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Academic literature on the topic 'Hausa (African people) Women Muslim women'
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Journal articles on the topic "Hausa (African people) Women Muslim women"
1
Gabru, N. "Dilemma of Muslim women regarding divorce in South Africa." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 7, no. 2 (2017): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2004/v7i2a2849.
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On a daily basis people enquire about the dissolution of Islamic marriages, in terms of South African law In South Africa. There exist no legal grounds for obtaining a divorce in a South African court, for persons married in terms of the Islamic law only. The reason for this is due to the fact that Muslim marriages are currently not recognised as valid marriages in terms of South African law. The courts have stated that the non-recognition of Islamic marriages is based on the fact that such marriages are potentially polygamous.In South Africa, marriages may be dissolved by the death of one of the spouses or by divorce. In terms of the Divorce Act, a decree of divorce will be granted by a court of law. Islam grants the husband the right of divorce and also grants the wife the right to request and apply to dissolve the marriage through what is known as Khula, the woman also has the right to a delegated divorce. If the husband dissolves the marriage by divorcing his wife, he cannot retrieve any of the gifts he has given her. Islam further makes provision for the "reasonable maintenance" of divorced women. The non-recognition of Islamic marriages has the effect that a person married in terms of Shari'ah only, has no right to approach a court of law for a decree of divorce and, unless a husband divorces his wife in terms of the Shari'ah, the wife is trapped in a marriage, even if the marriage has broken down irretrievably. Thus a custom in South Africa has developed, whereby Muslim husbands refuse to divorce their wives in terms of Islamic law, so as to punish the wife. The wife in turn cannot make use of the South African judiciary to obtain a divorce, because of the non-recognition of her marriage. This is a burden, which is in direct conflict with Islamic law. In 2000 a Bill was drafted by the South African Law Commission. This act will recognise Islamic family law within a constitutional framework. This article deals with the dilemma that a Muslim woman is faced with in South Africa with regards to divorce.
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Mumisa, Michael. "Towards an African Qur'anic Hermeneutics." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 4, no. 1 (2002): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2002.4.1.61.
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The 20th century has been witness to great developments in theology, philosophy of language and the social sciences. Postmodernism has emerged as an influential philosophical thought. All of these 20th century phenomena have influenced how people approach sacred texts and how they comprehend and interpret them. Muslims have not been immune to these developments, and accordingly there has been a realisation among Muslim theorists that the existing interpretations of the Qur'an and Sunnah (imitado Muhammadi) may be limited and not able to suffice the needs of a changing world. The Islamic world has also been rapidly expanding to incorporate races, cultures and environments of various kinds. Consequently, racial and cultural problems have emerged causing a great need among progressive Muslims, particularly the youth, women, people of colour, and other concerned Muslims for a re-reading of the sacred texts so that they become existentially meaningful in the here and now. Such a reading will have to take into consideration differences of perspective and social location. Although this article proposes an African Qur'anic hermeneutics within the liberative discourse, it is not necessarily proposing an African Muslim perspective of liberation since there can be no such a thing as an ‘African perspective’, ‘feminist perspective’ or even ‘Christian perspective’ of liberation. By confirming the ‘us’ versus ‘them’, or dominant versus ‘other’ in the liberation process, it serves to confirm the status quo which we seek to change.
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Khattab, Nabil. "Ethnicity, Class and the Earning Inequality in Israel, 1983-1995." Sociological Research Online 10, no. 3 (2005): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1069.
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This paper focuses on the role of ethnicity and class in generating earnings inequality in Israel. Unlike previous studies on inequality of opportunities in Israel, in this paper I compare the earnings of five ethnic groups: European Jews (Ashkenazi), Asian-African Jews (Sephardi), Muslim Palestinians, Christian Palestinians and Druze Palestinians. In addition, both men and women are taken into account. The analysis, which is based on data obtained from the 1983 and 1995 Israeli population censuses, has revealed that in Israel, class variations resulting from the differentiation of employment contracts in the labour market, appear to have played a much more important role over time in producing earnings inequality. However, at the same time, it was found that class in this context is highly related to ethnicity, thereby suggesting that class and ethnicity are interwoven. While it seemed that to some extent, class plays a similar role among men and women, the role of ethnicity among men was much more central than it was among women, in the allocation of people into class positions.
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Muhoza, Dieudonné Ndaruhuye, Annelet Broekhuis, and Pieter Hooimeijer. "Variations in Desired Family Size and Excess Fertility in East Africa." International Journal of Population Research 2014 (May 27, 2014): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/486079.
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This contribution studies the variation in desired family size and excess fertility in four East African countries by analyzing the combined impact of wealth, education, religious affiliation, and place of residence. The findings show an enormous heterogeneity in Kenya. Wealthy and higher educated people have fertility desires close to replacement level, regardless of religion, while poor, uneducated people, particularly those in Muslim communities, have virtually uncontrolled fertility. Rwanda is at the other extreme: poor, uneducated people have the same desired fertility as their wealthy, educated compatriots, regardless of their religion—a case of “poverty Malthusianism.”. The potential for family planning is high in both countries as more than 50% of the women having 5 children or more would have preferred to stop at 4 or less. Tanzania and Uganda have an intermediate position in desired family size and a lower potential for family planning. Generally, the main factor that sustains higher fertility is poverty exacerbated by religious norms among the poor only.
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Ignatowski, Clare A. "Literature & The Arts - Beverly B. Mack. Muslim Women Sing: Hausa Popular Song. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004. African Expressive Cultures. 248 pp. Map. Illustrations. Audio CD. Bibliography. Index. $60.00. Cloth. $27.95. Paper." African Studies Review 49, no. 1 (2006): 170–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2006.0072.
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Plo, Kouie, Kouadio Asse, Dohagneron Seï, and John Yenan. "Female Genital Mutilation in Infants and Young Girls: Report of Sixty Cases Observed at the General Hospital of Abobo (Abidjan, Cote D’Ivoire, West Africa)." International Journal of Pediatrics 2014 (2014): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/837471.
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The practice of female genital mutilations continues to be recurrent in African communities despite the campaigns, fights, and laws to ban it. A survey was carried out in infants and young girls at the General Hospital of Abobo in Cote D’Ivoire. The purpose of the study was to describe the epidemiological aspects and clinical findings related to FGM in young patients. Four hundred nine (409) females aged from 1 to 12 years and their mothers entered the study after their consent. The results were that 60/409 patients (15%) were cut. The majority of the young females came from Muslim families (97%); the earlier age at FGM procedure in patients is less than 5 years: 87%. Amongst 409 mothers, 250 women underwent FGM which had other daughters cut. Women were mainly involved in the FGM and their motivations were virginity, chastity, body cleanliness, and fear of clitoris similar to penis. Only WHO types I and II were met. If there were no incidental events occurred at the time of the procedure, the obstetrical future of these young females would be compromised. With FGM being a harmful practice, health professionals and NGOs must unite their efforts in people education to abandon the procedure.
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Narciso, Laia. "“Race”, Belonging and Emancipation: Trajectories and Views of the Daughters of Western Africa in Spain." Social Sciences 10, no. 4 (2021): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10040143.
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Young Spanish Black people born to migrant parents continue to be either invisible or problematized in public discourses, which project a monocultural and phenotypically homogeneous Europe. Research in countries with a long immigration history has shown that in the process of othering minorities, gender ideologies emerge as ethnic boundaries and feed the paternalistic treatment of women while accusing their families and communities of harming them through atavistic traditions. However, little research has focused on girls’ and young women from West African immigration and Muslim tradition in Spain, a country where they represent the first “second generation”. In order to gain a deeper insight into their processes and views, this paper describes and analyses the educational trajectories and transitions to adult life of a group of young women with these backgrounds who participated in a multilevel and narrative ethnography developed in the framework of a longitudinal and comparative project on the risk of Early Leaving of Education and Training in Europe (ELET). In the light of the conceptual contributions of the politics of belonging and intersectionality, the responsibilities regarding the conditions for gaining independence are relocated while assessing the role of the school in the processes of social mobility and the development of egalitarian aspirations in the labor market and in the family environment. The findings show how the limits encountered by these young women in their trajectories to an independent adult life are mainly produced by processes of racialization conditioned by class and gender, ironically in key spaces of social inclusion such as schools and the labor market rather than, or mainly by, an ethnic community that subjugates them.
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Finden, Alice. "Active Women and Ideal Refugees: Dissecting Gender, Identity and Discourse in the Sahrawi Refugee Camps." Feminist Review 120, no. 1 (2018): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41305-018-0139-2.
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Since the Moroccan invasion in 1975, official reports on visits to Sahrawi refugee camps by international aid agencies and faith-based groups consistently reflect an overwhelming impression of gender equality in Sahrawi society. As a result, the space of the Sahrawi refugee camps in Algeria and, by external association, Sahrawi society and Western Sahara as a nation-in-exile is constructed as ‘ideal’ (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, 2010, p. 67). I suggest that the ‘feminist nationalism’ of the Sahrawi nation-in-exile is one that is employed strategically by internal representatives of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Río de Oro (POLISARIO), the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and the National Union of Sahrawi Women (NUSW), and by external actors from international aid agencies and also the colonial Moroccan state. The international attention paid to the active role of certain women in Sahrawi refugee camps makes ‘Other’ Sahrawi invisible, such as children, young women, mothers, men, people of lower socio-economic statuses, (‘liberated’) slave classes and refugees who are not of Sahrawi background. According to Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh ( ibid.), it also creates a discourse of ‘good’, ‘ideal’ refugees who are reluctant to complain, in contrast to ‘Other refugees’. This feminisation allows the international community not to take the Sahrawi call for independence seriously and reproduces the myth of Sahrawi refugees as naturally non-violent (read feminine) and therefore ‘ideal’. The myth of non-violence accompanied by claims of Sahrawi secularity is also used to distance Western Sahara from ‘African’, ‘Arab’ and ‘Islamic’, to reaffirm racialised and gendered discourses that associate Islam with terrorism and situate both in the Arab/Muslim East. These binaries make invisible the violence that Sahrawis experience as a result of the gendered constructions of both internal and external actors, and silence voices of dissent and frustration with the more than forty years of waiting to return home.
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Wheeler, Kayla. "Ethics of Conducting Virtual Ethnography on Visual Platforms." Fieldwork in Religion 12, no. 2 (2018): 163–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/firn.35666.
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For scholars, the internet provides a space to study diverse groups of people across the world and can be a useful way to bypass physical gender segregation and travel constraints. Despite the potential for new insights into people’s everyday life and increased attention from scholars, there is no standard set of ethics for conducting virtual ethnography on visually based platforms, like YouTube and Instagram. While publicly accessible social media posts are often understood to be a part of the public domain and thus do not require a researcher to obtain a user’s consent before publishing data, caution must be taken when studying members of a vulnerable community, especially those who have a history of surveillance, like African-American Muslims. Using a womanist approach, the author provides recommendations for studying vulnerable religious groups online, based on a case study of a YouTube channel, Muslimah2Muslimah, operated by two African-American Muslim women. The article provides an important contribution to the field of media studies because the author discusses a “dead” online community, where users no longer comment on the videos and do not maintain their own profiles, making obtaining consent difficult and the potential risks of revealing information to an unknown community hard to gauge.
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Booley, Ashraf. "SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE (SANDF) DROPS CHARGES AGAINST HIJAB-WEARING OFFICER: CASE IN POINT SOUTH AFRICA." Jurnal Syariah 29, no. 2 (2021): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/js.vol29no2.2.
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Over the last few decades, a piece of fabric has become a powerful and divisive symbol worldwide. Since the tragic events of 9/11, this piece of fabric has become a topic of great debate, at local, national, regional and international level. The veil as worn by some Muslim women has assumed iconic proportions around the globe. To some it symbolizes piety to others, oppression. To some it is a rejection of Western morality to others, a rejection of modernity. To some, it is a religious statement supporting Islam as a way of living; to others, a political statement supporting violent Islamists. These disparate attributions exemplify the power of nonverbal communication and support the maxim that words and objects contain no inherent meaning; only people assigned meaning. This article discusses the status of religious rights and freedoms under the South African Constitution. One aspect of this change is the change that has affected the various religions, cultures, and customs in South Africa. It is therefore, viewed by many as a constitution for the people of South Africa which includes a Bill of Rights. Historically speaking, for the very first time since colonialism, all religions were guaranteed the of religion. Furthermore, religions, cultures and languages are deep-rooted in the various constitutional provisions, namely, sections 9(3), 15(1) to (3), 30, 31, 185 and 234 respectively. These constitutional provisions are solidified by section 7 which obliges the state to respect, protect, promote and fulfil the provisions set forth in the Bill of Rights. The article concludes with an argument for the recognition of plurality of religions and religious legal systems in South Africa.