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Journal articles on the topic 'Hebrew Bible manuscripts'
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1
Petzold, Kay Joe. "Die Kanaan-Karten des R. Salomo Ben Isaak (Raschi) – Bedeutung und Gebrauch mittelalterlicher hebräischer Karten-Diagramme." Das Mittelalter 22, no. 2 (November 7, 2017): 332–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mial-2017-0020.
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AbstractR. Shlomo Yitṣḥaki (Hebrew: שלמה יצחקי), generally known by the acronym Rashi, was a medieval French rabbi who lived between 1040 and 1105 in Troyes (Champagne). Rashi was the author of two comprehensive commentaries on the Talmud and on the Tanakh. His commentary on the Talmud, which covers nearly all of the Babylonian Talmud (a total of 30 tractates), has been included in every edition of the Talmud since its first printing by Daniel Bomberg in the 1520 s. His commentary on the most books of the Tanakh – especially on the Chumash – is still an indispensable exegetical tool to almost all students of the Hebrew Bible. This perush al ha-Torah supplemented almost all printed Hebrew Bibles or Chumash Editions and initiated more than 300 super-commentaries, which analyze and elucidate Rashi’s choices of exegesis, grammar, variant readings, Masora and midrash citations. The manuscript editions of his commentary were augmented with various map diagrams of Erets Israel, which disappeared in the printed editions of the Rashi commentary. Abraham Berliner mentioned this loss and recent scholarship is rediscovering these Rashi diagrams and maps. This paper elucidates the so-called Numeri 34 map-diagrams in the oldest extant manuscripts of the Rashi commentary, and their refinement and recycling within the Masora (figurata) of Ashkenazi bible manuscripts.
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Ross, Kristiina. "Bible translation as mediator of Hebrew impact on target languages: the Estonian bible translation by Johannes Gutslaff." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 21, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2000): 123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69571.
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The full version of the Bible was first published in Estonian in 1739. In comparison with the neighbouring Protestant countries this is a very late date. However, serious attempts to translate the Bible into Estonian were made already in the 17th century. There are two manuscripts from the 17th century which contain translations of the Old Testament. The older manuscript dating from the middle of the century has been – unlike e.g. the Finnish Bible which had been translated from Luther’s German version – translated directly from Hebrew, by Johannes Gutslaff. Also the 1739 Estonian version was translated directly from the Hebrew version. As is widely known, Luther was of the opinion that a translator should not follow the structure of the source language&&instead, he must use the fluent and pure target language. The Estonian translations followed strictly the Hebrew version, which resulted in the fact that still today, Estonian phraseology has Hebrew influence.
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Khan, Geoffrey. "The historical background of the vowel ṣere in some Hebrew verbal and nominal forms." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 57, no. 1 (February 1994): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00028184.
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One of the most important sources for our knowledge of the length of vowels in the Tiberian tradition of Biblical Hebrew is a corpus of manuscripts containing transcriptions of the Hebrew Bible into Arabic letters. In most of the manuscripts the Arabic transcription employs the orthography of Classical Arabic to represent the sounds of Hebrew. Since Classical Arabic orthography used matres lectionis systematically to mark long vowels we are able to reconstruct the distribution of long and short vowels in Tiberian Hebrew. The transcriptions show us that the main factors determining vowel length were stress and syllable structure.
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Olszowy-Schlanger, Judith. "A School of Christian Hebraists in Thirteenth-Century England: A Unique Hebrew-Latin-French and English Dictionary and its Sources." European Journal of Jewish Studies 1, no. 2 (2007): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247107783876257.
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AbstractThis paper is a preliminary presentation of a unique Hebrew-Latin-Old French dictionary written by Christian scholars in 13th century England, to appear shortly in print. The authors of this exceptional work did not follow the patristic tradition of Christian Hebraism and did not focus on anti-Jewish polemics, but rather turned to Jewish Rabbinic and Medieval sources, such as commentaries of Rachi, the lexicon of Solomon ibn Parhon or Alpha Beta de-Ben Sira for their understanding of the Hebrew text of the Bible. Following the grammatical approach of the classical Spanish school of Hebrew grammar, this dictionary is a real 'philological' work. It stems from a Christian tradition of the use of the Hebrew Bible for correcting the Vulgate as represented by the bilingual Hebrew-Latin Bible manuscripts produced and studied in England in the late 12th and 13th centuries.
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Halft, Dennis. "Hebrew Bible Quotations in Arabic Transcription in Safavid Iran of the 11th/17th Century: Sayyed Aḥmad ʿAlavī’s Persian Refutations of Christianity." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 1, no. 1-2 (2013): 235–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-20130110.
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In Muslim polemical writings on the Bible written in Arabic, scriptural quotations frequently appear in Arabic transcription of the original Hebrew. This phenomenon also occurs in the Persian refutations of Christianity by the 11th/17th-century Shīʿī scholar Sayyed Aḥmad ʿAlavī. The adduced biblical materials, however, vary significantly depending on the particular manuscript or recension. Nevertheless, they reflect the common repertoire of scriptural verses invoked by Muslim authors. In contrast to Henry Corbin, who argued on the basis of the Hebrew verses transcribed in Arabic characters that ʿAlavī was a Hebraist and directly acquainted with the Jewish Scriptures, it is suggested here that the Shīʿī scholar relied instead on lists of biblical “testimonies” to Muḥammad. Although ʿAlavī’s literary sources are as yet unknown due to a lack of research, there is evidence from the manuscripts dating from ʿAlavī’s lifetime that he copied the transcribed Bible quotations from earlier Muslim writings.
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KHAN, GEOFFREY. "THE ORTHOGRAPY OF KARAITE HEBREW BIBLE MANUSCRIPTS IN ARABIC TRANSCRIPTION." Journal of Semitic Studies XXXVIII, no. 1 (1993): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/xxxviii.1.49.
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Bellino, Francesca. "The Archive of Paul E. Kahle in Turin." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 9, no. 1-2 (July 20, 2020): 102–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-20201003.
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Abstract This paper was written to commemorate the scholar of the Hebrew Bible and the philologist Bruno Chiesa (1949–2015) at the conference on “The Arabic Literary Genizot beyond Denominational Borders” (held at IAS, Princeton, NJ April 20–21, 2017). During his career, Chiesa edited various Judeo-Arabic documentary sources, especially some missing works by al-Qirqisānī (active 1oth century), and investigated the Geniza works as part of his studies on the historical philology of the Hebrew Bible. In the last years of his life, Chiesa has been involved in the cataloguing of the Hebrew and Arabic manuscripts held at the National Library of Turin and in the studying of the documents preserved in the archive of Paul E. Kahle of the University of Turin.
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Gottlieb, Leeor. "The Hebrew Vorlage of Targum Chronicles." Aramaic Studies 14, no. 1 (2016): 36–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01401001.
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Careful study of the Aramaic text of Targum Chronicles reveals several apparent differences between the Hebrew source text upon which the targumist relied and the Masoretic text of Chronicles. This article is an attempt to identify and document these differences, resulting in four categories: differences in consonantal orthography, differences in vocalization, differences in syntactic division and the degree of conformity with Ketib/Qere. Suspected deviations of TgChron from MT were compared to other textual witnesses (primarily the Septuagint, the Peshitta and medieval Hebrew manuscripts), thus providing a broader context for textual criticism of the Hebrew Bible.
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van Bekkum, K. "Nieuw rumoer rond Moses Shapira's 'Deuteronomium'." Theologia Reformata 64, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 264–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/tr.64.3.264-273.
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This article offers a short overview and assessment of the debate regarding the so-called Shapira manuscripts which came to light in the 1880s, following the publication of an article and monograph by Idan Dershowitz, professor of Hebrew Bible at the University of Potsdam. Claiming the manuscripts Moses Shapira tried to sell to the British Museum in 1883 were not forgeries, Dershowitz argues that they were a pre-exilic earlier version of the canonical Deuteronomy. The article reviews the history of reception of the manuscripts in view of methodological and societal issues
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Hendel, Ronald. "Notes on the Orthography of the Shapira Manuscripts: The Forger’s Marks." Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 133, no. 2 (May 26, 2021): 225–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaw-2021-2008.
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Abstract The Shapira manuscripts, putatively precursors of Deuteronomy, have many indications of forgery, particularly in the orthography, which mixes the writing conventions of the Mesha stele and the Hebrew Bible. Notably, the consistent use of waw, instead of he, to mark final ō is an anachronism. These problems were not perceivable by the text’s nineteenth century critics (or its forgers), but in hindsight are clear marks of the forger’s art.
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AL-SADOON, Hadeel Salwan Sami. "THE STYLE OF THE SEPTUAGINT TRANSLATION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE NEW TESTAMENT ) LITERATURE, CRITICISM AND TRANSLATION AXIS)." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 02 (February 1, 2021): 152–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.2-3.12.
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The Hebrew Torah of the Old Testament, is the first text sacred Known by history. Is the Septuagint translation for the Hebrew text of the oldest and most important translation was adopted by the Bible and the Religious language that borrowed directly to the Christian religion rituals and services. Also it considered later the main base for important translations in the old era , and still even now occupies a role important in the field of monetary, interpretive and historical studies. The original Hebrew contain more than one book, the septuagenarian translation, separated between them and made each book stand on its own. Our research deals with the Historical introduction to the Septuagint translation , The language of the Septuagint translation , The Septuagint Style ,The most important manuscripts of the Septuagint translation.The content and status of the Septuagint to the Jews and Christ, Difference and similarity with the original Hebrew text of the Old Testament in terms of the order , number and names of the books and we Shedding light on the most important translations of the Bible from the beginning of the Septuagint to the present day.
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Zewi, Tamar. "Representation of Arabic and Syriac in the Samaritan Version of Saadya Gaon’s Translation of the Pentateuch." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 8, no. 1 (January 20, 2020): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00702009.
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Abstract Saadya ben Joseph al-Fayyumi (Saˁīd b. Yūsuf al-Fayyūmī, Saadya Gaon, b. Egypt 882—d. Baghdad 942) translated the Pentateuch as well as several other parts of the Bible into Arabic in the first half of the 10th century. The translation, named tafsīr by Saadya himself, was transmitted in two versions, one in Hebrew letters, probably intended for and used by Jewish-Rabbanite communities, and another in Arabic letters, probably intended for and used by other communities. Several manuscripts holding a Saadyan version in Arabic letters were used by Christian communities in the Near East. Some of these manuscripts probably reached the Samaritans, or at least one Samaritan community. The main source consisting of the Samaritan version of Saadya Gaon’s translation of the Pentateuch is MS London BL OR 7562. The article discusses the status of this manuscript among the other Samaritan Arabic translations, its characteristics, and demonstrates the reflections of Arabic and Syriac vocabulary in its Samaritan script.
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Young, Ian. "ANCIENT HEBREW WITHOUT AUTHORS." Journal for Semitics 25, no. 2 (May 10, 2017): 972–1003. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/2567.
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Current scholarship on the history of the Hebrew Bible text sees the composition of biblical literature as a long, drawn-out scribal process of rewriting, to which many individuals contributed. This approach is in harmony with the evidence for variability in the scribal transmission of distinctive (less common) linguistic features in non-MT biblical manuscripts and parallel passages in the MT. The Text-Critical paradigm contrasts with the MT-Only paradigm which presupposes the composition of biblical books or identifiable parts of them by single authors at specific dates. This article focuses on the unusually well-attested text MT 2 Kings 25:1–12// LXX 2 Kings 25:1–12// MT Jeremiah 39:1–10// LXX Jeremiah 39:1–10// MT Jeremiah 52:4–16// LXX Jeremiah 52:4–16 where it is discovered that not a single distinctive linguistic feature is shared by all texts. It concludes with suggestions as to how the application of this approach can help reformulate some of the questions scholars ask in their study of ancient Hebrew.
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Taylor, Richard. "The Book of Daniel in the Bible of Edessa." Aramaic Studies 5, no. 2 (2007): 239–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/147783507x252685.
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Abstract The translation and accompanying notes for the forthcoming annotated English translation of the book of Daniel in the Bible of Edessa will be consistent with the following features of the Syriac Peshitta of Daniel. First, Peshitta-Daniel is a primary version of the Hebrew-Aramaic text and not a daughter version made from a Greek text. Second, some Peshitta-Daniel readings are superior from a text-critical perspective to readings of the MT. Third, Peshitta-Daniel is not significantly influenced by the Septuagint, although it does frequently align with the Greek text of Theodotion. Fourth, Peshitta-Daniel is essentially a literal translation of its Hebrew-Aramaic source text, while at the same time maintaining a high level of stylistic elegance in Syriac. Fifth, Peshitta-Daniel frequently reverses the order of matched pairs of words due to translation technique. Sixth, Peshitta manuscripts of the book of Daniel have interpretive glosses that guide the reader as to the exegesis of chapters 7, 8, and 11, adopting an approach to the interpretation of Daniel that suggests at least indirect influence from the pagan philosopher Porphyry.
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Ofer, Yosef. "Acrostic Signatures in Masoretic Notes." Vetus Testamentum 65, no. 2 (May 8, 2015): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12301197.
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The practice of creating an acrostic to spell out the name of the author of a Hebrew liturgical poem started in the classical period (5th or 6th century). An acrostic may sometimes indicate the name of the scribe who copied the manuscript. In recent years some examples of acrostics have been discovered in the Masoretic notes accompanying ancient manuscripts of the Bible. David Lyons exposed three acrostic signatures in ms British Library Or. 4445. I have discovered two further acrostics: one in a biblical manuscript, the other on a page of a Masoretic work. The article addresses the ways in which the Masoretes create their acrostic signatures, and what we may deduce from these acrostics concerning the location of their creators and their time. The main point is that the place of the masorete of ms Or. 4445 is included in his acrostic, and has not been recognized before.
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Stromberg, Jacob. "The Role of Redaction Criticism in the Evaluation of a Textual Variant: Another Look at 1QIsaª XXXII 14 (38:21–22)." Dead Sea Discoveries 16, no. 2 (2009): 155–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851709x429247.
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AbstractWith the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls, new emphasis has been placed on the extent to which the last stages of the formation of the Hebrew Bible have been preserved in early manuscripts. It is very widely held that such manuscript evidence comes in 1QIsaª XXXII 14. Here, Isa 38:21–22, which commentators suspected were secondary long before the discovery of the scrolls, are written in a secondary hand partly down the margin. This has led to the conclusion that 1QIsaª preserves an earlier unexpanded form of this passage. In this study, I argue that, despite the validity of this approach and attractiveness of this specific case, 1QIsaª XXXII 14 more likely reflects an omission. It will be seen that a redactional analysis of Isa 38, informed by the parallel in 2 Kgs 20, illuminates the text-critical evaluation of 1QIsaª XXXII 14.
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Wong, Gregory T. K. "Unearthing Text-Critical Possibilities through Lexical-Syntactic Analysis: A Case Study from Judg 15:3." Biblische Zeitschrift 65, no. 2 (July 28, 2021): 299–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890468-06502006.
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Abstract In the discipline of text criticism of the Hebrew Bible, one is usually alerted to the possibility of textual corruption either by a reading that poses significant logical or syntactic difficulties in its immediate context, or by the presence of significant variants in ancient manuscripts and translations of that text. In this article, however, it will be argued that occasionally, even when a reading seems to enjoy unanimous support from ancient manuscripts and versions and poses no significant difficulty in context, there remains the possibility of textual corruption. Using Judg 15:3 as a test case, this article will show that when even seemingly trivial lexical-syntactic irregularities such as the use of the notoriously fluid מן preposition in conjunction with נקה are noted and carefully analysed, new text-critical possibilities that would otherwise be overlooked may come to light.
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Vidas, Marina. "Un Deu Enemi. Jews and Judaism in French and English Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts in the Royal Library." Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 55 (March 3, 2016): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v55i0.118912.
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Marina Vidas: Un Deu Enemi. Jews and Judaism in French and English Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts in the Royal Library
The article analyzes images of and texts about Jews and Judaism in five medieval illuminated manuscripts in the collection of the Royal Library, Copenhagen. I begin by examining the references to Jews in a bestiary (MS GKS 3466 8º) composed in the twelfth century by Philippe de Thaon for Queen Adeliza of England and copied a century later in Paris. Then I analyze depictions of Jews in a French early thirteenth-century personal devotional manuscript (MS GKS 1606 4º) as well as in a number of related de luxe Psalters and Bibles in foreign collections. Textual references to Judaism and Jews are examined in a compilation of saints’ lives (MS Thott 517 4º) as well as depictions of individuals of this faith in an Hours (MS Thott 547 4º), both made in fourteenth-century England for members of the Bohun family. Lastly, I analyze images illustrating legends derived from the Babylonian Talmud in a Bible historiale (MS Thott 6 2º), executed for Charles V of France (r. 1364–1380).I argue that images depicting Jews in narrative cycles had a number of meanings, some of which can be interpreted as anti-Jewish. I suggest that the images also played a role in shaping the piety of their audiences as well as the intended viewers’ understanding of their social identity. Indeed, depictions of Jews in the manuscripts seem mostly unrelated to the actually existing Jews. Members of the Hebrew faith were often represented in contexts in which their appearance, beliefs, and activities were distorted to emphasize the holiness, goodness, and perfection of Christ and the Virgin Mary. It is also suggested that their representations may have spurred a reflection on, and sometimes even a criticism of, Christian behavior and attitudes.
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Linde, J. Cornelia. "'Augustine' versus Jerome: commentaries on Gratian's Decretum, D. 9, c. 6, from Paucapalea to Juan de Torquemada." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 77, no. 3-4 (2009): 367–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/004075809x12488525623083.
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AbstractIn his Decretum, D. 9, c. 6, Gratian stated the respective value of Hebrew, Greek and Latin manuscripts of the Bible for the emendation of Latin Scripture. This article deals with the commentaries on this passage from the mid-twelfth to the mid-fifteenth century. Due to the misattribution of a statement to Augustine rather than Jerome in the Decretum, and the later introduction of an out-of-context quotation by Jerome, the two Church Fathers seemed to contradict each other on the matter in question. For three centuries, the decretists sought to explain or even reconcile this contradiction in various ways which are traced in this article.
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Forness, Philip Michael. "The First Book of Maccabees in Syriac: Dating and Context." Aramaic Studies 18, no. 1 (May 8, 2020): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-bja10005.
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Abstract Syriac literature exhibits interest in narratives associated with the Maccabees by the fourth century. Seventh-century manuscripts preserve two different Syriac translations of 1 Maccabees. The translation of this book into Syriac is not part of the Peshitta Old Testament translated from the Hebrew Bible in the second century CE. Its dating and the possible context for its production have not yet been the topic of scholarly investigation. This article examines quotations of and allusions to 1 Maccabees in Aphrahat, Ephrem, and the Martyrdom of Simeon bar Ṣabbāʿē. The last of these texts, likely produced in the early fifth century, offers the earliest evidence for a Syriac translation of 1 Maccabees. The production of a Syriac translation of 1 Maccabees in the fourth or perhaps early fifth century reflects efforts of Christian communities around this time to appropriate the Maccabean narrative for their own interests.
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Kalimi, Isaac. "Furcht vor Vernichtung und der ewige Bund: Das Buch Ester im Judentum und in jüdischer Theologie." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 62, no. 4 (2010): 339–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007310793352241.
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AbstractAlthough for some reasons the book of Esther is missing from among the biblical manuscripts of the Dead Sea Scrolls, it has a unique place in Judaism and Jewish theology and thought. A large number of exegetes, ballads, poems, essays, arts, etc. have been composed on it, in all times and places, alongside the Jewish history and culture. Esther expresses one of the worst fears of the Jewish people: fear for complete annihilation, which is also well documented in the Hebrew Bible as well as in some extra-biblical sources (e.g., "Israel Stele", Moabite Stone). Esther replies to that fear, and forwards the theological message that God never leaves Israel. He is the faithful God "who maintains covenant loyalty with those who love him and keep his commandments". Yet, the historical reality of the Jewish Diaspora shows differently. The article discusses, therefore, also this theology, history and us, as post-Sho'ah readers of Esther.
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Rulmu, Callia. "Stumbling Words for a Determined Young Lady: Notes on Ruth 2:7b." Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 42, no. 3 (June 25, 2012): 115–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146107912452242.
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It is well known to both translators and students of the Bible, that some words or verses are very difficult, not only to translate but also to understand. The Hebrew text of Ruth 2:7b is one of them. The purpose of this paper is to consider some of the inherent problems of this text—such as unclear meaning of words and uncanny grammatical structures—and to provide an overview of ancient and modern ways to deal with the difficulties. While it is logical to assume that the author of Ruth expected to be understood (including when resorting to intentional ambiguity), we also need to consider that the original manuscripts are lost and that the possibility of a corrupted text could explain its awkwardness. The various translations of Ruth 2:7b stem from attempts to make sense of a text of which the exact original, word-by-word meaning might not be established beyond all reasonable doubt, but of which the basic intended meaning seeps through unmistakably: Ruth indeed is a hard worker, worthy of Boaz's attentions.
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Gelston, A. "Review: Hebrew Bible Manuscripts in the Cambridge Genizah Collections: Volume 4. Taylor-Schechter Additional Series 32-225 with addenda to previous volumes." Journal of Semitic Studies 50, no. 2 (September 1, 2005): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgi076.
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Haxen, Ulf G. "Rom – den hebraiske bogs vugge." Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 56 (March 3, 2017): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v56i0.118929.
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Ulf G. Haxen: Rome – Cradle of the Hebrew Book
The Royal Library in Copenhagen has, throughout the twentieth century, received two substantial collections of Hebraica and Judaica. In 1933 the library acquired the private library of chief rabbi and professor David Simonsen, which amounted to an impressive 40,000 manuscripts, books and correspondence of scholarly importance. Dr. Lazarus Goldschmidt escaped Nazi Germany in 1938 and managed to bring his 2,500 volumes of Hebraica and Judaica, including 43 immaculate and well preserved incunables, safely to London. His entire collection of rare Hebrew books was purchased by the Royal Library for a moderate sum in 1949 because Goldschmidt was “honoured to have his books incorporated in Bibliotheca Simonseniana.”Both scholars were recognised authorities in their own right, Simonsen as philologist in Semitics and specialist in Jewish booklore, and Goldschmidt as a renowned bibliophile and connoisseur of 15th century Hebraic incunables. His 46 rare incunables were eventually listed in Victor Madsen’s catalogue of incunables (1935–1963).The art of printing was born c.1455 in Mainz (Germany) with Johan Gutenberg’s printed edition of the bible. Among scholars it was generally believed that migrating Christian and Jewish apprentices carried the revolutionising “black art” of printing from Mainz to Spain and Italy. Coincidentally enough, the first two dated Hebrew works appeared in print thirty years after Gutenberg in the exact same year in southern and northern Italy respectively: these being the Rashi commentary on the Jewish bible issued 17th February 1475 in Reggia di Calabria and printed by Abraham Garton ben Isaac, and the Arba’ah turim in Piove di Sacco near Venezia published by Meshullam Cusi on 3rd July 1475.These two books were for a long time considered to be the first books printed with Hebrew types. The famous Christian scholar of Hebraica, Giambernardo de Rossi, who was the fortunate owner of the allegedly “first” cradle book from Reggia, subsequently published the first census of Hebrew incunables in Annales hebraica-typographica saeculi XV (1795). The scene was thus set for the future scholarly research of the undated incunables labelled “Roma, ante 1480” (Rome, before 1480) by de Rossi. The present essay discusses five of these incunables, all of which are described in Victor Madsen’s catalogue as printed in “Roma, ante 1480”; an approximated date which needs correcting. David Simonsen refers in passing to “the three printers of Rome” viz. Obadiah, Menasseh and Benjamin, as supposedly having been active in a printing press in Rome. The incunable with Salomon ben Abraham ibn Aderet (Raschba) Teschubot sche’elot. (“Answers to Questions”) dated “before 1980” is a case in point (#4332 in Victor Madsen’s catalogue), furnished with an earlier approximate publishing date c.1469–1472 no. 55 in the Offenberg census (1990) and eventually with REX online catalogue Inc. Haun in 2015.The best known printing press in Rome was created by the two German printers Conrad Sweynheym & Arnold Pannartz who established their first workshop at Santa Scolastica at Subiaco in the Sabine Mountains outside Rome in 1464, where they published several unique Latin works and introduced a Greek typeface. In 1467 they moved the press to the city of Rome in order to get closer to the reading and profitable public. In 1467 they moved the press to Rome in order to get closer to their reading public – and their profits. Here they were privileged to be housed in Palazzo Massimo by the proprietors Pietro and Francesco Massimo. What is more, they began working under the patronage of the respected humanist Giovanni Andrea Bussi, who was editor in charge.It is safe to conjecture that the Hebrew press was born in this milieu, as indeed suggested by Edwin Hall: “… a casual remark of Bussi in the preface to the Latin Bible hints at a possible connection between Sweynheym and Pannartz and what are thought to be the earliest printed books in Hebrew. These books, which contain no indication of date or place of printing, are the work of obscure printers named Obadiah, Manasseh, and Benjamin de Roma and constitute the most primitive surviving examples of printing in Italy.”I thank Dr. Ann Brener, Specialist in the Hebraic Section at the Library of Congress for supplying additional bibliographic references.
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Zhakevich, Iosif J. "Converse Translation in Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Genesis 19.33: Did Lot Really Not Know That His Older Daughter Lay with Him?" Aramaic Studies 14, no. 2 (2016): 184–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01402002.
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While Gen. 19.33–35 in the Hebrew Bible indicates that Lot did not know that his daughters lay with him, the manuscript of TgPsJ suggests that Lot did know when the older daughter arose after the act of intercourse was completed. The printed editions of TgPsJ disagree with the manuscript, but agree with the Hebrew Bible and state that Lot did not know when either daughter lay down or arose. This raises the question: Is the manuscript accurate or does it contain a textual error? Scholars disagree. Some affirm the manuscript; others prefer the printed editions. This article argues that the text of the manuscript is accurate: the targumist did indeed state that Lot knew when his older daughter arose after she lay with him.
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Garrido Martín, Blanca. "La variación de los conectores consecutivos en los romanceamientos bíblicos castellanos = Consecutive connectors in some Medieval Castillian translated (romanced) texts from The Bible." Estudios Humanísticos. Filología, no. 40 (December 19, 2018): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehf.v0i40.5469.
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<p>Este trabajo versa sobre la variación lingüística dada en las traducciones de la Biblia, especialmente las cuatrocentistas, con respecto a los conectores utilizados para expresar la relación de consecutividad. Así, se observa cómo las distintas traducciones versionan de manera distinta, confirmando las tendencias y caracterizaciones previas de los romanceamientos medievales de la Biblia. Por otra parte, se aportan datos acerca de los conectores consecutivos más utilizados en cada uno de los testimonios según, primero, su caracterización lingüística como texto del siglo XV y como traducción, segundo, el término hebreo original y, tercero, el modo discursivo.</p><p>This work deals with the linguistic variation and the usage of different consequence connectors in the<br />Medieval translations of the Bible, especially those dated in the 15th century. As a result of this study,<br />we can observe that these translations offer several versions of the same passage, corroborating previous<br />tendences and caracterizations exposed in other studies. Moreover, we contribute with more data about the more frequent consequence connectors depending on, firstly, the manuscript, its linguistic caracterization as a 15th-century text, as well as a translation; secondly, the original term in the Hebrew Bible; and finally, the mode of discourse.<br /><br /></p>
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Porto, Rosa M. Rodríguez. "Forgotten Witnesses: The Illustrations of Ms Escorial, I.I.3 and the Dispute over the Biblias Romanceadas." Medieval Encounters 24, no. 1-3 (May 29, 2018): 116–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340019.
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Abstract This article offers a preliminary survey of the miniatures illustrating the Biblia romanceada held at the Escorial Library under the shelf number I.I.3, whose precise date and provenance have been a matter of dispute among scholars for decades. The scrutiny of the stylistic features of these illustrations together with a reassessment of the scarce archival sources related to this work allows for a definite association of Escorial, MS I.I.3 with Enrique de Guzmán, 2nd Duke of Medina Sidonia (d. 1492). However, the contextualized analysis of this lavishly decorated manuscript—which was part of a trend in aristocratic patronage and the epitome of already established traditions in Bible illustration—may contribute not only to a re-appraisal of this singular work but also to a better understanding of the multifaceted phenomena lying behind the production and reception of the remaining fifteenth-century illustrated Bibles in the vernacular, all of them translated from Hebrew but intended for a Christian audience.
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Langermann, Y. Tzvi. "A New Hebrew Passage from theTheology of Aristotleand its Significance." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 9, no. 2 (September 1999): 247–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095742390000134x.
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On some of the end-leaves of a Bible manuscript someone has copied out a passage from theTheology of Aristotlein Hebrew translation. The passage deals with the immunity of person of intellect from magical manipulation. No other copies of this passage in Hebrew are known to exist. The dependence of the translator upon the so-called “long version” of theTheology, specifically the copy in St Petersburg, is demonstrated, and it is suggested that the translator may be Shem Tov ibn Falaquera. The passage differs significantly from other versions of theTheology, and from Plotinus, in placing intellectual achievement ahead of ethical perfection in the scale of values.
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Gerace, Antonio. "What is the Vulgate? Girolamo Seripando’s notes on the Vulgate." Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 48, no. 2 (September 14, 2019): 440–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890433-04802007.
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Before the issue of the Insuper decree (1546), by means of which the Council Fathers declared the Vulgate to be the ‘authentic’ Bible for Catholic Church, Girolamo Seripando took few notes discussing the need of a threefold Bible, in Latin, Greek and Hebrew, as he stressed in the General Congregation on 3 April 1546. Only Rongy (1927/28), Jedin (1937) and François/Gerace (2018) paid attention to this document, preserved at the National Library in Naples in a manuscript of the 17th century (Ms. Vind. Lat. 66, 123v–127v). In this article, the author offers the very first transcription of these notes together with the analysis of Seripando’s sources, providing a new primary source to early modern historians.
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Beckwith, B. Rachel. "Haverford College’s Thirteenth-Century Hebrew Bible: A Case Study in Manuscript Attribution." Manuscripta 42, no. 1 (March 1998): 30–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.mss.3.1533.
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Gottlieb, Leeor. "Repetition due to Detected Omission." Textus 27, no. 1 (August 28, 2018): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2589255x-02701003.
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AbstractIn this article I shall demonstrate how omission due to homoeoteleuton may actually sometimes result in a longer text. Several variants among textual witnesses of the Hebrew Bible presented in this article are most easily explained, to my mind, as the result of the omission being detected and the missing text being copied into the manuscript from the point the omission was detected. Thus, the text from the point of omission to the point of detection is repeated in the target scroll, the new copy of the text. Recognition of this scribal phenomenon may help elucidate difficult passages.
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Flint, Peter W. "Six Viable Readings from Isaiah 1–39 in the Great Isaiah Scroll (1QIsaa)." Thème 24, no. 2 (July 12, 2018): 219–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050508ar.
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In order to illustrate the contribution of the Great Isaiah Scroll from Qumran (1QIsaa) to textual criticism, this paper presents six viable readings for Isaiah 1–39, i.e. variants that most likely represent the original Hebrew text. In assessing the cases of Isaiah 3 : 24 ; 9 : 16 [English 9 : 17] ; 18 : 7 ; 19 : 18 ; 21 : 8 ; 23 : 10, the author takes into account the textual character of the manuscript, the scribal habits of the copyist, the work of scholars and commentaries on the Book of Isaiah, recent translations of Isaiah, as well as the context and the overall sense of the passage. In all six instances — with the possible exception of Isa 19 : 18 — the reading in 1QIsaa is found to be compelling. These readings and similar ones should therefore be included as part of the main text of Isaiah (not the apparatus) in future editions of the Hebrew Bible, and part of the main text of Isaiah in future translations (not the footnotes).
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Anders, Kristina Ju. "History of the Earliest Russian Old Testament Translation." Slovene 5, no. 1 (2016): 203–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2016.5.1.7.
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This paper introduces a previously unstudied manuscript, “Opyt perevoda vetkhozavetnykh knig [. . .] Mikhailom Fotinskim” (1806). In this article, we analyze the history of this manuscript, the circumstances surrounding the translation, and its purpose; some personal facts about the translator are also reviewed. This source represents the earliest Russian translation of the Old Testament, antedating by more than fifteen years the Russian Bible Society translations. Rev. Mikhail Fotinsky’s translation of five Old Testament books (only two ones in the Genesis) was sent to the Moscow Religious Censorship Committee (Moskovskaia Dukhovnaia tsenzura) in 1806, and the next year, Fotinsky asked the Censorship Committee to allow him to make a translation of the entire Old Testament. However, the censors left the manuscript in their repository, and there was no further development on this project. Contemporaries ignored this translation for several reasons. The first reason might be related to language: Fotinsky’s translation includes many Ukrainian elements. The second reason relates to its literary quality (or lack thereof), as the translation was interlinear and thus not stylistically developed. The manuscript contains many commentaries by Fotinsky, who concentrated on the Hebrew original and Judaic exegesis, trying to show different interpretations that may have occurred as a result of the polysemy of the original text.
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Epstein, Marc Michael. "Miri Rubin. Gentile Tales: The Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999. xiii, 266 pp; Sara Lipton. Images of Intolerance: The Representation of Jews and Judaism in the Bible moralisée. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999. xvi, 241 pp; Ruth Mellinkoff. Antisemitic Hate Signs in Hebrew Illuminated Manuscripts. Jerusalem: Center for Jewish Art, 1999. 158 pp." AJS Review 26, no. 02 (October 2002): 327–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009402000090.
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GRIGORISHIN, Sergey V., and Ekaterina V. NOVOKRESHCHENNYKH. "CODEX B 19A: STAGES OF LEGITIMATION OF THE MASORET BIBLE ANCIENT EXAMPLE." Tyumen State University Herald. Humanities Research. Humanitates 7, no. 1 (2021): 20–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2411-197x-2021-7-1-20-42.
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This article examines the cultural and historical circumstances of the appearance and introduction into the scientific circulation of the oldest manuscript code of the Hebrew Bible — the Leningrad Code B 19A. The authors of the article make an attempt to restore the contextual connections of the Code with Jewish philosophy and biblical textology. The concept of the research is built on the basis of genealogical analysis, which opened up the opportunity to first analyze the stages of legitimation of Codex B 19A that are closest to the present, and then move into the depth of chronology, right up to the moment of creation of the studied text. The result of the study was the identification and explication of internal links between the Codex B 19A, Masoretic schools, Rabbanites, Karaites and, finally, medieval critics of the biblical text. The research methodology is based on the principles of philosophical hermeneutics, the comparative historical approach of the genealogical method as applied to textual criticism. Revealing the cause-and-effect relationship in the legitimization of the Masoretic Bible showed that the need to create a single standard for the sacred text arose already by the middle of the 8th century, the time of the emergence of the Karaite movement. The refusal of the Karaites to submit to the authority of classical rabbinical literature led to a rethinking of the biblical text. Together with the status of the main sacred book, the Bible turned out to be a text around which philological, philosophical and theological discussions became possible. Awareness of the fact that the biblical text has different interpretations led the Rabbanites and Karaites to the conclusion that it was necessary to create a philological standard for the Bible. For this reason, the authority of the Masoretes as specialists in the vocalization of the text, the direct creators of the vocalization system, has sharply increased. The Ben Asher family of Tiberias emerged as the main Masoretic school, and its last representative, Aaron Ben Asher, became the most authoritative Masoretic. Aaron Ben Asher owns the Masorah system introduced in the Aleppo Codex and copied in the Leningrad Codex B 19A. Maimonides was the first among Jewish philosophers to appreciate the textual achievements of Aaron Ben Asher, which significantly raised the authority of the Masoret in rabbinic and Karaite intellectual circles.
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GARCIA MARTINEZ, F. "Alexander SPERBER, The Bible in Aramaic based on old manuscripts and printed texts, Second Impression (Brill Paperbacks), Volume I: The Pentateuch according to Targum Onkelos with a foreword by Robert P. GOR-DON, xxii and 357 pp. ISBN 90 04 09575 6. Volume II: The Former Prophets according to Targum Jonathan, x and 331 pp. ISBN 90 04 09576 4. Volume III: The Latter Prophets according to Targum Jonathan, xi and 505 pp. ISBN 90 04 09577 2. Volume IV A: The Hagiographa. Transition from translation to Midrash, viii and 205 pp. ISBN 90 04 09578 0. Volume IV B: The Targum and the Hebrew Bible, xv and 417 pp. ISBN 90 04 09579. Price Set DF1.475.-. ISBN 90 04 09580 2." Journal for the Study of Judaism 23, no. 2 (1992): 290. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006392x00232.
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Offenberg, Sara. "Sword and Buckler in Masorah Figurata." Acta Periodica Duellatorum 9, no. 1 (June 3, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.36950/apd-2021-001.
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Two manuscripts produced in early fourteenth-century German lands reflect similar iconography of the fighting with Sword and Buckler; one is the well-known fencing manual, Leeds, Royal Armouries, MS I. 33, produced ca. 1320, and the other is a Hebrew manuscript of the Bible, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France héb. 9, made in 1304, that will be the focus of this article. This preliminary research intends to demonstrate how Hebrew illuminated manuscripts can shed more light on the study of fight books iconography.
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Prinsloo, Gert T. M. "Reading Habakkuk 3 in the light of ancient unit delimiters." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 69, no. 1 (January 14, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v69i1.1975.
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Habakkuk 3 is one of the most controversial texts in the Hebrew Bible. Diverging opinions have been expressed on literally every facet of the text. Quite surprising though, interpreters are virtually unanimous in their opinion about the structure of the pericope. Apart from a superscript (3:1) and subscript (3:19b) four units are normally demarcated: a prayer (3:2), a theophany (3:3–7), a hymn (3:8–15) and a confession of trust (3:16–19a). Unit delimiters in ancient Hebrew manuscripts demarcate two (3:1–13 and 3:14–19) or three (3:1–7; 3:8–13; 3:14–19) units. This study evaluates this evidence and reads Habakkuk 3 in the light of the units demarcated in ancient manuscripts. It raises awareness of interesting structural patterns in the poem, calls for a rethinking of traditional form critical categories, and opens avenues for an alternative understanding of the pericope.
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Németh, Michał. "Kürzlich entdeckte karaimische Übersetzungen der Hebräischen Bibel: Geschichte und Textbeziehung." Vetus Testamentum, July 30, 2021, 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-bja10053.
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Abstract Recent research results have substantially broadened our knowledge regarding existing translations of the Hebrew Bible into Karaim. In the past few years numerous Biblical texts have been discovered that are among the oldest texts written in this moribund language. In this paper, the author presents the oldest known Karaim texts as well as recently discovered Karaim translations of the entire Tanakh and attempts to draw some preliminary conclusions on the relationship between them. Namely, the textual and stylistic similarities between Biblical manuscripts created separately in Karaim communities located far from one another in the regions of Crimea, Lithuania, Volhynia, and Galicia (including a considerable number of shared errores significativi) highlight the close affinities between these manuscripts and suggest that a common tradition of Bible translation must have existed among the Karaims. Moreover, the textual complexity and the use of sophisticated translation techniques and literary methods in the oldest known texts suggest that they could have been based on older texts or on a well-established oral translating tradition.
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Higgins, Laura. "Cultural Linguistics and Religion: Human Anatomical Terms in the Holy Bible." UNET JOSS: Journal of Science and Society, June 28, 2021, 55–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.52042/unetjoss010202.
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This study investigates, within the scope of Cultural Linguistics, underlying cultural conceptualisations of human anatomical (body part) terms in the Holy Bible linked to the Christian worldview. It comes as a response to the call for further research on the reciprocal relationship between language and religion from other sub-disciplines. In recent years, the analytical framework of Cultural Linguistics has shown how religious language can embody the specific worldview that lies at the core of the religion through analysis of the language and conceptualisations associated with the religion and its belief systems. This study applies corpus-linguistics and the analytical framework of Cultural Linguistics to unpack cultural metaphors, cultural categories and cultural schemas associated with body part terms in the Bible. This approach, referred to as Corpus-Cultural analysis, was used to collect data and analyse conceptualisations drawn from the original Hebrew and Greek manuscripts, Bible concordance, Bible encyclopedia and dictionary, as well as scripture commentaries. The findings reveal that body part terms in biblical texts play an important role in providing a significant conceptual base for representing the Christian worldview of the specified body parts. For example, the term ‘heart’ is conceptualised as the seat of, emotions, determination or courage, intellect, understanding and conscience in the Bible. In addition, it was found that various conceptualisations derive from several sources, including ancient Hebrew and Greek worldviews, Jewish religion and customs, translation of original text into English, biblical commentaries, and religious literature. Overall, the study concludes that the Corpus-Cultural approach contributes to the in-depth understanding of Holy texts.
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Horsley, Richard A. "Can Study of the Historical Jesus Escape its Typographical Captivity?" Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus, June 28, 2021, 1–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455197-19030001.
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Abstract As part of the deepening diversification of biblical studies, several lines of research are now undermining the print-cultural assumptions on which New Testament studies developed. The first section offers summaries of important inquiries into ancient communications media: the dominant oral communication and the uses of writing; revisionist text-criticism of manuscripts of texts later included in the Hebrew Bible; the oral-written cultivation of their cultural repertoire by Judean scribes; the parallel oral cultivation of Israelite popular tradition; revisionist criticism of Gospel texts; and the learning and oral performance of Gospel texts. These separate but related lines of research are undermining the standard print-cultural assumptions, concepts, and approaches of Jesus studies. The second section explores the implications of these researches that open toward an alternative view of what the sources are, a more comprehensive approach to the historical Jesus appropriate to ancient communications media, and a reconceptualization of Jesus studies.
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Lumingkewas, Marthin Steven, and Firman Panjaitan. "Sidang Ilahi Elohim Dalam Mazmur 82:1." Mitra Sriwijaya: Jurnal Teologi dan Pendidikan Kristen 1, no. 1 (July 10, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.46974/ms.v1i1.5.
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In the Old Testament Yahweh is frequently called El. The question is raised whether Yahweh was a form of the god El from the beginning or whether they were separate deities who only became equated later. They whom uphold theory Yahweh and El were conceived as separate deities holds that Yahweh was a southern storm god from Seir and so on, which was brought by the Israelites and conflated with the Jerusalem patriarchal deity.On the other side there are scholars who hold and conceived Yahweh and El as one single deity. These scholars defend this position most commonly on the grounds that no distinction between the two can be clearly found in the Hebrew Bible. The methodology used in this paper is literary – historical and social interpretations, with the main method being the "diachronic and dialectical theology of Hegel". The simple Hegelian method is: A (thesis) versus B (anti-thesis) equals C (synthesis). The author analyzes (thesis) by collecting instruments related to ancient Semitic religions; it includes data on El and Yahweh assembly obtained from Hebrew text sources and extra-biblical manuscripts which are then processed in depth. The antithesis is to analyze El's assembly development in Israel – especially in Psalm 82. While the synthesis appears in the nuances of the El’s assembly believe in ancient Israel. The focus of this paper's research is to prove 2 things: first, is Psalm 82: 1, is an Israeli Psalm that uses the patterns and forms of the Canaanite Psalms; especially regarding religious systems that use the terminology of the divine council. Second, to prove that El and Yahweh in the context of this Psalm are two different gods, of which this view contradicts several ANET experts such as Michael S, Heisser who sets El and Yahweh in this text as identical gods. The results of this study attempt to prove that Israel and the Canaan contextually share the same religious system, and are seen to be separated in the Deuteronomist era with their Yahwistic reforms.
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Skiles, William. "“The Bearers of Unholy Potential”: Confessing Church Sermons on the Jews and Judaism." Studies in Christian-Jewish Relations 11, no. 1 (August 29, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/scjr.v11i1.9498.
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This article examines the nature and frequency of comments about Jews and Judaism in sermons delivered by Confessing Church pastors in the Nazi dictatorship. The approach of most historians has focused on the history of antisemitism in the German Protestant tradition—in the works, pronouncements, and policies of the German churches and its leading figures. Yet historians have left unexamined the most elemental task of the pastor—that is, preaching from the pulpit to the German people. What would the average German congregant have heard from his pastor about the Jews and Judaism on any given Sunday? I searched German archives, libraries, and used book stores, and analyzed 910 sermon manuscripts that were produced and disseminated in the Nazi regime. I argue that these sermons provide mixed messages about Jews and Judaism. While on the one hand, the sermons express admiration for Judaism as a foundation for Christianity, an insistence on the usage of the Hebrew Bible in the German churches, and the conviction that the Jews are spiritual cousins of Christians. On the other hand, the sermons express religious prejudice in the form of anti-Judaic tropes that corroborated the Nazi ideology that portrayed Jews and Judaism as inferior: for instance, that Judaism is an antiquated religion of works rather than grace; that the Jews killed Christ and have been punished throughout history as a consequence. Furthermore, I demonstrate that Confessing Church pastors commonly expressed anti-Judaic statements in the process of criticizing the Nazi regime, its leadership, and its policies.