Relevant bibliographies by topics / Head-dependent marking

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Head-dependent marking'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 18 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Head-dependent marking"

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Nichols, Johanna. "Head-Marking and Dependent-Marking Grammar." Language 62, no. 1 (1986): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/415601.

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Nichols, Johanna. "Head-marking and dependent-marking grammar." Language 62, no. 1 (1986): 56–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.1986.0014.

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LaPolla, Randy J. "Verb Agreement, Head-Marking vs. Dependent-Marking, and the ‘Deconstruction’ of Tibeto-Burman Morpho-Syntax." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 15 (November 25, 1989): 356. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v15i0.1766.

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Bentley, Mayrene. "The marking of grammatical relations in Swahili." Studies in African Linguistics 27, no. 2 (1998): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v27i2.107381.

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This paper investigates the place of Swahili within a typological classification based on the morphological marking of grammatical relations as proposed by Nichols [1986]. Within Nichols' classification, Bantu languages are considered to be "split-marked" because the grammatical marking of a member of a clausal constituent is on the head while, in a phrase, the marking is on the dependent member. Although select clauses and phrases from Swahili support Nichols' claim, a closer examination of the data reveals an interesting variety of morphosyntactic marking in Swahili as well as in two other B
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Roshier, DA, and I. Barchia. "Relationships Between Sheep Production, Stocking Rate and Rainfall on Commercial Sheep Properties in Western New South Wales." Rangeland Journal 15, no. 1 (1993): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/rj9930079.

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Historical sheep production and rainfall data from 14 properties in semi-arid western New South Wales were analysed for relationships between wool production, lamb marking percentage, stocking rate and rainfall. Twelve of the properties were located on predominantly chenopod shrubland (Atriplex spp. and Maireana spp.) and two on mulga (Acacia aneura) land types. The relationship between wool production per head (WOOLHD, kg greasylsheep) and rainfall (RF, mmlyear) was similar on 10 of the 11 properties with wool production and rainfall data. This was so despite differences in vegetation type an
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PHILIP, JOY. "(Dis)harmony, the Head-Proximate Filter, and linkers." Journal of Linguistics 49, no. 1 (2012): 165–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226712000163.

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This paper presents a notion of harmonic word order that leads to a new generalisation over the presence or absence of disharmony cross-linguistically: for linkers – syntactically independent, semantically vacuous heads marking a relationship – disharmony is ungrammatical, while for any other head disharmony is simply dispreferred. Harmony is defined here by the interaction of three independently motivated word order constraints operating over the base-generated structure: linear proximity between a superordinate lexical head and the head of its dependent, uniformity in direction of headedness
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Rice, Keren. "On the evolution of activity incorporates in Athabaskan languages." Diachrony of Complex Predication 25, no. 2 (2008): 262–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.25.2.07ric.

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Many Athabaskan languages have a construction that I call the activity incorporate construction. Activity incorporates are similar in some ways to circumstantial incorporates, entering into non-core thematic relationships with the verb stem. The languages that allow incorporates divide into two major groups based on the treatment of the activity incorporates: in some languages activity incorporates are dependent nouns, functioning as direct objects, while in others they have a suffix that indicates dependency, showing that the activity incorporate is not the head of the construction. In the fo
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Sun, Jackson T. S., and Qianzi Tian. "Verb Agreement in Gexi Horpa." Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics 7, no. 2 (2013): 203–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-90000120.

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The Rgyalrongic languages (Qiangic branch, Sino-Tibetan family) are prime examples of a split verb agreement system grounded in the pragmatic salience of speech act participants. However, the Horpa language in this group presents a hybrid system involving a more intricate interplay of functional and syntactic factors, despite having less elaborate morphological material than some related languages. Many fundamental issues of Horpa verb agreement remain to be adequately explored, despite preliminary descriptions in the literature. This paper provides a new study of verb agreement in the Gexi va
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Escher, Anastasia. "Double argument marking in Timok dialect texts (in Balkan Slavic context)." Zeitschrift für Slawistik 66, no. 1 (2021): 61–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/slaw-2021-0004.

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Summary Idioms of the Torlak dialect (spoken in southeast Serbia and western Bulgaria) are known for their “double affiliation”. On the one hand, by virtue of their historical and phonetic features, they belong to the western range of the South Slavic dialectic continuum. On the other hand, according to their morphosyntactic characteristics (the presence of the post-positive article, the reduced case system, etc.), they adhere to the eastern range (i. e. Balkan Slavic). This paper views the innovative features of Torlak syntax from a strictly synchronic perspective and as a phenomenon of doubl
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Chen, Ee San. "Language convergence and bilingual acquisition." Annual Review of Language Acquisition 3 (December 31, 2003): 89–137. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/arla.3.05che.

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This study concerns the simultaneous acquisition of conditional constructions in Chinese-English bilingual preschool children in Singapore. Cross-sectional data are obtained from subjects ranging from 2;10 to 6;06. The target languages are Singapore Colloquial English (SCE) and Singapore Colloquial Mandarin (SCM), both of which are contact varieties that are representative of the Low varieties in a diglossic situation. The bilingual acquisition of structural features of conditionals is investigated by adopting the Head-marking and Dependent-marking typological framework (Nichols 1986). Two eli
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Head-dependent marking"

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Corno, Stefano. "Autour de la relation tête-dépendant dans les langues indo-européennes anciennes : typologie et reconstruction." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2011/document.

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L’objet de ce travail est d’étudier les mécanismes de co-variation entre la tête d’un constituant nominal et son/ses dépendant(s) dans les langues indo-européennes anciennes : indo-iranien, grec, italique et anatolien. Une analyse détaillée de la morphologie nominale et pronominale au sein de chacun de ces groupes permet de dégager les classes d’accord possibles et impossibles pour chacune de ces langues et de déterminer le rôle joué par les morphèmes désinentiels dans la co-variation. Dans les langues à trois genres, les classes flexionnelles sont plus nombreuses avec une information sur le g
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Books on the topic "Head-dependent marking"

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Chamoreau, Claudine. Purepecha, a Polysynthetic but Predominantly Dependent-Marking Language. Edited by Michael Fortescue, Marianne Mithun, and Nicholas Evans. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199683208.013.38.

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Purepecha (language isolate, Mexico) has one relevant characteristic that leads to identifying it as a polysynthetic language: productive verbal morphology (in particular locative suffixes). Purepecha is a predominantly dependent-marking language, as its pronominal markers are enclitics, generally second position enclitics. But, in some contexts Purepecha shows head-marking characteristics. Today, pronominal enclitics exhibit variation, tending to move to the rightmost position in the clause; they may encliticize to the predicate itself, showing a head-attraction or polypersonalism strategy an
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Mattissen, Johanna. Nivkh. Edited by Michael Fortescue, Marianne Mithun, and Nicholas Evans. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199683208.013.47.

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Nivkh (Paleosiberian group), spoken on the lower reaches of the Amur River and on Sakhalin island in Siberia by a few hundred speakers in four main varieties, but rapidly dying out, is a polysynthetic head-marking but configurational SOV language, with defective polypersonalism, noun incorporation, verb root serialization, and complex noun forms. Its dominant structural principle and characteristic design is dependent-head-synthesis, with dependents lexically head-marked and still referentially active. Nivkh displays compositional polysynthesis with a mixed internal structure, as the suffixal
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Book chapters on the topic "Head-dependent marking"

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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J. "Head marking, dependent marking and constituent order in the Nilotic area." In Typological Studies in Language. John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tsl.64.05dim.

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Nichols, J. "Head/Dependent Marking." In Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics. Elsevier, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/b0-08-044854-2/00193-0.

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Ledgeway, Adam. "Head‐marking and dependent‐marking." In From Latin to RomanceMorphosyntactic Typology and Change. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199584376.003.0006.

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"Head-marking vs. dependent-marking languages." In Language Typology and Language Universals, edited by Martin Haspelmath, Ekkehard König, Wulf Oesterreicher, and Wolfgang Raible. Walter de Gruyter, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110171549.2.13.1424.

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HASSELBACH, REBECCA. "Head- and dependent-marking in Semitic." In Case in Semitic. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199671809.003.0005.

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van Gijn, Rik. "Head Marking and Dependent Marking of Grammatical Relations in Yurakaré." In Competition and Variation in Natural Languages. Elsevier, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/b978-008044651-6/50005-7.

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Vincent, Nigel. "Head- versus dependent-marking: the case of the clause." In Heads in Grammatical Theory. Cambridge University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511659454.007.

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Alqassas, Ahmad. "PSIs with Head-Like Properties." In A Unified Theory of Polarity Sensitivity. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197554883.003.0005.

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This chapter discusses two main issues that arise from PSIs (polarity-sensitive items) with head-like properties. These PSIs seem to be outside the (immediate) domain of their licensor. The first issue is how these PSIs are licensed in syntax and how a unified analysis can handle their distribution. The author argues that these PSIs are adverbial phrases that do not project a clausal projection and that negation licenses these PSIs either in Spec-NegP or under c-command. This unified analysis does not appeal to the problematic head–complement relation as a putative licensing configuration. Another issue that arises from these NPIs (negative polarity items) with head-like properties is their ability to host clitics with accusative and genitive case marking. This issue raises interesting questions pertaining to case theory and dependent case licensing. The author argues that negation licenses the puzzling accusative case of the pronominal complement, a conclusion with far-reaching implications to dependent case licensing in natural language.
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Bentley, Delia. "Active-middle alignment and the aoristic drift." In Variation and Change in Gallo-Romance Grammar. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198840176.003.0009.

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In the classification of Romance along a northern–southern continuum the languages which exhibit patterns of active-middle alignment (notably, the HABERE ~ ESSE alternation in the perfect) are also known to have undergone the aoristic drift. This article starts from Smith’s (2016) observation that the north-western oïl varieties have maintained the preterite, while also alternating the two auxiliaries, whereas the north-eastern oïl varieties have lost the HABERE ~ ESSE alternation and undergone the aoristic drift. It is argued that the developments which have occurred in the north-western varieties are not theoretically challenging or unique within the Romània. With respect to the generalization of habere in the north-eastern areas and, less conspicuously, throughout Gallo-Romance, it is claimed that this development was engendered by the rise of a dependent-marking system which follows undifferentiated nominative alignment. It is concluded that the modern Romània exhibits a stronghold of active-middle alignment in a group of central languages, which are essentially head marking.
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