of female deities («Oriental Aphrodite») of the Mediterranean. The image of the goddess in the «Hathoric wig» could permeate to the Northern Pontic Sea Region through the Hellenic craftsmen, as a replica of the image of «Oriental Aphrodite» cult of whom may have existed in the region. At the same time, these images could be a «copy» (imitation) made by the Scythian craftsmen directly from the Egyptian original, most likely from some faience amulet, which usually has similar size and sometimes reproduces the head of Hathor. According to Herodotus, in the Scythian pantheon, the figure of Celestial Aphrodite (Aphrodite Urania) was corresponded by Argimpasa (Herod. IV, 59). Consequently, in such an iconographic form these images could depict this goddess. The image of the «Hathoric wig» on these objects can be considered the most northern examples of this iconographic element.
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6

Bleiberg, Edward, and Geraldine Pinch. "Votive Offerings to Hathor." Journal of the American Oriental Society 118, no. 4 (October 1998): 569. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604800.

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7

PREYS, René. "Hathor au sceptre-ouas." Revue d'Égyptologie 53 (January 1, 2002): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/re.53.0.504267.

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8

PREYS, R. "Hathor fille de Noun." Revue d'Égyptologie 57 (December 31, 2006): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/re.57.0.2019404.

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9

Koch, Ido. "Revisiting the Fosse Temple at Tel Lachish." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 17, no. 1 (July 7, 2017): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341286.

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This paper reconsiders the Late Bronze Age history of the Fosse Temple at Lachish and reconstructs its context vis-à-vis the broader role of the local Canaanite cult. During the reign of Amenhotep iii the structure’s plan was modified to conform to Egyptian-style and there was a profusion of Egyptian imports to the site, primarily associated with the cult of Hathor. These facts reflect the cultic innovations that were taking place in Egypt itself—the self-deification of Amenhotep iii and his consort, Tiye, including her depiction and worship as Hathor. It is consequently argued that the translation of Hathor/Tiye into the local goddess, Elat, and its continuous practice until the late 13th century bc echo the integration of Egypt within the indigenous cultural world.
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10

SaadAllah, Tamer. "DeduSebek Dedicated Hymns to Hathor." International Journal of Heritage, Tourism and Hospitality 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/ijhth.2018.31492.

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11

Gregory, Richard L. "The Pop-out of Hathor." Perception 25, no. 1 (January 1996): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/p250001.

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12

FARID, Adel. "General Hathor, Daughter of StrategosHjɜrgs-Pakhom." Revue d'Égyptologie 41 (January 1, 1990): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/re.41.0.2011312.

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13

El-Adly, Sanaa Abd El Azim. "Herkunft und entstehung der göttin hathor." مجلة کلیة الآداب.بنها 8, no. 1 (October 1, 2002): 0–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jfab.2002.54430.

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14

Bird, Julian G. "An inscribed mirror in Athens." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 72, no. 1 (August 1986): 187–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338607200117.

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15

Spieser, Cathie. "Meskhenet et les sept Hathors en Egypte ancienne." Études de lettres, no. 3-4 (December 15, 2011): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/edl.141.

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16

Gillam, Robyn A. "Priestesses of Hathor: Their Function, Decline and Disappearance." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 32 (1995): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40000840.

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17

MADSEN, DEBORAH L. "Hawthorne's Puritans: From Fact to Fiction." Journal of American Studies 33, no. 3 (December 1999): 509–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875899006222.

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Nathaniel Hawthorne's view of his first American ancestors as belonging to a grim and gloomy race, impatient with human weaknesses and merciless towards transgressors, reflects a wide-spread popular attitude towards the Massachusetts Bay colonists. Indeed, Hawthorne's contribution to the construction and perpetuation of this view is not inconsiderable. Hawthorne frankly confesses to his own family descent from one of the “hanging judges” of the Salem witchcraft trials, and he does not spare any instance of persecution, obsession, or cruelty regarding the community led by his paternal ancestors. But Hawthorne does not stop at indicting his own family history; in a famous exchange with the president of Hartford College, Thomas Ruggles Pynchon, shortly after the publication of The House of the Seven Gables (1851) Hawthorne is accused of blackening the reputation of another of New England's great colonial families. Hawthorne denied any knowledge of a “real” Pynchon family, let alone one with living (and litigious) descendants. He apologized for his mistake and offered to write an explanatory preface (which never appeared) for the second edition. Historical evidence suggests that Hawthorne, in fact, knew the history of the Pyncheon family, in particular William Pyncheon and his son John, of Springfield, who shared political and business connections throughout the mid-seventeenth century with William Hathorne of Salem. William Hathorne was a notorious persecutor of Quakers and his son John was the “hanging judge” of the witchcraft trials; William Pyncheon was a prominent fur-trader and founder of several towns along the Connecticut River who left the colony abruptly in circa 1651 accused of heresy. Given this history, a more likely model for the grim Colonel Pyncheon of Nathaniel Hawthorne's novel is rather a composite of John and William Hathorne than William Pynchon. So why should Nathaniel, who had already in his fiction revealed his family skeletons, choose to displace his own family history on to the Pyncheon family, with all the trouble that then ensued?
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18

Beaux, Nathalie. "Remarkable botanical remains from a new foundation deposit in the Hathor shrine of Tuthmosis III at Deir el-Bahari." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean 27, no. 2 (December 21, 2018): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.3197.

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Numerous botanical remains have been found in a recently discovered foundation deposit of Tuthmosis III, in his Hathor shrine at Deir el-Bahari. Identification of 12 plants (cereals, fruits, branches and leaves) is proposed and the exceptional diversity of such finds is considered in relation to the known botanical finds from foundation deposits prior to Tuthmosis III.
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19

Peltenburg, Edgar. "Hathor, faience and copper on Late Bronze Age Cyprus." Cahiers du Centre d'Etudes Chypriotes 37, no. 1 (2007): 375–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cchyp.2007.1514.

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20

Stefanović, Danijela. "The Sole Royal Ornament, Priestess of Hathor, iAm-Hqt." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 72, no. 2 (October 2013): 209–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/671433.

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21

Aliev, M., H. Lacker, U. Langenfeld, S. Moch, P. Uwer, and M. Wiedermann. "HATHOR – HAdronic Top and Heavy quarks crOss section calculatoR." Computer Physics Communications 182, no. 4 (April 2011): 1034–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cpc.2010.12.040.

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22

Izquierdo Perales, Alejandra. "El templo de Hathor en Deir el-Medina: un estudio iconográfico en el contexto de los templos ptolemaicos = The temple of Hathor in Deir el-Medina: An Iconographic Study in the Context of the Ptolemaic Temples." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie VII, Historia del Arte, no. 7 (December 13, 2019): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfvii.7.2019.24072.

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El objetivo del presente artículo es hacer una revisión de la iconografía del templo de Hathor en Deir el-Medina, así como de su conjunto como espacio de expresión artística para un fin religioso. Se trata de un estudio no exhaustivo de la iconografía del templo a través de las fuentes primarias y secundarias, prestando especial atención al estudio de las escenas de ofrenda. La iconografía del templo es una prueba de su importancia durante los ritos de Djeme y de la «Bella Fiesta del Valle», así como de la legitimación del poder de los reyes Ptolomeos.AbstractThe aim of this article is to review the iconography of the Temple of Hathor in Deir el-Medina, as well its role as a space of artistic expression for a religious purpose. It is a non-exhaustive study of the iconography of the temple through primary and secondary sources, with a special analysis of the offering scenes. The iconography of the temple is a proof of its importance during the Djeme rites and the «Beautiful Feast of the Valley», and legitimation of the power of the Ptolemaic kings.
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23

Ejsmond, Wojciech, Dawid Wieczorek, and Alicja Wieczorek. "Gebelein Archaeological Project 2018. Temple and Fortress Area on the Eastern Mountain." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean 27, no. 1 (April 11, 2018): 235–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.2002.

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The report outlines fieldwork conducted on the Eastern Mountain of Gebelein (ancient town of Per-Hathor/Pathyris) in the 2018 season. Despite extensive exploration in the past, the publication record for this area is poor. Current epigraphic research and archaeological field survey, as well as an analysis of published and unpublished archival materials has yielded new data concerning the topography and history of the area, which is presented in this paper.
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24

Onal, Cem, Ezgi Oymak, and Guler Yavas. "In Regard to Hathout et al." International Journal of Radiation Oncology*Biology*Physics 111, no. 3 (November 2021): 837–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijrobp.2021.06.044.

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25

Ejsmond, Wojciech, Julia M. Chyła, Piotr Witkowski, Dawid F. Wieczorek, Dániel Takács, Arkadiusz Ostasz, Elżbieta Ostasz, et al. "Gebelein Archaeological Project 2019: Pathyris and the cemeteries in East Gebelein and the Chert Survey in West Gebelein." Fieldwork and Research, no. 28.2 (December 28, 2019): 215–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/uw.2083-537x.pam28.2.13.

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Fieldwork in early 2019 by the Gebelein Archaeological Project encompassed surveys of two cemeteries situated south of the ancient town of Per-Hathor/Pathyris in the area of the Eastern Mountain of Gebelein. One of these is dated to the Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate Period, the other tentatively to Fatimid times. The third survey searched for local chert sources on the Western Mountain, investigating a local tradition of lithic tool production.
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26

Sully, Dean, Stephen Quirke, and Peter J. Ucko. "Hathor, goddess of love and joy, a Norfolk pleasure wherry." Public Archaeology 5, no. 1 (January 2006): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/pua.2006.5.1.26.

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27

Carbillet, Aurélie. "Hathor et le "Maître des Pégases" à Amathonte de Chypre." Ktèma : civilisations de l'Orient, de la Grèce et de Rome antiques 33, no. 1 (2008): 299–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ktema.2008.1109.

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28

Ruzicka, Birko-Katarina, Matthias Schröter, Andreas Pack, and Hermann Boehnhardt. "Detecting and analysing geomorphological structures in images of comet 67P/Churyumov–Gerasimenko using Fourier transform." Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society 503, no. 3 (March 4, 2021): 3449–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mnras/stab618.

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ABSTRACT We present a method for automatized detection and analysis of quasi-periodic lineament structures from images at pixel precision. The method exploits properties of the images’ frequency domain found by using the Fourier transform. We developed this method with the goal of detecting lineament structures in an image of the Hathor cliff of comet 67P/Churyumov–Gerasimenko, which are caused by layerings and furrows in the nucleus material. Using our method, we determined the orientation and wavelength range of these structures. The detected layering edges have similar orientations and spatial separations of 9–20 m, and are ubiquitous throughout the image. We suggest that the layerings are a global feature of the comet nucleus that provide information about formation and evolution of comet 67P. The furrows are non-uniformly distributed throughout the image. Their orientation is broadly parallel to the direction of the local gravity vector at the Hathor cliff, with spacings similar to those of the layering structures. The furrows are interpreted as signatures of local down-slope movement of cliff material. We demonstrate that the developed method is broadly applicable to the detection and analysis of various kinds of quasi-periodic structures like geological layering, folding and faulting, and texture analysis in general. In order to facilitate the application of our method, this paper is accompanied by a demo program written in matlab.
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29

Leprohon, Ronald J. "The Sixth Dynasty False Door of the Priestess of Hathor Irti." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 31 (1994): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40000665.

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30

Liszka, Kate. "Discerning Ancient Identity: The Case of Aashyet’s Sarcophagus (JE 47267)." Journal of Egyptian History 11, no. 1-2 (October 8, 2018): 185–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340047.

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Abstract Aashyet’s sarcophagus (JE 47267) offers a unique case for understanding how the intersection of a person’s identities, such as ethnicity, gender, age, or religion, is portrayed on a funerary object within the historic and religious circumstances of a specific context. Aashyet’s sarcophagus portrays her as a wealthy, elite priestess, and the head-of-household, while being a Nubian who celebrated her non-Egyptian origins. The sarcophagus’s archaeological context also demonstrates the importance of Priestesses of Hathor within Montuhotep II’s funerary complex at Deir el-Bahri for the legitimation of his kingship before he unified Egypt, late in his reign.
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31

El-Sabban, Sherif. "The Stela of Ptah and Hathor in Cairo Museum J.E no 45539." مجلة الآداب والعلوم الإنسانیة 25, no. 1 (July 1, 1997): 72–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/fjhj.1997.133780.

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32

PREYS, R. "Hathor, maîtresse des Seize et la fête de la navigation à Dendara." Revue d'Égyptologie 50 (January 1, 1999): 259–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/re.50.0.2003653.

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33

Sully, Dean, Stephen Quirke, and Peter J. Ucko. "Hathor, goddess of love and joy, a Norfolk pleasure wherry." Public Archaeology 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/146551806793156021.

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34

Bouillon, H. "A New Perspective on So-Called ´Hathoric Curls´." Ägypten und Levante 24 (2015): 209–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/s209.

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35

Abrams, Freda Morrill, and Catherine Petroski. "A Bride's Passage: Susan Hathorn's Year under Sail." Antioch Review 56, no. 2 (1998): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4613673.

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36

Grotenhuis, Jorke. "Geographical Verbal Variation in Dendera. An Exploratory Study in Verbal Variation between East and West in Offering Texts from Graeco-Roman Temples in Dendera." Lingua Aegyptia - Journal of Egyptian Language Studies 27 (2019): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.37011/lingaeg.27.04.

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This paper researches the interaction between inscriptions facing east and those facing west in offering texts of the Graeco-Roman period, specifically those found in the temple of Hathor and the temple of Isis in Dendera. Continuing research performed by Christian Leitz, this paper argues that a pattern shown by Leitz in which the east side is active where the west is reflecting a state, is not an anomaly, but should actually be considered part of the ‘grammaire du temple’. Moreover, I show that this pattern is used during the reign of Cleopatra VII, and falls out of use during the reign of the emperor Augustus.
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37

Goldwasser, O. "Canaanites Reading Hieroglyphs. Horus is Hathor? - The Invention of the Alphabet in Sinai." Ägypten und Levante 1 (2007): 121–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/aeundl16s121.

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38

El-Sabban, Sherif. "The Strela Dedicated to Goddess Hathor in Cairo Museum J. E N 59863." مجلة الآداب والعلوم الإنسانیة 28, no. 2 (April 1, 1998): 55–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/fjhj.1998.133596.

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39

Araújo, Luís Manuel de. "A propósito do capítulo 186 do «Livro dos Mortos»: Hathor e as barcas." Revista Portuguesa de História 2, no. 36 (2003): 469–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0870-4147_36-2_27.

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40

Bickel, Susanne. ""Ich Spreche Ständig Zu Aton...": Zur Menschgott-beziehung in Der Amarna Religion." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 3, no. 1 (2003): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569212031960366.

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AbstractVery little is known about the impact of the Amarna revolution on individual religious feeling and belief. This article gathers various traces of individual religiosity at Amarna. Traditional divine forces (Toeris, Bes, Hathor), and the king, but also the god Aten could be addressed as guarantors of health and prosperity. Several sources show that individuals of varying social status could have knowledge of and direct contact with Aten, despite the assertion in the Great Hymn that these were exclusively royal privileges. The expression of individual religiosity was possible within the context of Amarna religion in forms that continue earlier ways of approaching the divine and prefigure Ramesside modes of expression of personal piety.
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41

Graindorge, Catherine. "La Quête De La Lumière Au Mois De Khoiak: Une Histoire D'Oies." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 82, no. 1 (December 1996): 83–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339608200113.

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In the second court of the temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu, the feast of Sokar, which occurs on the 26th of Khoiak, is represented on the south and south-east walls. The procession of the henu-barque is the main episode of the Sokarian feast, as in all other iconographie documents. However, at Medinet Habu, the divine barque of Sokar is also accompanied by five other ships which belong to the goddesses Hathor, Wadjet, Shesemtet, Bastet and Sekhmet. Behind these ships, a priest brings a chest containing five birds. In this article, the author tries to explain why five goddesses, daughters of Re, and five birds are exceptionally associated with the Sokarian ceremonies, and how they meet together on the 26th of Khoiak.
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42

Hays, Christopher B. "“My Beloved Son, Come and Rest in Me”: Job’s Return to His Mother’s Womb (Job 1:21a) in Light of Egyptian Mythology." Vetus Testamentum 62, no. 4 (2012): 607–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341088.

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Abstract Job 1:21a makes better sense when understood in light of the Egyptian idea of death as a return to the womb of the mother goddess; that mythology provides a much more likely context than the idea of “Mother Earth,” which is attested only in texts that are (or are likely to be) quite late. As in various other cases in the book (for example, in his expressions of preference for death) Job practices a kind of theological brinksmanship, crossing an apparent line only to pull back in the next breath or the next chapter. In light of the Hathor/womb headrests from the tombs at St. Étienne’s, it may be that Job’s theological rhetoric was not merely a literary invention.
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43

Abdel Khalek, Chaïmaa. "L'importance de la déesse Hathor et ses prêtresses pendant l'Ancien et le Moyen Empire." Bulletin of the Center Papyrological Studies 34, no. 1 (September 1, 2017): 633–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/bcps.2017.15678.

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PREYS R. "Hathor au sceptre-ouas. Images et textes au service de la théologie." Revue d'Égyptologie 53, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/re.53.1.504349.

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45

Moje, Jan. "Hathor im Pflanzendickicht: Zum Menit des libyschen Großfürsten Ker. (Ägyptisches Museum Berlin Inv. 8939)." Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 139, no. 1 (July 2012): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/zaes.2012.0007.

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46

Toktas, Bulent, and Nalan Gokoglu. "Effects of ascorbic acid and erythorbic acid on melanosis and quality in different shrimp species." Acta Aquatica: Aquatic Sciences Journal 7, no. 2 (June 4, 2020): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.29103/aa.v7i2.2527.

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With this study, ascorbic acid and erythorbic acid were used for the first time to prevent melanosis in shrimp. Three shrimp species (Aristaeomorpha foliacea, Plesionika edwardsi and Melicertus hathor) were used. It was determined that melanosis scores were higher in the control groups. Combination of ascorbic acid and erythorbic acid with metabisulphite was found to be more effective in inhibiting of melanosis than the application alone. No significant differences were found between the groups in terms of TVB-N values. The TMA-N value of the control group was significantly higher than those of application groups. Ascorbic acid, Erythorbic acid and their combinations with sodium metabisulphite were found effective on inhibition of melanosis and quality changes in three shrimp species.Keywords: reducing agents; ascorbic acid; erythorbic acid; melanosis; quality; shrimp
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47

Beaux, Nathalie, Mariusz Caban, and Dawid F. Wieczorek. "A new double foundation deposit in the Hathor Shrine of Tuthmosis III at Deir el-Bahari." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean 27, no. 2 (December 21, 2018): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.3194.

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A double foundation deposit was found in the souteastern part of the Tuthmosis III Hathor shrine at Deir el-Bahari. The architectural features, a pit with a niche at the bottom, confirm the dating of both of these deposits to the times of Tuthmosis III. An original feature of the southeastern one is the initial circular cavity changed into a semicircular one by the building of a mud-brick wall in the east. Several courses of mud bricks built up the rim of the pit above the rock-carved cavity. The whole structure was plastered inside with mud plaster. The bricks were mostly reused from the Middle Kingdom structure of Mentuhotep II. The content, although disturbed, still consists of organic offerings as well as ceramics, but no inscribed material.
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48

Lucarelli, Rita. "Demonology during the Late Pharaonic and Greco-Roman Periods in Egypt." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 11, no. 2 (2011): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921211x603904.

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Abstract:
Abstract This paper gives an overview of the beliefs in demons as perceived by the ancient Egyptians during the later phases of the Pharaonic period and under the Greco and Roman rule. It focuses in particular on the so-called “guardian demons” represented and named on the walls of the Ptolemaic temples such as the temple of Hathor at Dendera. These figures of protectors are in fact later reinterpretations of the demonic guardians of the doors and regions of the netherworld as described in the so-called Book of the Dead. Through this and other examples taken from iconographic and textual sources mentioning demons, it is discussed how the conception and ritual practices concerning “demons” changes significantly in Greco-Roman Egypt as compared to the earlier Pharaonic period.
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49

El Gabry, Dina. "A Late Middle Kingdom Private Stela of the Priests of Hathor (Cairo Museum CG 20780)." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 51, no. 1 (January 2015): 265–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5913/jarce.51.2015.a014.

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50

Brzozowska, Aleksandra. "Zabezpieczenie stropu nad Westybulem Kaplicy Hathor w świątyni Hatszepsut w Deir el-Bahari w Egipcie." MATERIAŁY BUDOWLANE 1, no. 11 (November 5, 2015): 135–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15199/33.2015.11.43.

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