Journal articles: 'Heavenly Jerusalem'

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Field, Rosalind. "The Heavenly Jerusalem in Pearl." Modern Language Review 81, no. 1 (1986): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3728760.

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Barolsky, Paul. "BERNINI AND THE HEAVENLY JERUSALEM." Source: Notes in the History of Art 18, no. 3 (1999): 34–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/sou.18.3.23205066.

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Alttoa, Kaur. "Heavenly Jerusalem – the Start or the Finish?" Baltic Journal of Art History 20 (December 27, 2020): 191–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/bjah.2020.20.07.

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Zivkovic, Milos. "The earthly and the heavenly Jerusalem in the Serbian Alexander Romance." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 54 (2017): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1754197z.

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The motif of Alexander?s visit to Jerusalem in the Serbian Alexander Romance is distinctive in the context of Classical, Byzantine and Hebrew literature. The role of Jerusalem as a sacred space is analyzed in accordance with A. Lidov?s theory of hierotopy, and the symbols of the Heavenly and the Earthly Jerusalem in the Serbian Alexander Romance are considered in relation to the various theological and ideological points of view.

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Wessley, Stephen. "The Role of the Holy Land for the Early Followers of Joachim of Fiore." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014406.

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That Jerusalem, especially the heavenly Jerusalem of Revelation, plays an important role in the writings of the famous apocalyptical thinker Joachim of Fiore is to be expected. What has not been looked at before is the elaborate role ascribed to the Holy Land and Jerusalem by Joachim’s immediate followers. The thesis of this paper is that the early followers of Joachim justified their very existence in terms of a distinctive apocalyptical role for the Holy Land.

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JACK, SYBIL M. "No Heavenly Jerusalem: The Anglican Bishopric, 1841-83." Journal of Religious History 19, no. 2 (1995): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.1995.tb00255.x.

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Wilken, Robert L. "Early Christian Chiliasm, Jewish Messianism, and the Idea of the Holy Land." Harvard Theological Review 79, no. 1-3 (1986): 298–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000020575.

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For most Christians Jerusalem is a heavenly city of solace and peace, a safe haven after the trials of life in this world. “Jerusalem whose towers touch the skies, I yearn to come to you. Your shining streets have drawn my longing eyes, my life long journey through …” It is a symbol of the soul's yearning to find rest in God. “Jerusalem my happy home, when shall I come to thee, when shall my sorrows have an end, thy joys when shall I see?” Yet Jerusalem is also an actual city set on a hill on the edge of a desert, a city where Christians live and have lived for centuries but whose population today is largely Muslim and Jewish. At one time, in the years prior to the Muslim invasion of Palestine in the seventh century, it was the chief city in a land ruled by Christians. More than five hundred churches and monasteries marked the landscape and thousands of monks inhabited the caves of the Judaean desert. Jerusalem's eloquent bishops and learned priests wielded power in the great capital of the Byzantine world, Constantinople on the Bosporus.

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Scully, Jason. "Bonaventure’s Use of Jerusalem as Metaphor for Protological and Eschatological Human Nature." Downside Review 136, no. 2 (2018): 118–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0012580618771245.

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According to Bonaventure, the circle represents the perfect consummation of creation, in that creation comes from the Father and returns to him through the intermediary work of the Son. This circular portrait of creation takes on concrete shape in Bonaventure’s use of Jerusalem as a metaphor for human nature. In the 39th dominical sermon, Bonaventure uses Jerusalem as a metaphor for the original innocence of Adam’s nature before the fall. In the Journey of the Mind to God and Conferences on the Hexaemeron, however, Bonaventure looks not to the Jerusalem of original innocence but to the heavenly Jerusalem as a model for the final redemption of human nature. Bonaventure combines both of these traditions about Jerusalem in his portrait of Saint Francis in the Major Legend. According to Bonaventure, Francis is the exemplar of perfect human nature because, in him, the circular pattern of redemption is made complete.

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Terka, Mariusz. "Źli chrześcijanie w Kościele w świetle nauczania św. Augustyna." Vox Patrum 60 (December 16, 2013): 417–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3999.

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The main perspective from which St. Augustine describes the Church, is the category of good and evil. It is included in the image of the heavenly Jerusalem understood as a community of saints in heaven, Zion as a symbol of the pilgrim Church and the metaphor of Babylon, which is the kingdom of evil and persecutor of the followers of Christ. The Church on earth exists between Jerusalem and Babylon, and for this reason there are both good and bad people. That confusion is an important feature of Augustine’s Church in its earthly dimension. Saints Christians are trying to improve the bad members of the Body of Christ, but they are also forced to tolerate the evil that they cannot change, and bad Christians can persecute the good ones. Augustine calls their mutual relationship the spiritual battle. The judgment of them, and their final separation belongs to God only, and it will be done during the Final Judgement.

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Shait, Heddy. "Horizontal or Vertical: Rereading the Space Scheme in Only Yesterday by S. Y. Agnon." AJS Review 39, no. 2 (2015): 393–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009415000100.

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Since its publication in 1945, scholarly works on S. Y. Agnon's Only Yesterday(Temol shilshom) have focused on various thematic and poetic aspects of the novel, such as the structure of the plot, the protagonist Isaac Kumer, and the moral and poetic meanings of the novel's ending. Inter alia, scholars have been interested in the geographical spaces presented in the plot, and the protagonist's indecision of whether to settle in Jaffa or Jerusalem, two cities that offer contrasting ways of living. This article offers a new reading of the novel's space scheme in tandem with an analysis of the short story, “The Mines of Falun,” by E. T. A. Hoffman, with which Agnon was familiar, and thus sheds a different light on Kumer's unexpected death at the novel's end. A comparative study of Agnon's and Hoffman's works reveals a similar space scheme that does not emphasize the contrast between two different cities—Jerusalem and Jaffa—but focuses on a single highly significant urban setting—Jerusalem. In Only Yesterday the main conflict is actually between a heavenly Jerusalem and an earthly Jerusalem (Jerusalem of above and below), and not between Jerusalem and Jaffa. Concentrating interest on Jerusalem itself turns the discussion of the novel to the nature of Jewish life in the Land of Israel, an issue that was of great concern to Agnon.

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Scully, Ellen. "Jerusalem: Image of Hilary’s Christocentric Eschatology in the Tractatus super Psalmos." Vigiliae Christianae 66, no. 3 (2012): 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007211x561644.

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Abstract In his lengthy Tractatus super Psalmos, Hilary of Poitiers states only twice that humans are to “live the life of the angels.” Nevertheless, these rare statements seem to undermine both the role of the human body in eschatological life and the christocentrism of Hilary’s soteriology. However, this paper will argue that Hilary’s designation of different eschatological locations for humans and angels—namely in Mt. Zion and Jerusalem, respectively—in the Tractatus super Psalmos demonstrate that Hilary, at least in this later work, believes that while humans will resemble angels in certain aspects, ultimately they will be conformed to Christ whose body is the holy temple or Church of the heavenly Jerusalem, Mt. Zion itself.

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Seiler, Stefan. "Zur Funktion und Bedeutung der schöpfungstheologischen Aussagen in Ps 74." Vetus Testamentum 69, no. 1 (2019): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341348.

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AbstractThe theological remarks on creation in Psalm 74 are of fundamental importance in dealing with the catastrophe of the destruction of the Jerusalem temple as an assembly place for the congregation. The destructive actions of the conquerors, who are represented as “agents of chaos”, are contrasted in Ps 74:13-14 with God’s victorious struggle against chaos in the “primeval period”. There are significant references to the ugaritic Baʿal cycle, which, however, can not be related to the creatio prima. In the context of the annotations about creation in Ps 74:16-17 God is described as a sovereign ruler of space and time, who has established and guaranteed the cosmic rhythms. He is also the owner of all earthly and heavenly spaces, whereby his presence as well as his perception can not be attributed to a specific locality. Considering the destruction of the Jerusalem sanctuary this is of far-reaching theological importance. References between creation and temple arise in Psalm 74 also by the fact that, according to the Ancient Near-Eastern concept, the sanctuary represents heaven and earth as a “microcosmos established by stones” (B. Janowski). Moreover, the royal power of God, who had resided on Zion, is proved by the constant and unchanging processes of creation.

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Giulea, Dragoş Andrei. "The Meeting of the Three Temples: Co-celebrating with the Angels in Early Christian Liturgies." Studia Liturgica 50, no. 2 (2020): 226–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0039320720945725.

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A new inspection of the ancient liturgical pattern of praying with the angels unveils that Jewish materials limited it to the priestly class and such legendary figures as Enoch, Abraham, Moses, or Elijah. The classical Christian anaphoras of the third and fourth centuries will extend this pattern to the entire congregation based on the early Christian generalization of the priestly status to all the members of the ecclesia. While shifting the focus of discussion to the concepts of “temple” and “priest,” the study finds that these Christian anaphoras include both the Jerusalem Temple feature of serving in front of God’s descended glory and the Second Temple apocalyptic idea of celebrating in the heavenly sanctuary. The earthly and heavenly temples, therefore, become one liturgical space which also intersects a third temple, that of the human being, within which God also descends, sanctifies it, and receives due worship.

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Aviam, Mordechai. "The Decorated Stone from the Synagogue at Migdal." Novum Testamentum 55, no. 3 (2013): 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341433.

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Abstract In the center of the first century CE synagogue which was discovered at ancient Magdala (Migdal), a large decorated stone block was found. It is covered with decorative-symbolic elements on four sides and on the upper face as well, standing on four short legs. As the façade is carrying the Temple’s Menorah, this article will suggest that all other elements are not decorative but rather symbolic and symbolizing the Temple in Jerusalem. Another conclusion is that the block was used as a base for the Torah reading table in the synagogue. These symbols show that there was a very strong connection between Galileans and Jerusalem with the Temple in its center, and that there is an important reflection and relations between Jewish symbolism and Jewish heavenly mysticism as it appears in ancient Jewish sources, both Biblical and non-Biblical.

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Frith, Stephen. "THE HEAVENLY JERUSALEM AS THE VIRTUAL CITY: REVISITINGDE CIVITATE DEI, CITY OF VIRTUE." Architectural Theory Review 2, no. 1 (1996): 122–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13264829609478306.

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Jotischky, A. "Gateway to the Heavenly City: Crusader Jerusalem and the Catholic West (1099-1187)." English Historical Review CXXI, no. 494 (2006): 1435–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel287.

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Leppäkari, Maria. "Liberating the Temple Mount: apocalyptic tendencies among Jewish temple activists." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 19 (January 1, 2006): 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67309.

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Every now and then instances of violence are played out at the Temple Mount area in Jerusalem, also known as the Haram-esh-sharif. Some of the cases are referred to as results of the so-called ‘Jerusalem syndrome’, incidents when individuals’ manifestations of pre-existing psychopathology culminate in violent actions. Israeli psychiatrists and others have treated such incidents as examples of when peoples’ expectations of a heavenly Jerusalem collide with the very earthly reality in the city. For some people, such encounters may create anxiety that may threaten the victim’s very sanity. In such situations, an apocalyptic mission may become the only way for them to cope with the situation at hand. But the Temple Mount does not only attract lone-acting individuals, it also attracts organized groups who refer to the very spot as an important identity marker. In this article, the author draws on her field research material and interviews with Jewish Third Temple activists in Jerusalem collected on and off between 1998 and 2004. Here Yehuda Etzion’s, Gershon Salomon’s and Yoel Lerner’s theology and activities are studied in light of apocalyptic representations, and how these are expressed in relation to religious longing for the Third Temple in the light of the Gaza withdrawal. Not all those who are engaged in endtime scenarios act upon their visions. In Jerusalem, there have been, and still are, several religious-political groups that more or less ritually perambulate the Temple Mount area.

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Kamczycki, Artur. "Libeskind’s Museum in Berlin as a toppled tower." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 12 (December 15, 2015): 325–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2015.12.16.

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In the article the author will attempt to interpret the architectural structure of the Jewish Museum in Berlin, designed in 1989 by Daniel Libeskind. The context of deliberations presented here will rely on a broadly understood idea of tower, an entity identical with the Judaic as well as Christian vision of the Heavenly Jerusalem. However, the key to the metaphor is the assumption that the structure symbolizes a toppled tower, which in its turn is a meaningful analogy to the concepts derived from the issues of the Holocaust.

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Burger, Christoph. "Late Medieval Piety expressed in Song Manuscripts of the Devotio Moderna." Church History and Religious Culture 88, no. 3 (2008): 329–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124108x426529.

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AbstractBooklets with song texts from houses belonging to one of the branches of the Devotio Moderna often contain texts of songs which had been sung earlier. However, the fact that such song texts were written down in booklets shows that they were valued by their owners, who chose to express their personal piety in these songs. Manuscripts of this type are a kind of personal creed. Compared with the heavenly Jerusalem, life on earth is seen as misery, but all afflictions are seen as tolerable if they lead to eternal glory. Heaven is considered as the true home of Christians. On the other hand, the fear of being damned for eternity is strong. Even songs expressing severe affliction end with a confession of trust in God the Father, Christ or Mary. In a booklet written by or for a female Augustinian canon, a specific female piety with connotations of an erotic longing for the celestial bridegroom Christ is perceptible.

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OLSSON, BIRGER. "The Canticle of the Heavenly Host (Luke 2.14) in History and Culture." New Testament Studies 50, no. 2 (2004): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688504000104.

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The angels still do not know how to sing during Christmas night. Some have three lines in Luke 2.14, others only two. Some have good liturgical hymns in their textbooks, others must use bad prose versions. This article reconstructs a Hebrew version with its focus on the righteous remnant of Israel, the Anawim in Jerusalem who saw Jesus as the beginning of the restoration of Israel, and goes on to analyse the original and the liturgical versions in Greek, different Latin translations and renderings into Syriac and Coptic. Finally it gives some later interpretations of the canticle in literature, art and music. There are good reasons to include much more of reception history into the NT discipline.

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Tóta, Benedek Péter. "The shifting cities of More: The stations of a lifelong pilgrimage." Moreana 43 (Number 166-, no. 2-3 (2006): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2006.43.2-3.7.

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In searching for the idea of a city in Thomas More’s oeuvre the fundamental pattern is prefigured in The Life of Pico that matches the model of Saint Augustine’s City of God. The dual structure of the earthly city and the Heavenly City served as an expedient research instrument in connection with all the tested cities: London. Amaurotum. Buda, and the New Jerusalem. Putting into operation Saint Augustine’s work we can have a glance at More’s use of this patristic guidebook throughout the progress of his life calling at these cities as the stations of a pilgrimage.

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Tóta, Benedek Péter. "The Shifting Cities of More." Moreana 43 & 44 (Number, no. 4 & 1-2 (2007): 249–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2007.43-44.4_1-2.14.

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In searching for the idea of a city in Thomas More’s oeuvre the fundamental pattern is prefigured in The Life of Pico that matches the model of Saint Augustine’s City of God. The dual structure of the earthly city and the Heavenly City served as an expedient research instrument in connection with all the tested cities; London, Amaurotum, Buda, and the New Jerusalem. Putting into operation Saint Augustine’s work we can have a glance at More’s use of this patristic guidebook throughout the progress of his life calling at these cities as the stations of a pilgrimage.

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Klein, Gil P. "The Topography of Symbol: Between Late Antique and Modern Jewish Understanding of Cities." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 58, no. 1 (2006): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007306775309992.

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AbstractThis article explores the theological role of cities in Judaism as settings for the mediation between the heavenly and earthly realms. By way of juxtaposing the late antique city of Sepphoris and the modern settlement of Me'ah She'arim in Jerusalem, two understandings of this mediation will be studied dialectically. The differences and similarities between the two communities and their self-representation through urban architecture reveal the ways in which the highest religious symbols are manifested in the life of a city. They also unfold the transformation of modernity and the particular interpretation of a Jewish settlement it inspired.

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Tsykunov, I. V. "The trinity chapel flooring of Canterbury cathedral: symbols of the way to heavenly Jerusalem." Язык и текст 4, no. 3 (2017): 144–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2017040315.

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Cathedral and Metropolitical Church of Christ at Canterbury is the Mother Church of the worldwide Anglican Communion and seat of the Archbishop of Canterbury. In the Trinity chapel of cathedral is located a marble pavement with complex symbolism. Experts often argue when was created this pavement and circumstances. Researchers agree only that the Italian or French craftsmen were authors of this pavement. The author of this article proves that the Italian marble craftsmen Cosmati were creators of a mosaic pavement. Craftsmen are known for creation of pavement in a presbytery of the Westminster Abbey in London. The author of this article deciphers symbolism of marble pavement. The author of this article assumes this Cosmati floor mosaics symbolize the opening way of man to Heavenly Jerusalem.

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Diggelmann, Lindsay. "Gateway to the Heavenly City: Crusader Jerusalem and the Catholic West 1099-1187 (review)." Parergon 23, no. 1 (2006): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2006.0066.

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Finn, Douglas. "Unwrapping the Spectacle." Augustinian Studies 52, no. 1 (2021): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies20213564.

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In this article, I explore how Augustine uses sermonic rhetoric to bring about the transfiguration of Babylon, the city of humankind, into Jerusalem, the city of God. Focusing on Enarratio in Psalmum 147, I show how Augustine situates his audience between two spectacles, the Roman theater and games and the eschatological vision of God. Augustine seeks to turn his hearers’ eyes and hearts from the one spectacle to the other, from the love of this world to love of the next. In the process, Augustine wages battle on two fronts: he criticizes pagan Roman culture, on the one hand, and Donatist Christian separatism and perfectionism, on the other. Through his preaching, Augustine stages yet another spectacle, the history of God’s mercy and love, whereby God affirmed the world’s goodness by using it as the means of healing and transfiguration. Indeed, Augustine does not simply depict the spectacle of salvation; he seeks to make his hearers into that spectacle by exhorting them to practice mercy, thereby inscribing them into the history of God’s love and helping gradually transfigure them into the heavenly Jerusalem.

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Raath, Andries Gerhardus. "TUSSEN DIE AARDSE JERIGO EN DIE HEMELSE JERUSALEM. RUTGER SCHUTTE (1708-1784) EN DIE PELGRIMSMOTIEF IN SUSANNA SMIT (1799-1863) SE GODSDIENSTIGE DAGBOEKE." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 3 (2017): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/1820.

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Rutger Schutte (1708-1784), the pietistic author of popular hymnbooks, composed his spiritual verses at a time the religious culture of Pietism was approaching its zenith in the Netherlands and other European countries. In addition to his contribution to Een Nieuw Bundeltje Uitgeknipte Geestelyke Gezangen [A new collection of suitable spiritual songs] (third edition, 1721), he composed three collections of Stichtelijke Gezangen [Edifying hymns] from the early 1760s. In addition to the extensive prefaces in these collections, Schutte added long annotations, thereby creating the impression of academic depth – a style which elicited much criticism. However, Schutte’s hymns introduced a new popular culture of hymn-singing. At the time of his death his hymns had found staunch adherents in many spheres of life. This essay identifies several themes central to Schutte’s hymns: the quest for practical piety; the tension between the heavenly Jerusalem and the earthly Jericho; and the spiritual marriage bond between Jesus and the believer. These themes also surface prominently in the spiritual diaries of the Voortrekker woman Susanna Smit. The entries in her diaries from the early 1840s reflect extracts from Schutte’s hymn “The voyage to Jerusalem” in particular. Her descriptions of and reflection on the metaphor of the Christian pilgrim’s voyage to the eternal Jerusalem served as an important point of reference in her spiritual exercises.

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Penman, Leigh T. I. "Between Utopia and New Jerusalem: Eschatological Projectors and Lutheran Confessional Culture in the Seventeenth Century." Early Science and Medicine 21, no. 5 (2016): 470–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-00215p03.

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Contributing to discussions concerning the influence of eschatological ideas on trajectories of natural philosophy in the early modern period, the present article analyses several distinct projects which emerged from the intellectual and religious traditions of Lutheran confessional culture, which imagined a future earthly golden age that existed in a discursive space between communistic utopia and heavenly Jerusalem. A consideration of this impulse among figures who emerged from Lutheran culture – like Wolfgang Ratke, Wilhelm Eo Neuheuser, Johann Valentin Andreae, Johann Permeier, and even Samuel Hartlib – sheds a unique light on broader issues of epistemology, eschatology and reforming activism of the period, and the varying cultures – natural philosophical, political and religious – which could be harmonized within the ambit of an encompassing eschatological vision.

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Wenell, Karen. "Contested Temple Space and Visionary Kingdom Space in Mark 11-12." Biblical Interpretation 15, no. 3 (2007): 323–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851507x184900.

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AbstractIn Mark 11-12 sacred space is being reformulated in a way that does not emphasize the central role of the Jerusalem temple. The action and teachings which are placed in the temple in the narrative show a conflict of values, making the temple a contested space. Mark's Gospel is part of the shaping of these ideas, and though not fully worked out in a comprehensive spatial worldview, the notion of the kingdom of God and the heavenly location of God as Father suggest a visionary space to which followers might order and orient their lives. It is out of this conflict of values that new notions of sacred space are able to emerge.

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Petersen, Mark R. ""IN COR DESCENDIT": THE MOTIF OF THE HEAVENLY JERUSALEM AT SAN GIOVANNI IN LATERANO IN ROME." Source: Notes in the History of Art 11, no. 1 (1991): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/sou.11.1.23203021.

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Kroczak, Jerzy. "Nauka o kamieniach i jej źródła w cyklu kazań Nuptiae Agni Antoniego Węgrzynowicza." Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Literacka, no. 31 (January 2, 2018): 269–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pspsl.2017.31.11.

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This article centers on the literary achievements of preacher Antoni Węgrzynowicz (1658-1721) from the collection Nuptiae Agni . Gody Baranka apokaliptycznego… (Krak.w 1711) – „Nuptials of the Apocalyptic Lamb” (transl.) – in which there are, among other things, a series of conceptual sermons – refer to the fragment of Apocalypse 21, 19-20, relates to the twelve precious stones being the foundations of the Heavenly Jerusalem, traditionally associated with the names of the apostles. The author presents spiritual content, ingeniously built on knowledge of natural sciences regarding the properties of precious stones, derived from the writings of past and contemporary naturalists, from encyclopedic texts, biblical commentaries, baroque symbolographic compendia, and specialized literature for church speakers. The article discusses these sources of knowledge and seeks to present the writing strategies used by Węgrzynowicz concerning the study of precious stones.

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Watts, Rikk. "The Lord's House and David's Lord: The Psalms and Mark's Perspective on Jesus and the Temple." Biblical Interpretation 15, no. 3 (2007): 307–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851507x184937.

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AbstractFour Davidic Psalms (2, 118, 110, and 22), each cited or alluded to at least twice, in this order, and at critical junctures in Mark's narrative, play a key role in his Gospel. In contemporary understanding Psalm 2 was associated with the future messianic purging of Jerusalem and especially the temple (e.g.4QFlor, Pss Sol 17). Psalm 118, concluding the Egyptian Hallel, spoke of Israel's future deliverance under a Davidic king with the restored temple as the goal of Israel's return from exile. Psalm 110's surprisingly elevated royal designation, uniquely expressed in Melchizedekian priestking terms, contributed to several portraits of exalted heavenly deliverers, some messianic, who would preside over Israel's restoration (e.g.11QMelch, 1 Enoch) while Psalm 22's Davidic suffering and vindication described the deliverance of righteous Zion (e.g.4QPs). Drawing from the dual perspective of their original contexts and contemporary interpretations, this paper proposes that Mark's careful arrangement of his psalm citations presents Jesus as both Israel's Davidic Messiah (Pss. 2, 118) and the temple's Lord (Ps. 110) who, coming to purge Jerusalem but rejected by the temple authorities, announces the present structure's destruction and, through his death and vindication (Ps. 22), its replacement with a new people-temple centered on himself.

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Turdiev, Jakhongir. "The Comparison of the Paris and Istanbul Manuscripts of Mirajname." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 8, no. 7 (2021): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v8i7.2876.

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Muhammad (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) was sent on a journey from al-Haram mosque in Mecca to al-Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem, this night journey is called al-Israh. During this journey, the Messenger (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) ascended to heaven. The Ascension of the Prophet (p.b.u.h) is called Miraj. The night of the Ascension or al-Isra wal Miraj is a great honor bestowed by the Almighty upon the Prophet Muhammad (p.b.u.h) alone, during Miraj, the Prophet (p.b.u.h) witnessed miracles beyond the comprehension of men, and was shown rewards corresponding to the deeds of men... Prophet Muhammad saw the Inhabited House or the heavenly Al-Ka'ba, as well as Paradise, Hell and Arsh and many more. Miraj is one of the most famous events in the history of Islam and one of the most important themes in classical Oriental literature. The works devoted to this event are called Mirajnamae. The Mirajnames generally refer to the same theme, but differ from each other in detail and wording. This article is dedicated to the comparison of the Paris and Istanbul manuscripts of the Turkic Mirajnamae. The article analyzes the differences in the Uyghur and Arabic manuscripts from a textual point of view.

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Eastmond, A. "The Vision of the Palace of the Byzantine Emperors as a Heavenly Jerusalem, by Maria Cristina Carile." English Historical Review 128, no. 533 (2013): 918–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cet178.

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Davis, John. "Holy Land, Holy People? Photography, Semitic Wannabes, and Chautauqua's Palestine Park." Prospects 17 (October 1992): 241–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300004737.

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Near the end of the day on which he was assassinated, Abraham Lincoln and his wife, Mary Todd Lincoln, left the confines of the White House for a drive. As their carriage made its way through the city of Washington, their conversation turned, ironically, to the future. They talked of the travels they hoped to make following the expiration of his second term in office. Although their plans included tours of the Western United States and Europe, one destination assumed special importance. More than any other place, it seems, the president wanted to visit the Holy Land. “But,” as his widow wrote over a year later, “a few days after this conversation, the crown of immortality was his - he was rejoicing in the presence of his Saviour, and was in the midst of the Heavenly Jerusalem.…”

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Rippin, Andrew. "Narrating Muhammad’s Night Journey." American Journal of Islam and Society 26, no. 4 (2009): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v26i4.1369.

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The story of Muhammad’s night journey to Jerusalem and ascent to heavenenjoys huge popularity across the Muslim world. It has functioned as a vehiclefor many forms of artistic expression throughout the ages as well as havingbeen subject to much literary development. In addition, it has impactedand interacted with legal and theological dogma that may be seen in elementsranging fromthe establishment of the five daily prayers (on which seethe fascinating essay by Ron Buckley, “The Isra’/Mi`raj and the prescriptionof the five daily prayers,” in Andreas Christmann, Robert Gleave [eds.],Studies in Islamic Law: A Festschrift for Colin Imber [Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 2007], 23-49) to the conceptualization of paradise and hell (see the treatment in Nerina Rustomji, The Garden and the Fire: Heaven andHell in Islamic Culture [NewYork: Columbia University Press, 2008], especiallypp. 26-39).Historically, the narrative makes its basic appearance in some of the earliestMuslim texts, for example, in Ibn Ishaq’s eighth-century work entitledLife ofMuhammad. The emergence of the story has been seen (in, for example,Brooke Olson Vuckovic, Heavenly Journeys, Earthly Concerns: TheLegacy of the Mi`raj in the Formation of Islam [New York and London:Routledge, 2005]) as an important element in the historical formation ofIslamic identity; it has also been seen by some as having had a powerfulimpact on European imaginings of the hereafter, as found in medieval writerssuch as Dante ...

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Mroczek, Eva. "How Not to Build a Temple: Jacob, David, and the Unbuilt Ideal in Ancient Judaism." Journal for the Study of Judaism 46, no. 4-5 (2015): 512–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340108.

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Jacob and David share one distinction in early Jewish literature: both wish to build temples, but are denied by direct divine revelation—David in Chronicles, and Jacob in Jubilees. Considering these figures together through the motif of a denied sanctuary illuminates how early Jews conceptualized the temple, both earthly and heavenly. The prohibitions against building are also occasions for cultic inauguration, revelation of writing, and promises of an ideal or eschatological sanctuary. When the Jerusalem temple was considered less than ideal, a return to founding moments, when the temple was still unbuilt—but only a blueprint, vision, or promise—was an important theological move. In those primordial times, nothing had yet been constructed, so nothing could have been ruined; Jacob and David serve as exemplars of how to live when the ideal temple is not yet real. Considering them together provides a richer imaginative context for Chronicles, Jubilees, 11QT, 4QFlor, and other texts.

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Campbell, Ewan, and Adrián Maldonado. "A NEW JERUSALEM ‘AT THE ENDS OF THE EARTH’: INTERPRETING CHARLES THOMAS’S EXCAVATIONS AT IONA ABBEY 1956–63." Antiquaries Journal 100 (June 11, 2020): 33–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581520000128.

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Iona was a major European intellectual and artistic centre during the seventh to ninth centuries, with outstanding illustrated manuscripts, sculpture and religious writings produced there, despite its apparently peripheral location ‘at the ends of the earth’. Recent theological discourse has emphasised the leading role of Iona, and particularly its ninth abbot, Adomnán, in developing the metaphor of the earthly monastery as a mirror of heavenly Jerusalem, allowing us to suggest a new appreciation of the innovative monastic layout at Iona and its influence on other monasteries in northern Britain. The authors contend that the unique paved roadway and the schematic layout of the early church, shrine chapel and free-standing crosses were intended to evoke Jerusalem, and that the journey to the sacred heart of the site mirrored a pilgrim’s journey to the tomb of Christ. The key to this transformative understanding is Charles Thomas’s 1956–63 campaign of excavations on Iona, which this article is publishing for the first time. These excavations were influential in the history of early Christian archaeology in Britain as they helped to form many of Thomas’s ideas, later expressed in a series of influential books. They also revealed important new information on the layout and function of the monastic complex, and produced some unique metalwork and glass artefacts that considerably expand our knowledge of activities on the site. This article collates this new information with a re-assessment of the evidence from a large series of other excavations on Iona, and relates the results to recent explorations at other Insular monastic sites.

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Bakić-Hayden, Milica, and Robert M. Hayden. "Orientalist Variations on the Theme "Balkans": Symbolic Geography in Recent Yugoslav Cultural Politics." Slavic Review 51, no. 1 (1992): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500258.

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At first we were confused. The East thought that we were West, while the West considered us to be East. Some of us misunderstood our place in this clash of currents, so they cried that we belong to neither side, and others that we belong exclusively to one side or the other. But I tell you, Irinej, we are doomed by fate to be the East on the West, and the West on the East, to acknowledge only heavenly Jerusalem beyond us, and here on earth-no one.–St. Sava to Irinej, 13th centurySince the early 1980s, the crisis of Yugoslav society has been brought to public awareness through discussions in the mass media, both within Yugoslavia and outside of the country. While the causes of the crisis were initially analyzed within the framework of the ideology of Yugoslav self-management socialism, the past several years have seen increasing use by politicians and writers from the northwestern parts of the country of an orientalist rhetoric that relies for its force on an ontological and epistemological distinction between (north)west and (south)east

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Gutgarts, Anna. "The Earthly Landscape of the Heavenly City: A New Framework for the Examination of the Urban Development of Frankish Jerusalem." Al-Masāq 28, no. 3 (2016): 265–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2016.1243808.

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Sedinova, Hana. "The Precious Stones of Heavenly Jerusalem in the Medieval Book Illustration and Their Comparison with the Wall Incrustation in St. Wenceslas Chapel." Artibus et Historiae 21, no. 41 (2000): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1483634.

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Lees, Clare A. "The ‘Sunday Letter’ and the ‘Sunday Lists’." Anglo-Saxon England 14 (December 1985): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100001319.

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The so-called ‘Sunday Letter’ (otherwise entitled the ‘Heavenly Letter’, the Carta Dominica or the ‘Lettre du Christ tombée du ciel’) is extant in Latin and many vernacular languages and has already attracted a considerable explicatory literature. As is well known, the ‘Sunday Letter’ purports to be a letter from Christ himself, written variously in his own blood, with a golden rod or by an angel. It falls on to one of the principal shrines of Christendom (frequently Rome, Jerusalem or Bethlehem) and passes into the hands of the clergy. The letter urges strict enforcement of the observance of Sunday, accompanied by dire threats for those who fail to comply. ‘Sunday Lists’ (also known as the ‘Benedictions of Sunday’ or the dignatio Diei dominici), sometimes lengthy, are inserted within some of the extant examples of the ‘Letter’. These enumerate notable scriptural events which occurred, or are said to have occurred, on Sunday, in order to strengthen reasons for veneration of the day. Recent publication of individual, and isolated, ‘Sunday Lists’ from early Hiberno-Latin manuscripts has suggested that a survey of available and new material and a reconsideration of the relationship between the ‘Sunday Lists’ and the ‘Sunday Letter’ would be useful.

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Temple, Liam Peter. "Mysticism and Identity among the English Poor Clares." Church History 88, no. 3 (2019): 645–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719001811.

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This article explores the newly catalogued manuscripts of the English Poor Clares preserved in Palace Green Library, Durham. It argues that the collection advances our understanding of the spirituality of the Poor Clares, a group who have received substantially less attention than their Benedictine and Carmelite counterparts. Focusing on manuscript evidence relating to mysticism at the convents of Aire and Rouen, it suggests three areas of interest to scholars of English women religious and recusant Catholic spirituality. First, it explores how a dual understanding of unio mystica in the convents converted wider concepts of anonymity and self-effacement into a radical form of authorial poverty. Through this, the nuns sought not only to unite with God but also achieve a symbolic union with each other. Secondly, it explores how the physical objects of the crucifix and Eucharist served to inspire a deeper mystical pattern of growth within the souls of the nuns. It suggests that feast days and specific times of the year, especially building up to Easter, had a profound effect on spiritual outpourings. Finally, the article explores the importance of the concept of the “heavenly Jerusalem” to the Poor Clares, revealing its centrality to their understanding of their life as a pilgrimage and their own lived experience as exiles.

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Woldeyes, Yirga Gelaw. "Lalibela: Spiritual Genealogy beyond Epistemic Violence in Ethiopia." Genealogy 3, no. 4 (2019): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3040066.

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The rock hewn churches of Lalibela have special significance in the formation of Ethiopia’s consciousness as a sacred land of God’s covenant. Numerous local stories express the sanctity of Lalibela as a Heavenly Jerusalem on earth and the faithful use holy soil from the churches to cure the sick. Every year, thousands of Tewahido believers travel to receive blessings. Local scholars who studied decades in the indigenous education system serve as intermediaries between the sanctity of the place and the people, and transmit their knowledge to the younger generation. This paper traces this spiritual genealogy to the creation story in the Kebra Nagast regarding the Ark of the Covenant (Tabot) and relates it to Lalibela’s famous churches. It demonstrates the existence of enduring spiritual genealogy that considers place as alive and powerful. The paper also reflects on how the loss of indigenous sources of knowledges, particularly through the stealing or taking of manuscripts by foreign collectors, and the rise of a Eurocentric interpretation of the history of Lalibela challenges this millennial spiritual tradition. It argues that this has resulted in epistemic violence, the practice of interpreting local knowledge with a foreign lens in a way that reinforces colonial Eurocentric views that are then internalised within Africans themselves. Despite such challenges, it shows how the genealogy continues through the very identity and practice of local communities and individuals.

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Lagopoulos, Alexandros Ph, and M. G. Lily Stylianoudi. "The Symbolism of Space in Ethiopia." Aethiopica 4 (June 30, 2013): 55–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.4.1.491.

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The present study starts from an Amhara text, Śǝrʿatä mängǝśt, “the first Ethiopian Constitution”, the basic elements of which were already in place in the fourteenth century, and which we analyze using a semiotic methodology. We argue that the concept of classification system is central to an understanding of culture and the semiotic systems constituting it, and we use a specific definition of the semiotic concept of code in order to study the structure of the classification system.Using an anthropological approach and applying a systematic semiotic methodology of analysis to Śǝrʿatä mängǝśt, it is possible to penetrate into the Ethiopian world view, articulated around a structured but flexible classification system. This system regulates, mainly through the royal, religious-cosmic and anthropomorphic codes, the organization and form of the royal camp. The spatial model attached to the system remained strikingly constant, in spite of certain modifications, for at least six centuries and was applied to all kinds of military camps; it also influenced the process of urbanization, since these camps were frequently the initial nuclei of later capitals and towns. Historically, this model resulted from the superimposition on an indigenous model of the Christian model of heavenly Jerusalem. The model had a wide scope: it was also applied to palaces, to churches starting in the sixteenth century or earlier, and to the country as a whole. The pivot and actual regulator of the model is the king, a legitimization strategy which reinforces his position of power and authority, both material and symbolic.

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Stankiewicz, Aleksander. "Kilka uwag na temat twórczości Krzysztofa Boguszewskiego." Artifex Novus, no. 3 (October 1, 2019): 20–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/an.7061.

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SUMMARY The article deals with the artistic activity of Krzysztof Aleksander Boguszewski (d. 1635), nobleman, spiritual and painter, active in Poznań in years 1624–1635. In the past, scholars tried to do all they could to expand his oeuvre by resorting to imprecise comparisons or overinterpretation of his works. Also, they wanted to found style of his paintings in works of Herman Han. In the light of documents, it is sure that Boguszewski was not the imitator or even pupil of Han. He probably learned to paint in confraternity of painters in Lublin or Lwów. In fact, we can only proof his signature in one existing work – The entry of St. Martin into Amiens from 1628, originally from Cistercian church in Paradyż, but today exposed in Poznań cathedral. Other paintings from Paradyż Abbey, like The Heavenly Jerusalem (1628?), The Immaculate Conception (1628?) and St. Paul (1628?) and effigies of St. Mary from church in Otorów and Biechów (1632) we can include in the works of Boguszewski using the compare method. The other painting attributed by scholars to artist are fundamentally different. The iconography of his works from Paradyż were projected by the Cistercian abbot, Marek Łętowski (d. 1629). His conception for Boguszewski works was based on the instructions of Church intellectualist, like Carlo Borromeo or Gabriele Paleotti. It is very probably, that the painter, who became a priest in parish church of St. Adalbert in Poznań in 1630, was personally involved in the idea of artists working for the reform of the Church after the council of Trent.

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Riddell, Peter. "Jerusalem in history: the city of peace?" Evangelical Quarterly 78, no. 3 (2006): 209–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07803004.

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Jerusalem has great significance for all three Semitic faiths. In the case of Islam, Jerusalem’s rich past history is balanced by its future eschatological function. Islamic tradition looks not only to the city as the site of Muhammad’s ascension to Heaven but also to its role as the location for the final tribulation and judgement. In this context, contemporary conflicts between modern Israel and its Arab neighbours are interpreted by many Muslims as a fulfilment of prophecy. This poses important challenges for scholars engaged in research into Jerusalem’s past and present.

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Powell, James M. "Gateway to the Heavenly City: Crusader Jerusalem and the Catholic West (1099–1187). By Schein Sylvia. Church, Faith, and Culture in the Medieval West. London: Ashgate, 2005. xvi + 239 pp. $89.95 cloth." Church History 75, no. 2 (2006): 416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700111412.

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Hunter, Erica C. D. "Manipulating incantation texts: Excursions in Refrain A." Iraq 64 (2002): 259–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003740.

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On 9 October 1851 the British Museum purchased eight incantation bowls from Col. Henry Rawlinson. Of these, seven were written in Aramaic. They were recorded by the Minutes of the Trustees of the British Museum as coming from “a tomb at Babylon”, per se a most unusual provenance since incantation bowls are usually associated with domestic loci. The seven incantation bowls all name the same male client, one Mahperoz son of Hindo. Palaeographic studies on the typical Babylonian Aramaic script in which they were written reveal that they were the product of the same hand. The physical typology of the incantation bowls (hemispherical in form with simple rims measuring 0.6 cm thick and shaved bases) suggests that all seven were selected from the same workshop, and possibly even from the same batch of pottery. In such a situation, where the incantation bowls clearly form a group and were written for a single client, one might expect the texts to be duplicates.Four of the seven bowls purchased from Rawlinson were inscribed with a common incantation text that Ben Segal has designated as Refrain A. This commences with a distinctive call for the overthrow of the world and heavenly order as well as the reversal of female cursers. Over the past one hundred and fifty years a dozen examples of this text have have come to light in a variety of international museums and private collections. The largest group is that of the British Museum which has no less than eight examples, including the four Rawlinson bowls as well as a small flat-bottomed stopper that Hormuzd Rassam obtained from Sippar during the excavations which the British Museum conducted at that site between 1881 and 1882. The remaining four examples of Refrain A are in the Iraq Museum, Baghdad, the Institute of Archaeology at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and in collections of antiquities that are owned by the Churchs' Ministry amongst the Jewish People, St Albans, England, and Near Eastern Fine Arts, New York, U.S.A.

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France, J. "SYLVIA SCHEIN. Gateway to the Heavenly City: Crusader Jerusalem and the Catholic West (1099-1187). (Church, Faith and Culture in the Medieval West.) Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate Publishing Company. 2005. Pp. xvi, 239. $89.95." American Historical Review 111, no. 5 (2006): 1577–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.111.5.1577.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Heavenly Jerusalem'

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