Journal articles on the topic 'Hatsa (African people)'

Poverty exists without any face; it is a multifaceted and complex phenomenon. Poverty and famines existed before human civilization and culture. Human culture existed 0.07 million years ago, and civilization began 6000 years ago. In a modern civilized society, ‘first famine in human history occurred in 1708 B.C. From 1708 BC to 1878 AD, 350 famines occurred in various spheres of the world. The Encyclopedia Britannica listed 31 main famines from prehistoric to the 1960s. The sub-continent has also faced eleven severe famines from 1769-70 to 1943, and about 40.9 million people have died due to these famines. Similarly, more than 2 billion people live below the poverty line. Besides, China left 800 million people due to ‘Open Door Policy’. Now she is changing the world's shape through BRI. Africa is a complex and perplexing region of the world. Because, Africa is facing all the root problems of the world, i.e., poverty, massive unemployment and income inequality, mono-culture political economy, border disputes, intra-state wars, and ethnic and lingual clashes. In the land of Africa, the first famine was recorded 2273 years ago in Ethiopia’. About 2,582 languages[i] and 1,382 dialects are found on the African continent. From 1945 to 1999, humanity faced 25 interstate wars, most of which occurred in Africa. Therefore, 127 civil wars happened among 73 states in the same era, and 16.2 million people died. The Export and Import Bank of China will spend 1US$ trillion on the African continent in 2025. [i] Language which is speaking in Africa, Arabic (170 million) English (130 million), Swahili (100), French (115), Berber (50), Hausa (50), Portuguese (20) and Spanish (10) (Spolsky, 2018)

At the turn of the nineteenth century, a movement of religious reform andstate building took place in present-day northern Nigeria, culminating withthe establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate. This movement was as central toWest African history as was the 1789 French revolution to European history.Its leader, the Muslim scholar Uthman Dan Fodio (d. 1817), deservesrecognition as a towering figure of nineteenth-century African Islam. DanFodio’s community (jamā‘a), which included many scholars, toppled thepreexisting Hausa kingdoms, replacing them with emirates ruled by Fulanileaders who all paid allegiance to the Caliph based in Sokoto. At its zenith,the Caliphate, which became the most powerful economic and political entityof West Africa in the nineteenth century, linked over thirty differentemirates and over ten million people ...

Subtitles are captions displayed at the bottom of a cinema or television screen that translate or transcribe the dialogue or narrative. Nigeria and indeed Africa should be a major beneficiary of the subtitles considering the number of ethnic groups in the continent. The emergence of different film industries in countries around Africa has helped in showcasing Africa to the international community. Hence, subtitles came in handy, considering the fact that most viewers cannot understand the language with which the movies were produced. This paper explores the battle for meaning by English subtitles to movies produced in African languages especially the Nigerian film industry. The paper will look at the Hermaneutic Theory of Mass Communication to buttress the relevance of deriving meaning out of movie subtitles. The Hausa and the Yoruba film industries are the subjects of this study because of the large viewership they enjoy by people even outside Nigeria. The research came up as a result of the persistent errors which I have noticed while watching Yoruba and Hausa films with subtitles. Subtitles convey a summary of the dialogues taking place in a movie. Viewers who cannot understand the language used for the dialogue rely on the subtitles to make meaning out of the movie. If they are unable to make meaning out of the subtitles because of some inadequacies as a result of carelessness in the process of production, the aim of having the subtitles is defeated.

Imperialism is substantially a global, historical, cultural, economic, and political phenomenon. In Africa, how European imperialism has affected people continues to be subjected to debate with varying viewpoints. However, most of the literature on imperialism places greater emphasis on its political and economic dimensions, with passing discussion on its cultural aspect. This study intends to examine the impact of cultural imperialism on the Hausa people. Over the years, from pre-colonial through the colonial and post-colonial periods, Hausa cultures have been subjected to different changes due to different factors, imperialism included. Using primary and secondary sources, this study shows that the major areas of Hausa culture mostly affected by British cultural imperialism include language, culinary habits, attire, traditional sports, lifestyles, and festivities. Given the complexity of the current scholarly debate on the topic, a compilation of multiple viewpoints would be useful. In addition, the linked concepts, such as cultural imperialism and the concept of culture will be examined in depth.

Hausa people are among the popular communities in Africa due to their eminence in trade, scholarship, military service such as the world wars, leadership, and politics in media/journalism, in academics, etc. These factors, however, influenced the acceptability of the Hausa Language as a good area of study in many Nigerian Universities. Hausa is also studied in American, German, Asian, and Universities. This paper concentrated more on trying to use some factors to identify who is a Hausa man? Where is he located? What are his features and behaviors? The factors used by this paper include: Place identified as Hausaland, his facial marks, his clothes or dress, his dietary habits, his physical features, his body gestures, and his uniqueness of specializing in a dangerous occupation.

The African continent today is laced with some of the most intractable conflicts, most of them based on ethnic nationalism. More often than not, this has led to poor governance, unequal distribution of resources, state collapse, high attrition of human resources, economic decline, and inter-ethnic clashes. This essay seeks to examine Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie's through the lens of ethnic conflict. It begins by tracing the history and manifestations of ethnic stereotypes and ethnic cleavage in African imaginaries. The essay then argues that group loyalty in Nigeria led to the creation of 'biafranization' or 'fear of the Igbo factor' in the Hausa–Fulani and the various other ethnic groups that sympathized with them; a fear that crystallized into a thirty-month state-sponsored bulwark campaign aimed at finding a 'final solution' to a 'problem population'. Finally, the essay contends that Adichie's anatomizes the impact of ethnic cleavage on the civilian Igbo population during the Nigeria–Biafra civil war. Adichie, I argue, participates in an ongoing re-invention of how Africans can extinguish the psychology of fear that they are endangered species when they live side by side with people who do not belong to their 'tribe'.

Nigeria is a large West African country, more than 900 000 km2 in area–nearly four times the size of the UK. Despite having a population of about 117 million people, 42% of whom live in cities, Nigeria has about half the population density of the UK. About a sixth of all Africans are Nigerian. The country has a diverse ethnic mix, with over 200 spoken languages, of which three (Yoruba, Hausa and Ibo) are spoken by about 60% of the population. The official language of government and educational instruction is English. There is a federal system of government and 36 states. Religious practice has a major role in Nigeria's culture; of the two main religions, Islam predominates in the northern part of the country and Christianity in the south. A large proportion of the population still embraces traditional religions exclusively, or interwoven with either Islam or Christianity.

Proverbs are very common and employed in African societies, especially in Hausa. They arise in the midst of conversation. They are used for many purposes, in numerous circumstances and ways that, in many African societies, effective speech and social success depend on a good command of proverbs Usman et al. (2013). As such they held a very important place in traditional societies; dynamic mode of discourse, proverbs is also used as a major vehicle of transmission from generation to generation as people could not read and write. But, learning colonial languages (French, English, Portuguese) imposes to new generation the acquisition of new communicative competence. Consequently, new generation has no good command of their native language let alone proverbs whereas modern society is characterized by quick communication which gives no more room to proverbs. There have been many studies on topics related to the use, role, form, characteristic and functions of Hausa proverbs. To the best knowledge of the researcher no study was conducted regarding Hausa proverbs in traditional vis-à-vis modern society. That is what the paper tries to investigate in an attempt of filling up the gap. Participants were chosen through random sampling method while unstructured interview and surreptitious observation were used to collect data. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were used to analyse data. Analysis reveals that Hausa new generation is no more competent in their language in that they code switch, code mix or even borrow when communicating let alone use of proverbs. Still in use in traditional societies, proverbs are drastically threatened to falling in disuse in modern societies.

Opening Paragraph‘A translation of the meaning of the Holy Koran into the Hausa language’ – this is the careful wording of the title of the work sponsored by the Jama'atu Nasril Islam (whose President is the Sultan of Sokoto) and signed by Abubakar Mahmoud Gummi, the chairman of its executive committee and former Grand Khadi (Gummi, 1980). It is, in short, as official a Muslim publication as there can be in Nigeria. The Arab text (set in a standard Beirut naskh typeface) is on the right of the page, the Hausa, in roman script (boko), on the left; yet colleagues say that the Hausa still reads as if it was simply part of an oral, abbreviated tafsiri transcribed for printing. Though it is nowhere labelled as tafsiri, it has some footnotes and a sentence introducing each sura; and it is a truly vernacular translation – that is, it is not as awkward to read as, say, the books translated by Haliru Binji into what one could best describe as ‘malamanci’. Lastly, the printed text originally was circulated in sections – in part, it is said, to assess people's reactions to a Hausa translation of the Holy Koran being sold in the streets of Nigerian cities. It is a measure of the public's acceptance of this work – which is in reality no more than a printed version of the various oral ‘translations’ one can hear every year in public, on the radio or on tape – that not merely has it now appeared as a single volume but that it has already gone into a second edition; indeed, Alhaji Nasiru Kabara has now almost completed the process of producing his own version.

The fair-skinned people who inhabit the Sudan fringes of west Africa stretching from the Senegal valley to the shores of Lake Chad and who speak the language known as Fulfulde, are known by many names.1 They call themselves Fulbe (singular, Pullo). They are called Fulani by the Hausa of southern Nigeria, and this name has been used for them throughout Nigeria. The British call them Ful, Fulani, or Fula, while the French refer to them as Peul, Peulh, or Poulah. In Senegal the French also inadvertently call them Toucouleur or Tukulor. The Kanuri of northern Nigeria call them Fulata or Felata. In this paper we will adopt the Hausa (or Nigerian) name for the people—Fulani.Accurate censuses are not available on the Fulani in west Africa. A mid-twentieth century estimate puts the total number of Fulani at “over 4 million,” more than half of whom are said to inhabit Nigeria. Another estimate towards the end of 1989 puts the total number of Nigeria's Fulani (nomads only) at over ten million. If both estimates were correct, then the Fulani population in Nigeria alone must have grown 500 per cent in forty years. The dominant factor in this population growth is increased immigration of pastoralists into Nigeria in the wake of the 1968-73 Sahelian drought.

The Quranic revelation had a tremendous impact upon the societies, art, and thought of the various peoples with whom it came into contact. But perhaps nowhere is this influence as evident as in the domain of language, the very medium of the revelation. First, the Arabic language itself was radically and irrevocably altered by the manifestation of the Quran.3 Then, as the language of the divine revelation, Quranic Arabic exerted a wide-ranging influence upon the thought and language of speakers of Persian, Turkish, numerous South and South-East Asian languages, and West and East African languages such as Hausa and Swahili.

The Quranic revelation had a tremendous impact upon the societies, art, and thought of the various peoples with whom it came into contact. But perhaps nowhere is this influence as evident as in the domain of language, the very medium of the revelation. First, the Arabic language itself was radically and irrevocably altered by the manifestation of the Quran.3 Then, as the language of the divine revelation, Quranic Arabic exerted a wide-ranging influence upon the thought and language of speakers of Persian, Turkish, numerous South and South-East Asian languages, and West and East African languages such as Hausa and Swahili.

Islam in Nigeria is the product of A. R. I. Doi's twenty years of research on the spread and development of Islam in Nigeria. Professor Doi, currently the director of the Centre for Islamic Legal Studies at Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria, has also taught at the University of Nigeria at Nsukka and the University of lfe. His lengthy tenure in the different major geographical zones of Nigeria is reflected in the book. The twenty-one chapters begin with a general introductory overview of the spread of Islam in West Africa. Part I is devoted to the impact of Islam in the Northern States of Nigeria, Part II deals with the more recent spread of Islam into the Southern Nigerian States and Part III explicates a wide variety of issues germane to the understanding of Islam at the national level. The book is comprehensive, thoroughly researched, and is based on analyses of secondary sources as well as primary field research conducted in all parts of Nigeria. The book has nine maps, seventy-three photographs, detailed notes at the end of each chapter, a bibliography and an index. Professor Doi traces the spread of Islam through North Africa into the Ancient Empires of Ghana, Mali and Songhai. As Islam moved into the Northern part of Nigeria, it had a dramatic impact on the seven Hausa states and on the Fulani peoples who carried out the jihad under Shehu Utham Dan Fodio and the Fulani Sultans of Sokoto. A link was established between the Umawz Arabs and the Kanem-Bornu State. Islam also influenced the Nupe and Ebirra peoples. With the arrival of the Royal Niger Company, British Imperialism and Christian missions began to move into Northern Nigeria about 1302 AH/1885 AC. The impact of colonialism and Christianity upon Islam in Northern Nigeria is analyzed by Dr. Doi. Of particular interest is the analysis of syncretism between Islam and the indigenous cultures and religions of Northern Nigeria. The Boori Cult and the belief in al-Jinni are described. The life cycle of the Hausa-Fulani Muslims includes descriptions of the ceremonies conducted at childbirth, the naming of a new child, engagement, marriage, divorce, and death. Non-Islamic beliefs which continue to persist among Muslims in Northern Nigeria are identified ...

Tithing, which refers to the practice of giving one-tenth of one‟s income or produce for religious purposes, is a prominent Judaeo-Christian pactice. Extant studies have focused more on the controversy surrounding the applicability of the Old Testament tithing law to Christians than its connection to the lived experience of tithers. Therefore, this study juxtaposes the practice of tithing with lived experiences of tithers in United Missionary Church of Africa (UMCA), Northcentral Nigeria with a view to ascertaining the extent to which compliance to the tithing injunction elicits God‟s blessing. This enquiry becomes germane due to the emphasis of pro-tithing churches on the inevitable nexus between prosperity and tithing. In-depth interviews were conducted on 32 purposively selected pastors and deacons: eight from each of the four language-groups districts — English-speaking district (ESD), Nupe-speaking district (NSD), Yoruba-speaking district (YSD) and Hausa-speaking district (HSD) — of UMCA. Copies of a questionnaire were administered on 757 randomly selected church members across the four language-group districts. Qualitative data were subjected to content analysis, while quantitative data were subjected to percentages. UMCA mmbers think of blessing attached to tithing largely as economic emancipation, health and security. However, the survey shows that occasional tithers experienced sickness: ESD (44.4%), NSD (54.3%), YSD (32.2%) and HSD (42.0%); financial difficulty: ESD (45.1%), NSD (78.3%), YSD (49.3%) and HSD (58.6%); and robbery: ESD (23.8%), NSD (16.0%), YSD (16.4%) and HSD (14.0%). Also, regular tithers avowed experiencing sickness: ESD (42.4%), NSD (77.9%), YSD (41.7%) and HSD (53.2%); financial difficulty: ESD (53.8%), NSD (95.4%), YSD (66.3%) and HSD (61.6%); and robbery: ESD (32.0%), NSD (27.7%), YSD (30.2%) and HSD (18.9%). Conversely, a good percentage of non-tithers claimed that they do not have such experiences in connection to defaulting in tithing; ESD (55.6%), NSD (66.7%), YSD (70.0%) and HSD (78.6%). The paper argues that a balanced teaching on material prosperity that does not give false hope and expectations to people should be re-emphasised among Christians generally and in UMCA specifically.

Nigeria, the Giant of Africa, has three big tribes: Yoruba, Igbo, and Hausa. It was a British colony which was amalgamated in 1914. The country became independent in 1962 and was right away bedeviled by military coups d’états and a bloody civil war (1967-1970). In 1999, the country experienced democratic dispensation. In the 1990s, the Nollywood nascent movie industry—following in the footpath of Hollywood and Bollywood—flourished. The movie industry grew thanks to four factors: Rapid urbanization; the hand-held video camera; the advent of satellite TV; and, the overseas migrations of Nigerians. Local languages are used in these films; however, English is the most prominent, along with Nigerian pidgin broken English. Many themes are treated in these films: tradition and customs, religion, witchcraft and sorcery, satire, urban and rural lives, wealth acquisition, consumerism, etc. I discuss the ways in which American popular culture is adopted in Nigeria and recreated on screen. Nigeria and USA share Federalism, the superlative mode, and gigantism (houses, cars, people, etc.), and many Nigerians attend American universities. In the final analysis, the arguments exposed in this paper highlight the multitude of ways in which Nigerians navigate the treacherous waters of modernity and globalization.

Mwanatari is a community located between Lafiya and Lamurde in Lamurde LGA of Adamawa State. It lies on Latitude 9.560N and Longitude 11.70E, 164.00m/538.06ft ASL. The community shares boundary with Bwatiye (Bachama and Bata) communities. The ethnic groups found within the area are Mwana, Chobbo, Kwah, Waja, Lunguda, Dadiya, Jenjo, Hausa, and Fulani. The people of Mwanatari are predominantly agrarian. Lamurde is the administrative headquarters of the local government area and it is about 100 kilometers from Yola, the State capital. Like any other people Lamurde local government is noted for its unique cultural heritage. The Bachama people are noted warriors as is easily depicted in their popular dance “Wuro Kaduwe” closely related are the Homtu Gbatakaito at Gyawana which has to do with hunting, and the “Badan” at Nghakawo. They have the “kwete” wrestling festival in the town of Lamurde which comes up once in a year. It is a wrestling between the people of Gyawana and Lamurde. It is during the festival that His Royal Highness the Hama Bachama discloses his plans and vision to his subjects. Apart from Kwete wrestling festival, there is the “Poto” at Waduku, “Vayato” at Gyawana and Opalo. The Kwah “ Gikan” festival is celebrated yearly. The Waja celebrates “Saulawe” Chobbo “ Cito” and “Dikulem” “kreth” among the Lunguda and Dadiya respectively. Lamurde itself is a historical town where western civilization and tradition exist side by side. The Mwana people, according to history migrated from Cham in present day Balanga Local Government Area of Gombe State. The people of Cham migrated from Yamel in the East with some tribes like Lunguda, Tula, and Dadiya at about 1777. They came to Africa through Egypt and settled at Wanda. As a result of unproductive agricultural land, bad climate and weather, the people of Cham being good agriculturalists decided to move from Wanda to a free and fertile land at Fitilai (Kuntur) in 1797. At Fitilai, Baba Dan Bulo, an informant said, “The people of Cham settled in groups according to their clans. In these small clans, there is a type of disperse, cross or integrated relationship which is shown by ties of reputed kingship, chieftaincy and religious complexities. The major clans among these settlements were Fitilai to Bwelimi, and Fitilai to Dijimi, out of which the following small clans emerged: Jabe, Bwelimi, Kwasim, Lebe, Dungurang and Tiksir. These clans believed in peace and have special love and care for one another and therefore regard themselves as brothers (Shete) plural of Chum, brother”.

Abstract Background Podoconiosis is a progressive swelling of the legs affecting genetically susceptible people who live in areas with irritant red clay soils and walk barefoot. The disease is a public health concern in many countries, including Rwanda. Methods This retrospective study described individual and familial characteristics of patients with podoconiosis attending the Heart and Sole Africa (HASA) clinics in Rwanda. Data on patient characteristics and family history were retrieved from electronic medical records (January 2013 – August 2019). A multiple regression analysis was used to explore factors influencing age of onset of podoconiosis. Results Among 467 patients with podoconiosis, the mean (standard deviation) age of onset was 34.4 (19.6) years, 139 (29.8%) patients developed podoconiosis at <20 years of age, 417 (89%) came from Musanze or neighboring Burera Districts, and 238 (51.0%) had a family history of podoconiosis. Increasing patient age was associated with older age at onset of disease (p<0.001), while an increased number of relatives with podoconiosis (p<0.002) was significantly associated with earlier disease onset. Conclusion Most patients with podoconiosis were women, and more than half had a family history of podoconiosis. An increased number of relatives with podoconiosis was associated with a significantly younger age at disease onset.

Resumen:Europa, Asia y África fueron hasta la Gran Guerra de 1914-1918 regiones de las cuales provenían los inmigrantes a tierras americanas, siendo entre ellas las latinoamericanas, y en particular, las del sur del continente las más receptivas. El artículo versa sobre las procedencias, causales, establecimientos y decaimiento en la migración de personas durante el primer gran conflicto del siglo XX. Palabras clave: Inmigración, capitalismo, guerra, movilidad, expulsión**********************************************************The migration caused by the Great War 1914-1918 and its relation with Latin AmericaAbstractEurope, Asia and Africa were until the Great War, 1914-1918, regions from where immigrants were come to American lands, being among them the Latin-Americans, and in particular, those of the south of the continent the most receptive. The article is about the provenances, causals, establishment and decline of the people migration towards the first great conflict of 20th century.Key words: Immigration, capitalism, war, mobility, expulsion.**********************************************************A migração pela Grande Guerra (1914-1918) e sua relação com América LatinaResumoEuropa, Ásia e África foram até a Grande Guerra (1914-1918) regiões das quais provinham os imigrantes que chegaram a terras americanas, sendo entre elas as latino-americanas, e em particular o sul do continente, as mais receptivas. Este artigo trata sobre as procedências, causais, estabelecimento e decaimento na migração de pessoas para o primeiro grande conflito do século XX. Palavras chave: Imigração, capitalismo, guerra, mobilidade, expulsão.

This article traces the influences of American anthropology and racial discourse on Christian missions and indigenous converts in British Northern Nigeria from the 1920s. While colonial ethnological studies of religious and racial difference had represented non-Muslim Northern Nigerians as inherently different from the Muslim Hausa and Fulani peoples, the American missionary Albert Helser, a student of Franz Boas, applied American theories and practices of racial assimilation to Christian evangelism to renegotiate interreligious and interethnic relations in Northern Nigeria. Helser successfully convinced the British colonial authorities to allow greater mobility and influence of “pagan” converts in Muslim areas, thus fostering more regular and more complicated Christian-Muslim interactions. For their part, Christian Northern Nigerians developed the identity of being modernizers, developed from their narratives of uplift from historical enslavement and oppression at the hands of Muslims. Using new sources, this article shows that a region long assumed to be frozen and reactionary experienced changes similar to those occurring in other parts of Africa. Building on recent studies of religion, empire, and the politics of knowledge, it shows that cultural studies did not remain academic or a matter of colonial knowledge. Northern Nigerians’ religious identity shaped their desire for cultural autonomy and their transformation from converts into missionaries themselves.

The article analyzes the influence of the Shi‘a factor on public and political life of Nigeria, the state in which the phenomenon of transformation of the religious (and more specifically, Islamic) field has been observed in the past few decades due to the growing diversity of movements and sects. In turn, the emergence of new communities contributes to the radicalization of the Islamist discourse in Nigeria and the exacerbation of intercommunal contradictions (between Sufis and Salafis, Salafis and Shiʻites). The authors identify the prerequisites and reasons for the growth in the number of followers of Shi‘a Islam in Nigeria, mainly among the Hausa people, features of political movements with Shi‘a ideology, as well as the role of Nigeria in the global Saudi-Iranian confrontation. The authors resorted to a behavioral approach and comparative analysis of the social base of the Shi‘a organization Islamic Movement of Nigeria and the Salafi Jamaʻat Izala al-Bidʻa wa Ikamat al-Sunna (Society for the Eradication of Innovation and Implementation of the Sunna). It was revealed that the key reason for the radicalization of Nigerian Muslims (living mainly in the north) was the penetration of alien ideologies into the country - radical Salafism and the political aspects of Shi‘a Islam. This was a consequence of Nigeria falling into the focus of Riyadh and Tehran, which arefighting for leadership in the Islamic world. It was established that in the case of Nigeria, Iran is inferior to Saudi Arabia, which has more significant financial capabilities and a network of non-governmental associations and foundations that promote the interests of official Riyadh in West Africa. One of the key areas where the Saudi-Iranian confrontation for the “minds and hearts” of Nigerian Muslims is unfolding is Islamic education.

RESUMENEl objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre los mecanismos de financiación y de control de las instituciones religiosas por los laicos en las primeras décadas de la conquista y colonización de Hispanoamérica. Investigar sobre la inversión laica en lo sagrado supone en un primer lugar aclarar la historiografía sobre laicos, religión y dinero en las sociedades de Antiguo Régimen y su trasposición en América, planteando una mirada desde el punto de vista de las motivaciones múltiples de los actores seglares. A través del ejemplo de restituciones, donaciones y legados en losAndes, se explora el papel de los laicos españoles, y también de las poblaciones indígenas, en el establecimiento de la densa red de instituciones católicas que se construye entonces. La propuesta postula el protagonismo de actores laicos en la construcción de un espacio cristiano en los Andes peruanos en el siglo XVI y principios del XVII, donde la inversión económica permite contribuir a la transición de una sociedad de guerra y conquista a una sociedad corporativa pacificada.PALABRAS CLAVE: Hispanoamérica-Andes, religión, economía, encomienda, siglos XVI y XVII.ABSTRACTThis article aims to reflect on the mechanisms of financing and control of religious institutions by the laity in the first decades of the conquest and colonization of Spanish America. Investigating lay investment in the sacred sphere means first of all to clarifying historiography on laity, religion and money within Ancien Régime societies and their transposition to America, taking into account the multiple motivations of secular actors. The example of restitutions, donations and legacies inthe Andes enables us to explore the role of the Spanish laity and indigenous populations in the establishment of the dense network of Catholic institutions that was established during this period. The proposal postulates the role of lay actors in the construction of a Christian space in the Peruvian Andes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when economic investment contributed to the transition from a society of war and conquest to a pacified, corporate society.KEY WORDS: Hispanic America-Andes, religion, economics, encomienda, 16th and 17th centuries. BIBLIOGRAFIAAbercrombie, T., “Tributes to Bad Conscience: Charity, Restitution, and Inheritance in Cacique and Encomendero Testaments of 16th-Century Charcas”, en Kellogg, S. y Restall, M. 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Background: Gastro Intestinal Helminths infection is one of the major health burdens in developing countries particularly in Sub -Saharan Africa. It has been estimated to affect about 2.5 billion people globally and 250 million people are thought to be ill as a result of such infections, the majority being children. Aims: The study aimed to determine the prevalence and associated risk factors of gastro intestinal helminths infections among people of Wamakko and Tambuwal local government area in Sokoto state. Study Design: This was a cross-sectional, descriptive study. Place and Duration of Study: The study was conducted among Hausa- Fulani in wamakko and Tambuwal area in Sokoto, from June 2019 to October 2019. Methodology: Parasitological examination was carried out on stool samples from 243 participants using microscopy following formal ether concentration methods. Results: Finding revealed that 29 (12%) were positive for gastro intestinal helminths infections. Males recorded more prevalence (11.9%) than the females (11.8%). Conclusion: Gastro intestinal helminths parasites continue to remain a serious public health problem in North-western Nigeria. Low level of education, occupational status, and poor water supply seems to be among significant risk factors for these infections. Creating awareness, increase level of sanitation, good water supply and de-worming programme among school children will reduce prevalence and intensity of gastro intestinal helminths parasitic infections in the study area.

The processing of natural languages is an area of computer science that has gained growing attention recently. NLP helps computers recognize, in other words, the ways in which people use their language. NLP research, however, has been performed predominantly on languages with abundant quantities of annotated data, such as English, French, German and Arabic. While the Hausa Language is Africa's second most commonly used language, only a few studies have so far focused on Hausa Natural Language Processing (HNLP). In this research paper, using a keyword index and article title search, we present a systematic analysis of the current literature applicable to HNLP in the Google Scholar database from 2015 to June 2020. A very few research papers on HNLP research, especially in areas such as part-of-speech tagging (POS), Name Entity Recognition (NER), Words Embedding, Speech Recognition and Machine Translation, have just recently been released. This is due to the fact that for training intelligent models, NLP depends on a huge amount of human-annotated data. HNLP is now attracting researchers' attention after extensive research on NLP in English and other languages has been performed. The key objectives of this paper are to promote research, to define likely areas for future studies in the HNLP, and to assist in the creation of further examinations by researchers for relevant studies.

Resumen: Este trabajo se interesa por detectar la relación que existe entre la aparición de síntomas psiquiátricos de inmigrantes subsaharianos que viven en el poniente almeriense y los movimientos que se producen dentro de sus redes sociales locales. Se tomó muestra a inmigrantes procedentes del África negra que precisaron ser ingresados en la unidad de hospitalización de salud mental del Hospital de Poniente de El Ejido en Almería, utilizándo sus relatos de vida y los de algunos de los integrantes de sus redes sociales a los que se aplicó un análisis etnosociológico. Los resultados muestran la existencia de una relación temporal entre aparición de los primeros síntomas psiquiátricos, incluso en personas que hasta ese momento no tenían antecedentes previos de enfermedad mental, y el alejamiento por viajes de personas con las que los enfermos mantienen una relación de parentesco. Abstract: This work is concerned with detecting the relationship between the onset of psychiatric symptoms of African immigrants living in the west of Almeria and movements that occur within their local social networks. Sample was taken from black African immigrants who needed to be admitted at the Mental Health Unit of the Poniente Hospital in El Ejido (Almería), using their life stories and some of the members of their social networks to which etnosociológico analysis was applied. The results show the existence of a temporal relationship between onset of first psychiatric symptoms, even in people who hitherto had no previous history of mental illness, and trips away by people that patients maintain a family relationship.

Introducción: La hipertensión es un factor de riesgo cardiovascular de gran magnitud entre las personas de ascendencia africana, especialmente las que viven en quilombos. Sin embargo, se sabe poco sobre los factores asociados con el riesgo cardiovascular en los residentes de la comunidad urbana Quilombola. Objetivo: Analizar el riesgo cardiovascular y los factores asociados con la salud en el contexto familiar de los descendientes africanos hipertensos que viven en una comunidad urbana de Quilombolas. Material y métodos: Este es un estudio transversal y basado en la comunidad, realizado desde noviembre de 2017 hasta marzo de 2018. La población de estudio consistió en 303 pacientes hipertensos inscritos en la unidad de salud familiar, de edad de 35 a 79 años, ambos sexos; y en el uso medicamentos antihipertensivos. Los instrumentos utilizados para producir los datos fueron: el Cuestionario de Hipertensión en Atención Primaria, la puntuación de riesgo de Framingham. Resultados: Se observó una asociación significativa entre el riesgo cardiovascular y los antecedentes familiares de enfermedad cardiovascular (ECV) (p <0.011), diabetes tipo II (p <0.001) y sobrepeso y obesidad (p <0.010). Conclusión: La investigación mostró que las personas Quilombolas hipertensos tienen resultados consistentes con respecto al riesgo cardiovascular, especialmente con la inclusión de antecedentes familiares de ECV, diabetes tipo II, sobrepeso y obesidad, educación y sexo con asociaciones significativas. Como citar este artículo: Rosa, Randson Souza; Ribeiro, Ícaro José do Santos; Silva, Jaine Kareny da; Souza, Luiz Humberto Rodrigues; Cruz, Diego Pires; Damasceno, Rudson Oliveira; Souza Júnior, Edison Vitório de; Boery, Rita Narriman Silva de Oliveira. Cardiovascular Risk and Factors Associated to the Health of Hypertensive African Descent People Resident in Quilombola Community. Revista Cuidarte. 2021;12(2):e1165. http://dx.doi.org/10.15649/cuidarte.1165

PurposeThe courtyard form of the traditional African house responds to people's culture and traditions. Nevertheless, in the era of globalization, the private open space (POS) is fast disappearing in African homes due to neglect and lack of awareness of its value. This study, thus, aims to explore how culture relates to open space design in traditional houses of three major ethnic groups (Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo) in Nigeria. This is with a view to encouraging planners and designers to create open spaces in housing developments according to people's cultural values and needs.Design/methodology/approachThis study is based on qualitative and quantitative research approaches involving a literature review, focus group discussions and a questionnaire survey. The quantitative survey was designed based on the literature review of the concept of culture and the use of space in traditional courtyard houses. Focus group discussions were conducted to identify the specific cultural components that dictated the use of the courtyard as a POS in the Nigerian context. Subsequently, a questionnaire survey was carried out to determine the importance of each cultural component in the outdoor sociospatial design. Through systematic sampling, one of every five traditional houses in the study area was selected to determine where respondents were surveyed.FindingsThe results reveal that the cultural components that influenced the design and use of the open space were gender and privacy, family and social relations, religious practice and belief, and status and lifestyle. However, the importance attached to each of the cultural components varied from one culture to another in Nigeria. The findings also showed that the open space is used for a variety of purposes, such as ancestral worship, family gatherings and reunions, small-scale ceremonies, and leisure activities.Research limitations/implicationsThis study offers professional planners and designers helpful insights to protect culture in housing development and improve daily living in residential environments.Originality/valueBased on Amos Rapoport's theoretical framework, this study dismantles the concept of “culture” into different components and examines how they affect outdoor sociospatial design in a developing country. The study also provides researchers with ideas and inspiration to study the culture of POSs in traditional housing.

En este texto se exponen algunos de los hechos históricos más relevantes en el proceso de introducción de la agroindustria del monocultivo de palma de aceite en el municipio de Tumaco, Nariño. Este, desde sus inicios, estuvo relacionado con hechos violentos de desplazamiento forzado, amenazas y persecuciones a campesinos que se negaban a vender sus tierras, lo cual llevó a que, finalmente, estas personas se convirtieran en jornaleros que dejaron de producir sus propios alimentos para comprarlos, hasta que la plaga que secó la palma los dejó en el limbo. Razón por la cual la premisa que motiva este análisis es que no es posible pensar el posconflicto en el marco de las actuales negociaciones de paz entre la guerrilla y el Gobierno nacional en La Habana mientras la tierra de campesinos, afrodescendientes e indígenas siga en prenda en nombre del desarrollo.Palabra Clave: Palma aceitera, Monocultivo, Agroindustria, Afrodescendientes, Soberanía alimentaria, Desplazamiento forzado, Tierra, Territorio colectivo ABSTRACTTHINK PEACE... ONLY WHEN YOU HAVE THE EARTHIn this paper some of the most relevant historical facts are exposed in the process of entering the agribusiness monoculture oil palm in the municipality of Tumaco, Nariño, which since its inception was related to violent acts of forced displacement, threats and persecution of peasants who refused to sell their land, who finally became laborers stopped producing their own food to buy, until the plague that wiped the palm left them in limbo. Why the premise that motivates this analysis is that it is not possible to think about the post-conflict within the framework of the ongoing peace negotiations between the guerrillas and the national government in Havana, while the land of peasants, Afro-descendants and indigenous people continue to be in pledge in the name of development.Key Words: Palm oil, Monoculture, Agribusiness, African descent, Food sovereignty, Forced displacement, Land, Collective territory

What we wear signals our membership within groups, be theyorganised by gender, class, ethnicity or religion. Simultaneously our clothing signifies hierarchies and power relations that sustain dominant power structures. How we dress is an expression of our identity. For Veblen, how we dress expresses wealth and social stratification. In imitating the fashion of the wealthy, claims Simmel, we seek social equality. For Barthes, clothing is embedded with systems of meaning. For Hebdige, clothing has modalities of meaning depending on the wearer, as do clothes for gender (Davis) and for the body (Entwistle). For Maynard, “dress is a significant material practice we use to signal our cultural boundaries, social separations, continuities and, for the present purposes, political dissidences” (103). Clothing has played a central role in historical and contemporary forms of political dissent. During the French Revolution dress signified political allegiance. The “mandated costumes, the gold-braided coat, white silk stockings, lace stock, plumed hat and sword of the nobility and the sober black suit and stockings” were rejected as part of the revolutionary struggle (Fairchilds 423). After the storming of the Bastille the government of Paris introduced the wearing of the tricolour cockade, a round emblem made of red, blue and white ribbons, which was a potent icon of the revolution, and a central motif in building France’s “revolutionary community”. But in the aftermath of the revolution divided loyalties sparked power struggles in the new Republic (Heuer 29). In 1793 for example anyone not wearing the cockade was arrested. Specific laws were introduced for women not wearing the cockade or for wearing it in a profane manner, resulting in six years in jail. This triggered a major struggle over women’s abilities to exercise their political rights (Heuer 31).Clothing was also central to women’s political struggles in America. In the mid-nineteenth century, women began wearing the “reform dress”—pants with shortened, lightweight skirts in place of burdensome and restrictive dresses (Mas 35). The wearing of pants, or bloomers, challenged gender norms and demonstrated women’s agency. Women’s clothes of the period were an "identity kit" (Ladd Nelson 22), which reinforced “society's distinctions between men and women by symbolizing their natures, roles, and responsibilities” (Ladd Nelson 22, Roberts 555). Men were positioned in society as “serious, active, strong and aggressive”. They wore dark clothing that “allowed movement, emphasized broad chests and shoulders and presented sharp, definite lines” (Ladd Nelson 22). Conversely, women, regarded as “frivolous, inactive, delicate and submissive, dressed in decorative, light pastel coloured clothing which inhibited movement, accentuated tiny waists and sloping shoulders and presented an indefinite silhouette” (Ladd Nelson 22, Roberts 555). Women who challenged these dress codes by wearing pants were “unnatural, and a perversion of the “true” woman” (Ladd Nelson 22). For Crane, the adoption of men’s clothing by women challenged dominant values and norms, changing how women were seen in public and how they saw themselves. The wearing of pants came to “symbolize the movement for women's rights” (Ladd Nelson 24) and as with women in France, Victorian society was forced to consider “women's rights, including their right to choose their own style of dress” (Ladd Nelson 23). As Yangzom (623) puts it, clothing allows groups to negotiate boundaries. How the “embodiment of dress itself alters political space and civic discourse is imperative to understanding how resistance is performed in creating social change” (Yangzom 623). Fig. 1: 1850s fashion bloomersIn a different turn is presented in Mahatma Gandhi’s Khadi movement. Khadi is a term used for fabrics made on a spinning wheel (or charkha) or hand-spun and handwoven, usually from cotton fibre. Khadi is considered the “fabric of Indian independence” (Jain). Gandhi recognised the potential of the fabric to a self-reliant, independent India. Gandhi made the struggle for independence synonymous with khadi. He promoted the materials “simplicity as a social equalizer and made it the nation’s fabric” (Sinha). As Jain notes, clothing and in this case fabric, is a “potent sign of resistance and change”. The material also reflects consciousness and agency. Khadi was Gandhi’s “own sartorial choices of transformation from that of an Englishman to that of one representing India” (Jain). For Jain the “key to Khadi becoming a successful tool for the freedom struggle” was that it was a “material embodiment of an ideal” that “represented freedom from colonialism on the one hand and a feeling of self-reliance and economic self-sufficiency on the other”. Fig. 2: Gandhi on charkha The reappropriating of Khadi as a fabric of political dissent echoes the wearing of blue denim by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) at the 1963 National Mall Washington march where 250,000 people gather to hear Martin Luther King speak. The SNCC formed in 1960 and from then until the 1963 March on Washington they developed a “style aesthetic that celebrated the clothing of African American sharecroppers” (Ford 626). A critical aspect civil rights activism by African America women who were members of the SNCC was the “performance of respectability”. With the moral character of African American women under attack (as a way of delegitimising their political activities), the female activists “emphasized the outward display of their respectability in order to withstand attacks against their characters”. Their modest, neat “as if you were going to church” (Chappell 96) clothing choices helped them perform respectability and this “played an important performative role in the black freedom struggle” (Ford 626). By 1963 however African American female civil rights activists “abandoned their respectable clothes and processed hairstyles in order to adopt jeans, denim skirts, bib-and-brace overalls”. The adoption of bib-and-brace overalls reflected the sharecropper's blue denim overalls of America’s slave past.For Komar the blue denim overalls “dramatize[d] how little had been accomplished since Reconstruction” and the overalls were practical to fix from attack dog tears and high-pressure police hoses. The blue denim overalls, according to Komar, were also considered to be ‘Negro clothes’ purchased by “slave owners bought denim for their enslaved workers, partly because the material was sturdy, and partly because it helped contrast them against the linen suits and lace parasols of plantation families”. The clothing choice was both practical and symbolic. While the ‘sharecropper’ narrative is problematic as ‘traditional’ clothing (something not evident in the case of Ghandi’s Khandi Movement, there is an emotion associated with the clothing. As Barthes (6-7) has shown, what makes ‘traditional clothing,’ traditional is that it is part of a normative system where not only does clothing have its historical place, but it is governed by its rules and regimentation. Therefore, there is a dialectical exchange between the normative system and the act of dressing where as a link between the two, clothing becomes the conveyer of its meanings (7). Barthes calls this system, langue and the act of dressing parole (8). As Ford does, a reading of African American women wearing what she calls a “SNCC Skin” “the uniform [acts] consciously to transgress a black middle-class worldview that marginalised certain types of women and particular displays of blackness and black culture”. Hence, the SNCC women’s clothing represented an “ideological metamorphosis articulated through the embrace and projection of real and imagined southern, working-class, and African American cultures. Central to this was the wearing of the blue denim overalls. The clothing did more than protect, cover or adorn the body it was a conscious “cultural and political tool” deployed to maintain a movement and build solidarity with the aim of “inversing the hegemonic norms” via “collective representations of sartorial embodiment” (Yangzom 622).Fig. 3: Mississippi SNCC March Coordinator Joyce Ladner during the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom political rally in Washington, DC, on 28 Aug. 1963Clothing in each of these historical examples performs an ideological function that can bridge, that is bring diverse members of society together for a cause, or community cohesion or clothing can act as a fence to keep identities separate (Barnard). This use of clothing is evident in two indigenous examples. For Maynard (110) the clothes worn at the 1988 Aboriginal ‘Long March of Freedom, Justice and Hope’ held in Australia signalled a “visible strength denoted by coherence in dress” (Maynard 112). Most noted was the wearing of colours – black, red and yellow, first thought to be adopted during protest marches organised by the Black Protest Committee during the 1982 Commonwealth Games in Brisbane (Watson 40). Maynard (110) describes the colour and clothing as follows:the daytime protest march was dominated by the colours of the Aboriginal people—red, yellow and black on flags, huge banners and clothing. There were logo-inscribed T-shirts, red, yellow and black hatband around black Akubra’s, as well as red headbands. Some T-shirts were yellow, with images of the Australian continent in red, others had inscriptions like 'White Australia has a Black History' and 'Our Land Our Life'. Still others were inscribed 'Mourn 88'. Participants were also in customary dress with body paint. Older Indigenous people wore head bands inscribed with the words 'Our Land', and tribal elders from the Northern Territory, in loin cloths, carried spears and clapping sticks, their bodies marked with feathers, white clay and red ochres. Without question, at this most significant event for Aboriginal peoples, their dress was a highly visible and cohesive aspect.Similar is the Tibetan Freedom Movement, a nonviolent grassroots movement in Tibet and among Tibet diaspora that emerged in 2008 to protest colonisation of Tibet. It is also known as the ‘White Wednesday Movement’. Every Wednesday, Tibetans wear traditional clothes. They pledge: “I am Tibetan, from today I will wear only Tibetan traditional dress, chuba, every Wednesday”. A chuba is a colourful warm ankle-length robe that is bound around the waist by a long sash. For the Tibetan Freedom Movement clothing “symbolically functions as a nonverbal mechanism of communication” to “materialise consciousness of the movement” and functions to shape its political aims (Yangzom 622). Yet, in both cases – Aboriginal and Tibet protests – the dress may “not speak to single cultural audience”. This is because the clothing is “decoded by those of different political persuasions, and [is] certainly further reinterpreted or reframed by the media” (Maynard 103). Nevertheless, there is “cultural work in creating a coherent narrative” (Yangzom 623). The narratives and discourse embedded in the wearing of a red, blue and white cockade, dark reform dress pants, cotton coloured Khadi fabric or blue denim overalls is likely a key feature of significant periods of political upheaval and dissent with the clothing “indispensable” even if the meaning of the clothing is “implied rather than something to be explicated” (Yangzom 623). On 21 January 2017, 250,000 women marched in Washington and more than two million protesters around the world wearing pink knitted pussy hats in response to the remarks made by President Donald Trump who bragged of grabbing women ‘by the pussy’. The knitted pink hats became the “embodiment of solidarity” (Wrenn 1). For Wrenn (2), protests such as this one in 2017 complete with “protest visuals” which build solidarity while “masking or excluding difference in the process” indicates “a tactical sophistication in the social movement space with its strategic negotiation of politics of difference. In formulating a flexible solidarity, the movement has been able to accommodate a variety of races, classes, genders, sexualities, abilities, and cultural backgrounds” (Wrenn 4). In doing so they presented a “collective bodily presence made publicly visible” to protest racist, sexist, homophobic, Islamophobic, and xenophobic white masculine power (Gokariksel & Smith 631). The 2017 Washington Pussy Hat March was more than an “embodiment tactic” it was an “image event” with its “swarms of women donning adroit posters and pink pussy hats filling the public sphere and impacting visual culture”. It both constructs social issues and forms public opinion hence it is an “argumentative practice” (Wrenn 6). Drawing on wider cultural contexts, as other acts of dissent note here do, in this protest with its social media coverage, the “master frame” of the sea of pink hats and bodies posited to audiences the enormity of the anger felt in the community over attacks on the female body – real or verbal. This reflects Goffman’s theory of framing to describe the ways in which “protestors actively seek to shape meanings such that they spark the public’s support and encourage political openings” (Wrenn 6). The hats served as “visual tropes” (Goodnow 166) to raise social consciousness and demonstrate opposition. Protest “signage” – as the pussy hats can be considered – are a visual representation and validation of shared “invisible thoughts and emotions” (Buck-Coleman 66) affirming Georg Simmel’s ideas about conflict; “it helps individuals define their differences, establish to which group(s) they belong, and determine the degrees to which groups are different from each other” (Buck-Coleman 66). The pink pussy hat helped define and determine membership and solidarity. Further embedding this was the hand-made nature of the hat. The pattern for the hat was available free online at https://www.pussyhatproject.com/knit/. The idea began as one of practicality, as it did for the reform dress movement. This is from the Pussy Hat Project website:Krista was planning to attend the Women’s March in Washington DC that January of 2017 and needed a cap to keep her head warm in the chill winter air. Jayna, due to her injury, would not be able to attend any of the marches, but wanted to find a way to have her voice heard in absentia and somehow physically “be” there. Together, a marcher and a non-marcher, they conceived the idea of creating a sea of pink hats at Women’s Marches everywhere that would make both a bold and powerful visual statement of solidarity, and also allow people who could not participate themselves – whether for medical, financial, or scheduling reasons — a visible way to demonstrate their support for women’s rights. (Pussy Hat Project)In the tradition of “craftivism” – the use of traditional handcrafts such as knitting, assisted by technology (in this case a website with the pattern and how to knit instructions), as a means of community building, skill-sharing and action directed towards “political and social causes” (Buszek & Robertson 197) –, the hand-knitted pink pussy hats avoided the need to purchase clothing to show solidarity resisting the corporatisation of protest clothing as cautioned by Naomi Klein (428). More so by wearing something that could be re-used sustained solidarity. The pink pussy hats provided a counter to the “incoherent montage of mass-produced clothing” often seen at other protests (Maynard 107). Everyday clothing however does have a place in political dissent. In late 2018, French working class and middle-class protestors donned yellow jackets to protest against the government of French President Emmanuel Macron. It began with a Facebook appeal launched by two fed-up truck drivers calling for a “national blockade” of France’s road network in protest against rising fuel prices was followed two weeks later with a post urging motorist to display their hi-vis yellow vests behind their windscreens in solidarity. Four million viewed the post (Henley). Weekly protests continued into 2019. The yellow his-vis vests are compulsorily carried in all motor cars in France. They are “cheap, readily available, easily identifiable and above all representing an obligation imposed by the state”. The yellow high-vis vest has “proved an inspired choice of symbol and has plainly played a big part in the movement’s rapid spread” (Henley). More so, the wearers of the yellow vests in France, with the movement spreading globally, are winning in “the war of cultural representation. Working-class and lower middle-class people are visible again” (Henley). Subcultural clothing has always played a role as heroic resistance (Evans), but the coloured dissent dressing associated with the red, blue and white ribboned cockades, the dark bloomers of early American feminists, the cotton coloured natural fabrics of Ghandi’s embodiment of resistance and independence, the blue denim sharecropper overalls worn by African American women in their struggles for civil rights, the black, red and orange of Aboriginal protestors in Australia and the White Wednesday performances of resistance undertaken by Tibetans against Chinese colonisation, the Washington Pink Pussy Hat marches for gender respect and equality and the donning of every yellow hi-vis vests by French protestors all posit the important role of fabric and colour in protest meaning making and solidarity building. It is in our rage we consciously wear the colours and fabrics of dissent dress. ReferencesBarnard, Malcolm. Fashion as Communication. New York: Routledge, 1996. Barthes, Roland. “History and Sociology of Clothing: Some Methodological Observations.” The Language of Fashion. Eds. Michael Carter and Alan Stafford. UK: Berg, 2006. 3-19. Buck-Coleman, Audra. “Anger, Profanity, and Hatred.” Contexts 17.1 (2018): 66-73.Buszek, Maria Elena, and Kirsty Robertson. “Introduction.” Utopian Studies 22.1 (2011): 197-202. Chappell, Marisa, Jenny Hutchinson, and Brian Ward. “‘Dress Modestly, Neatly ... As If You Were Going to Church’: Respectability, Class and Gender in the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the Early Civil Rights Movement.” Gender and the Civil Rights Movement. Eds. Peter J. Ling and Sharon Monteith. New Brunswick, N.J., 2004. 69-100.Crane, Diana. Fashion and Its Social Agendas. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000. Davis, Fred. Fashion, Culture, and Identity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992.Entwistle, Joanne. The Fashioned Body: Fashion, Dress, and Modern Social Theory. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000.Evans, Caroline. “Dreams That Only Money Can Buy ... Or the Shy Tribe in Flight from Discourse.” Fashion Theory 1.2 (1997): 169-88.Fairchilds, Cissie. “Fashion and Freedom in the French Revolution.” Continuity and Change 15.3 (2000): 419-33.Ford, Tanisha C. “SNCC Women, Denim, and the Politics of Dress.” The Journal of Southern History 79.3 (2013): 625-58.Gökarıksel, Banu, and Sara Smith. “Intersectional Feminism beyond U.S. Flag, Hijab and Pussy Hats in Trump’s America.” Gender, Place & Culture 24.5 (2017): 628-44.Goodnow, Trischa. “On Black Panthers, Blue Ribbons, & Peace Signs: The Function of Symbols in Social Campaigns.” Visual Communication Quarterly 13 (2006): 166-79.Hebdige, Dick. Subculture: The Meaning of Style. London: Routledge, 2002. Henley, Jon. “How Hi-Vis Yellow Vest Became Symbol of Protest beyond France: From Brussels to Basra, Gilets Jaunes Have Brought Visibility to People and Their Grievances.” The Guardian 21 Dec. 2018. <https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/dec/21/how-hi-vis-yellow-vest-became-symbol-of-protest-beyond-france-gilets-jaunes>.Heuer, Jennifer. “Hats On for the Nation! Women, Servants, Soldiers and the ‘Sign of the French’.” French History 16.1 (2002): 28-52.Jain, Ektaa. “Khadi: A Cloth and Beyond.” Bombay Sarvodaya Mandal & Gandhi Research Foundation. ND. 19 Dec. 2018 <https://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/khadi-a-cloth-and-beyond.html>. Klein, Naomi. No Logo. London: Flamingo, London, 2000. Komar, Marlen. “What the Civil Rights Movement Has to Do with Denim: The History of Blue Jeans Has Been Whitewashed.” 30 Oct. 2017. 19 Dec. 2018 <https://www.racked.com/2017/10/30/16496866/denim-civil-rights-movement-blue-jeans-history>.Ladd Nelson, Jennifer. “Dress Reform and the Bloomer.” Journal of American and Comparative Cultures 23.1 (2002): 21-25.Maynard, Margaret. “Dress for Dissent: Reading the Almost Unreadable.” Journal of Australian Studies 30.89 (2006): 103-12. Pussy Hat Project. “Design Interventions for Social Change.” 20 Dec. 2018. <https://www.pussyhatproject.com/knit/>.Roberts, Helene E. “The Exquisite Slave: The Role of Clothes in the Making of the Victorian Woman.” Signs (1977): 554-69.Simmel, Georg. “Fashion.” American Journal of Sociology 62 (1957): 541–58.Sinha, Sangita. “The Story of Khadi, India's Signature Fabric.” Culture Trip 2018. 18 Jan. 2019 <https://theculturetrip.com/asia/india/articles/the-story-of-khadi-indias-fabric/>.Yangzom, Dicky. “Clothing and Social Movements: Tibet and the Politics of Dress.” Social Movement Studies 15.6 (2016): 622-33. Veblen, Thorstein. The Theory of the Leisure Class: An Economic Study of Institutions. New York: Dover Thrift, 1899. Watson, Lilla. “The Commonwealth Games in Brisbane 1982: Analysis of Aboriginal Protests.” Social Alternatives 7.1 (1988): 1-19.Wrenn, Corey. “Pussy Grabs Back: Bestialized Sexual Politics and Intersectional Failure in Protest Posters for the 2017 Women’s March.” Feminist Media Studies (2018): 1-19.

Rivard, Emilie and Anne-Claire Delisle. Really and Truly. Toronto: Owlkids Books, 2011. Print. Really and Truly is a book that really and truly needed to be written. It is about a boy named Charlie, whose grandfather used to entertain him with wild stories. Now an “awful disease has eaten up his [grandfather’s] memory and his words. It has even swallowed up his smile”. The book is about Charlie’s antics as he tries to connect with the small parts that are left of his grandfather’s memory to get him to eat or laugh or even just smile. Anyone who has cared for a loved one who has suffered a memory loss disorder such as Alzheimer’s will identify with this book. The most valuable thing about this book is the fact that it is accepting of the disease. Charlie’s grandfather just is the way he is. Charlie is upbeat and positive about coping with his grandfather’s memory loss. He is determined to connect with his grandfather, so for each visit he thinks up wild stories like his grandfather used to tell him. Sometimes he’s a ninja, a great African hunter or a magician – whatever it takes to get a reaction. Charlie knows that his grandfather probably won’t know who he is the next time he sees him, but he knows that he can make him smile. It is painful to watch a loved one suffer progressive memory loss, and exhausting to try to provide care for them. Really and Truly affirms the value of working at communicating with elderly people who have lost their memories, even to the point where a smile is a victory and a reply is cause for celebration. It is about focusing not on what is lost, but on what remains. This is primarily a picture book, with small amounts of text appropriate for the age 4 and older target audience. The colour drawings usually take up the whole page with text printed on the facing page or overlaying background images. On almost every page, there are also small line drawings that represent the stories that Charlie tells. The drawings are of gazelles that leap across the pages, pirates that steal cookies and little bugs in top hats that sit on Charlie’s head or insert themselves into pictures. Children will enjoy looking for where they appear next. While this is designed as a children’s book, adult readers will also be uplifted by it. Really and Truly should be included in public and school libraries and should be read by anyone who has a family member who is suffering memory loss. Recommendation: 4 stars out of 4Reviewer: Sandy CampbellSandy is a Health Sciences Librarian at the University of Alberta, who has written hundreds of book reviews across many disciplines. Sandy thinks that sharing books with children is one of the greatest gifts anyone can give.

Introduction One of the ways in which ‘country’ is made to work discursively is in ‘country music’ – defining a genre and sensibility in music production, marketing and consumption. This article seeks to excavate one small niche in the historical geography of country music to explore exactly how discursive antecedents emerged, and crucially, how images associated with ‘country’ surfaced and travelled internationally via one of the new ‘global’ media of the first half of the twentieth century – sheet music. My central arguments are twofold: first, that alongside aural qualities and lyrical content, the visual elements of sheet music were important and thus far have been under-acknowledged. Sheet music diffused the imagery connecting ‘country’ to music, to particular landscapes, and masculinities. In the literature on country music much emphasis has been placed on film, radio and television (Tichi; Peterson). Yet, sheet music was for several decades the most common way people bought personal copies of songs they liked and intended to play at home on piano, guitar or ukulele. This was particularly the case in Australia – geographically distant, and rarely included in international tours by American country music stars. Sheet music is thus a rich text to reveal the historical contours of ‘country’. My second and related argument is that that the possibilities for the globalising of ‘country’ were first explored in music. The idea of transnational discourses associated with ‘country’ and ‘rurality’ is relatively new (Cloke et al; Gorman-Murray et al; McCarthy), but in music we see early evidence of a globalising discourse of ‘country’ well ahead of the time period usually analysed. Accordingly, my focus is on the sheet music of country songs in Australia in the first half of the twentieth century and on how visual representations hybridised travelling themes to create a new vernacular ‘country’ in Australia. Creating ‘Country’ Music Country music, as its name suggests, is perceived as the music of rural areas, “defined in contrast to metropolitan norms” (Smith 301). However, the ‘naturalness’ of associations between country music and rurality belies a history of urban capitalism and the refinement of deliberate methods of marketing music through associated visual imagery. Early groups wore suits and dressed for urban audiences – but then altered appearances later, on the insistence of urban record companies, to emphasise rurality and cowboy heritage. Post-1950, ‘country’ came to replace ‘folk’ music as a marketing label, as the latter was considered to have too many communistic references (Hemphill 5), and the ethnic mixing of earlier folk styles was conveniently forgotten in the marketing of ‘country’ music as distinct from African American ‘race’ and ‘r and b’ music. Now an industry of its own with multinational headquarters in Nashville, country music is a ‘cash cow’ for entertainment corporations, with lower average production costs, considerable profit margins, and marketing advantages that stem from tropes of working class identity and ‘rural’ honesty (see Lewis; Arango). Another of country music’s associations is with American geography – and an imagined heartland in the colonial frontier of the American West. Slippages between ‘country’ and ‘western’ in music, film and dress enhance this. But historical fictions are masked: ‘purists’ argue that western dress and music have nothing to do with ‘country’ (see truewesternmusic.com), while recognition of the Spanish-Mexican, Native American and Hawaiian origins of ‘cowboy’ mythology is meagre (George-Warren and Freedman). Similarly, the highly international diffusion and adaptation of country music as it rose to prominence in the 1940s is frequently downplayed (Connell and Gibson), as are the destructive elements of colonialism and dispossession of indigenous peoples in frontier America (though Johnny Cash’s 1964 album The Ballads Of The American Indian: Bitter Tears was an exception). Adding to the above is the way ‘country’ operates discursively in music as a means to construct particular masculinities. Again, linked to rural imagery and the American frontier, the dominant masculinity is of rugged men wrestling nature, negotiating hardships and the pressures of family life. Country music valorises ‘heroic masculinities’ (Holt and Thompson), with echoes of earlier cowboy identities reverberating into contemporary performance through dress style, lyrical content and marketing imagery. The men of country music mythology live an isolated existence, working hard to earn an income for dependent families. Their music speaks to the triumph of hard work, honest values (meaning in this context a musical style, and lyrical concerns that are ‘down to earth’, ‘straightforward’ and ‘without pretence’) and physical strength, in spite of neglect from national governments and uncaring urban leaders. Country music has often come to be associated with conservative politics, heteronormativity, and whiteness (Gibson and Davidson), echoing the wider politics of ‘country’ – it is no coincidence, for example, that the slogan for the 2008 Republican National Convention in America was ‘country first’. And yet, throughout its history, country music has also enabled more diverse gender performances to emerge – from those emphasising (or bemoaning) domesticity; assertive femininity; creative negotiation of ‘country’ norms by gay men; and ‘alternative’ culture (captured in the marketing tag, ‘alt.country’); to those acknowledging white male victimhood, criminality (‘the outlaw’), vulnerability and cruelty (see Johnson; McCusker and Pecknold; Saucier). Despite dominant tropes of ‘honesty’, country music is far from transparent, standing for certain values and identities, and yet enabling the construction of diverse and contradictory others. Historical analysis is therefore required to trace the emergence of ‘country’ in music, as it travelled beyond America. A Note on Sheet Music as Media Source Sheet music was one of the main modes of distribution of music from the 1930s through to the 1950s – a formative period in which an eclectic group of otherwise distinct ‘hillbilly’ and ‘folk’ styles moved into a single genre identity, and after which vinyl singles and LP records with picture covers dominated. Sheet music was prevalent in everyday life: beyond radio, a hit song was one that was widely purchased as sheet music, while pianos and sheet music collections (stored in a piece of furniture called a ‘music canterbury’) in family homes were commonplace. Sheet music is in many respects preferable to recorded music as a form of evidence for historical analysis of country music. Picture LP covers did not arrive until the late 1950s (by which time rock and roll had surpassed country music). Until then, 78 rpm shellac discs, the main form of pre-recorded music, featured generic brown paper sleeves from the individual record companies, or city retail stores. Also, while radio was clearly central to the consumption of music in this period, it obviously also lacked the pictorial element that sheet music could provide. Sheet music bridged the music and printing industries – the latter already well-equipped with colour printing, graphic design and marketing tools. Sheet music was often literally crammed with information, providing the researcher with musical notation, lyrics, cover art and embedded advertisements – aural and visual texts combined. These multiple dimensions of sheet music proved useful here, for clues to the context of the music/media industries and geography of distribution (for instance, in addresses for publishers and sheet music retail shops). Moreover, most sheet music of the time used rich, sometimes exaggerated, images to convince passing shoppers to buy songs that they had possibly never heard. As sheet music required caricature rather than detail or historical accuracy, it enabled fantasy without distraction. In terms of representations of ‘country’, then, sheet music is perhaps even more evocative than film or television. Hundreds of sheet music items were collected for this research over several years, through deliberate searching (for instance, in library archives and specialist sheet music stores) and with some serendipity (for instance, when buying second hand sheet music in charity shops or garage sales). The collected material is probably not representative of all music available at the time – it is as much a specialised personal collection as a comprehensive survey. However, at least some material from all the major Australian country music performers of the time were found, and the resulting collection appears to be several times larger than that held currently by the National Library of Australia (from which some entries were sourced). All examples here are of songs written by, or cover art designed for Australian country music performers. For brevity’s sake, the following analysis of the sheet music follows a crudely chronological framework. Country Music in Australia Before ‘Country’ Country music did not ‘arrive’ in Australia from America as a fully-finished genre category; nor was Australia at the time without rural mythology or its own folk music traditions. Associations between Australian national identity, rurality and popular culture were entrenched in a period of intense creativity and renewed national pride in the decades prior to and after Federation in 1901. This period saw an outpouring of art, poetry, music and writing in new nationalist idiom, rooted in ‘the bush’ (though drawing heavily on Celtic expressions), and celebrating themes of mateship, rural adversity and ‘battlers’. By the turn of the twentieth century, such myths, invoked through memory and nostalgia, had already been popularised. Australia had a fully-established system of colonies, capital cities and state governments, and was highly urbanised. Yet the poetry, folk music and art, invariably set in rural locales, looked back to the early 1800s, romanticising bush characters and frontier events. The ‘bush ballad’ was a central and recurring motif, one that commentators have argued was distinctly, and essentially ‘Australian’ (Watson; Smith). Sheet music from this early period reflects the nationalistic, bush-orientated popular culture of the time: iconic Australian fauna and flora are prominent, and Australian folk culture is emphasised as ‘native’ (being the first era of cultural expressions from Australian-born residents). Pioneer life and achievements are celebrated. ‘Along the road to Gundagai’, for instance, was about an iconic Australian country town and depicted sheep droving along rustic trails with overhanging eucalypts. Male figures are either absent, or are depicted in situ as lone drovers in the archetypal ‘shepherd’ image, behind their flocks of sheep (Figure 1). Figure 1: No. 1 Magpie Ballads – The Pioneer (c1900) and Along the road to Gundagai (1923). Further colonial ruralities developed in Australia from the 1910s to 1940s, when agrarian values grew in the promotion of Australian agricultural exports. Australia ‘rode on the sheep’s back’ to industrialisation, and governments promoted rural development and inland migration. It was a period in which rural lifestyles were seen as superior to those in the crowded inner city, and government strategies sought to create a landed proletariat through post-war land settlement and farm allotment schemes. National security was said to rely on populating the inland with those of European descent, developing rural industries, and breeding a healthier and yet compliant population (Dufty), from which armies of war-ready men could be recruited in times of conflict. Popular culture served these national interests, and thus during these decades, when ‘hillbilly’ and other North American music forms were imported, they were transformed, adapted and reworked (as in other places such as Canada – see Lehr). There were definite parallels in the frontier narratives of the United States (Whiteoak), and several local adaptations followed: Tex Morton became Australia’s ‘Yodelling boundary rider’ and Gordon Parsons became ‘Australia’s yodelling bushman’. American songs were re-recorded and performed, and new original songs written with Australian lyrics, titles and themes. Visual imagery in sheet music built upon earlier folk/bush frontier themes to re-cast Australian pastoralism in a more settled, modernist and nationalist aesthetic; farms were places for the production of a robust nation. Where male figures were present on sheet music covers in the early twentieth century, they became more prominent in this period, and wore Akubras (Figure 2). The lyrics to John Ashe’s Growin’ the Golden Fleece (1952) exemplify this mix of Australian frontier imagery, new pastoralist/nationalist rhetoric, and the importation of American cowboy masculinity: Go west and take up sheep, man, North Queensland is the shot But if you don’t get rich, man, you’re sure to get dry rot Oh! Growin’ the golden fleece, battlin’ a-way out west Is bound to break your flamin’ heart, or else expand your chest… We westerners are handy, we can’t afford to crack Not while the whole darn’d country is riding on our back Figure 2: Eric Tutin’s Shearers’ Jamboree (1946). As in America, country music struck a chord because it emerged “at a point in history when the project of the creation and settlement of a new society was underway but had been neither completed nor abandoned” (Dyer 33). Governments pressed on with the colonial project of inland expansion in Australia, despite the theft of indigenous country this entailed, and popular culture such as music became a means to normalise and naturalise the process. Again, mutations of American western imagery, and particular iconic male figures were important, as in Roy Darling’s (1945) Overlander Trail (Figure 3): Wagon wheels are rolling on, and the days seem mighty long Clouds of heat-dust in the air, bawling cattle everywhere They’re on the overlander trail Where only sheer determination will prevail Men of Aussie with a job to do, they’ll stick and drive the cattle through And though they sweat they know they surely must Keep on the trail that winds a-head thro’ heat and dust All sons of Aussie and they will not fail. Sheet music depicted silhouetted men in cowboy hats on horses (either riding solo or in small groups), riding into sunsets or before looming mountain ranges. Music – an important part of popular culture in the 1940s – furthered the colonial project of invading, securing and transforming the Australian interior by normalising its agendas and providing it with heroic male characters, stirring tales and catchy tunes. Figure 3: ‘Roy Darling’s (1945) Overlander Trail and Smoky Dawson’s The Overlander’s Song (1946). ‘Country Music’ Becomes a (Globalised) Genre Further growth in Australian country music followed waves of popularity in the United States in the 1940s and 1950s, and was heavily influenced by new cross-media publicity opportunities. Radio shows expanded, and western TV shows such as Bonanza and On the Range fuelled a ‘golden age’. Australian performers such as Slim Dusty and Smokey Dawson rose to fame (see Fitzgerald and Hayward) in an era when rural-urban migration peaked. Sheet music reflected the further diffusion and adoption of American visual imagery: where male figures were present on sheet music covers, they became more prominent than before and wore Stetsons. Some were depicted as chiselled-faced but simple men, with plain clothing and square jaws. Others began to more enthusiastically embrace cowboy looks, with bandana neckerchiefs, rawhide waistcoats, embellished and harnessed tall shaft boots, pipe-edged western shirts with wide collars, smile pockets, snap fasteners and shotgun cuffs, and fringed leather jackets (Figure 4). Landscapes altered further too: cacti replaced eucalypts, and iconic ‘western’ imagery of dusty towns, deserts, mesas and buttes appeared (Figure 5). Any semblance of folk music’s appeal to rustic authenticity was jettisoned in favour of showmanship, as cowboy personas were constructed to maximise cinematic appeal. Figure 4: Al Dexter’s Pistol Packin’ Mama (1943) and Reg Lindsay’s (1954) Country and Western Song Album. Figure 5: Tim McNamara’s Hitching Post (1948) and Smoky Dawson’s Golden West Album (1951). Far from slavish mimicry of American culture, however, hybridisations were common. According to Australian music historian Graeme Smith (300): “Australian place names appear, seeking the same mythological resonance that American localisation evoked: hobos became bagmen […] cowboys become boundary riders.” Thus alongside reproductions of the musical notations of American songs by Lefty Frizzel, Roy Carter and Jimmie Rodgers were songs with localised themes by new Australian stars such as Reg Lindsay and Smoky Dawson: My curlyheaded buckaroo, My home way out back, and On the Murray Valley. On the cover of The square dance by the billabong (Figure 6) – the title of which itself was a conjunction of archetypal ‘country’ images from both America and Australia – a background of eucalypts and windmills frames dancers in classic 1940s western (American) garb. In the case of Tex Morton’s Beautiful Queensland (Figure 7), itself mutated from W. Lee O’Daniel’s Beautiful Texas (c1945), the sheet music instructed those playing the music that the ‘names of other states may be substituted for Queensland’. ‘Country’ music had become an established genre, with normative values, standardised images and themes and yet constituted a stylistic formula with enough polysemy to enable local adaptations and variations. Figure 6: The Square dance by the billabong, Vernon Lisle, 1951. Figure 7: Beautiful Queensland, Tex Morton, c1945 source: http://nla.gov.au/nla.mus-vn1793930. Conclusions In country music images of place and masculinity combine. In music, frontier landscapes are populated by rugged men living ‘on the range’ in neo-colonial attempts to tame the land and convert it to productive uses. This article has considered only one media – sheet music – in only one country (Australia) and in only one time period (1900-1950s). There is much more to say than was possible here about country music, place and gender – particularly recently, since ‘country’ has fragmented into several niches, and marketing of country music via cable television and the internet has ensued (see McCusker and Pecknold). My purpose here has been instead to explore the early origins of ‘country’ mythology in popular culture, through a media source rarely analysed. Images associated with ‘country’ travelled internationally via sheet music, immensely popular in the 1930s and 1940s before the advent of television. The visual elements of sheet music contributed to the popularisation and standardisation of genre expectations and appearances, and yet these too travelled and were adapted and varied in places like Australia which had their own colonial histories and folk music heritages. Evidenced here is how combinations of geographical and gender imagery embraced imported American cowboy imagery and adapted it to local markets and concerns. Australia saw itself as a modern rural utopia with export aspirations and a desire to secure permanence through taming and populating its inland. Sheet music reflected all this. So too, sheet music reveals the historical contours of ‘country’ as a transnational discourse – and the extent to which ‘country’ brought with it a clearly defined set of normative values, a somewhat exaggerated cowboy masculinity, and a remarkable capacity to be moulded to local circumstances. Well before later and more supposedly ‘global’ media such as the internet and television, the humble printed sheet of notated music was steadily shaping ‘country’ imagery, and an emergent international geography of cultural flows. References Arango, Tim. “Cashville USA.” Fortune, Jan 29, 2007. Sept 3, 2008, http://money.cnn.com/magazines/fortune/fortune_archive/2007/01/22/8397980/index.htm. Cloke, Paul, Marsden, Terry and Mooney, Patrick, eds. Handbook of Rural Studies, London: Sage, 2006. 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