Journal articles: 'Hebrew Judaism'

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Kohn, Rachael L. E. "Hebrew Christianity and Messianic Judaism." Religion Today 3, no. 3 (October 1986): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537908608580603.

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Ruppenthal Neto, Willibaldo. "2 Macabeus e os cânones grego, judaico e cristão." Caminhando 24, no. 1 (June 11, 2019): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.15603/2176-3828/caminhando.v24n1p153-165.

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RESUMOO presente artigo visa analisar a relação do livro de 2 Macabeus com os cânones grego (LXX), judaico (Bíblia Hebraica) e cristão (das diversas denominações). Além de se averiguar a relevância do livro para a história do judaísmo, se destaca a relação com os cânones como evidência de sua importância teológica e de sua difusão no contexto helenístico.ABSTRACTThis article aims to analyze the relationship between the book of 2 Maccabees and the Greek (LXX), the Jewish (Hebrew Bible) and the Christian (of the various denominations) canons. In addition, aims to ascertain the relevance of the book to the history of Judaism, showing the relation with the canons as evidence of its theological importance and its diffusion in the Hellenistic context.RESUMENEl presente artículo busca analizar la relación del libro de 2 Macabeos con los cánones griego (LXX), judío (Biblia hebrea) y cristiano (de las diversas denominaciones). Además, busca también averiguar la relevancia del libro para la historia del judaísmo, destacando la relación con los cánones como evidencia de su importancia teológica y de su difusión en el contexto helenístico.

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Walfish, Barry. "Encyclopedia Interrupta, or Gale's Unfinished: the Scandal of the EJ2." Judaica Librarianship 16, no. 1 (December 31, 2011): 195–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.14263/2330-2976.1012.

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Encyclopedias are important reference works. They are meant to summarize the state of knowledge in any given field and convey it to both the layperson and the scholar in a clear, concise manner. For Jews and Judaism, the first major effort in this regard was the Jewish Encyclopedia of 1906, which drew upon the knowledge of a cadre of European and American scholars of the Science of Judaism (Wissenschaft des Judentums). Its successor the German Encyclopaedia Judaica began to appear in 1929 but was interrupted in 1934 by the rise of Nazism. It had only reached the end of the letter L. After the war, efforts resumed which resulted in the production of two major encyclopedias, The Hebrew Encyclopaedia Hebraica (ha-Entsiklopedyah ha-‘Ivrit), completed in 1982, and the English Encyclopaedia Judaica (henceforth EJ1), which first appeared in 1971 followed by a corrected edition in 1972. Both works were published in Israel and are considered to be major achievements. The latter used a lot of material from both its German and Hebrew predecessors.

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Gartenhaus, Solomon. "Judaism, Mathematics, and the Hebrew Calendar (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 22, no. 3 (2004): 138–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2004.0063.

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Wohlberg, Max. "Judaism and Hebrew Prayer (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 12, no. 3 (1994): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.1994.0057.

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Polliack, Meira. "Rethinking Karaism: Between Judaism and Islam." AJS Review 30, no. 1 (April 2006): 67–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009406000031.

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Since the late nineteenth century, scholars have tried to explain Karaism in light of comparative scripturalist trends in the history of religion. These trends manifest a common desire to reinstate the revelational text (i.e., the Hebrew Bible, the Qur'an) as the sole basis for religious law and practice. They deny or considerably delimit, on the other hand, the role of “received tradition” (i.e., Jewish torah she-be‘al peh, Islamic Sunnah) as an independent or complementary source of religious authority and legislation. Consequently, the Karaites’ rejection of Jewish oral law as codified in the Mishnah and Talmud and their attempt to reinstate the Hebrew Bible (in its entirety) as the binding source for Jewish law and religious practice, have often been described as the Jewish variation on the theme of sola scriptura.1

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Silva, Valmor Da, and Severino Celestino da Silva. "The Messiah in Judaism and Christianity." Caminhos 15, no. 2 (December 19, 2017): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/cam.v15i2.6035.

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Abstract: the article presents the different conceptions of Messiah in Judaism and in Christianity. Although present in other cultures and religions, the concept of messianism is defined in the Jewish religion, influenced mainly by contexts of crisis. Even if it is a fundamental concept, it is not always convergent. In the Hebrew Bible several messianisms were developed, with proposals of Messiah king, priest and prophet. The figure of David was fundamental in defining various types of messianism, but it was in the post-exile period or in the second temple that messianic ideas developed. At the beginning of the Christian era, the effervescence of messianic proposals sharpened popular expectations. Candidates for messiahs referred to the models of tradition, especially Moses as liberator, Aaron as priest, David as king and Judas Maccabee as military and politician. Christianity resumes texts and ideas about the Messiah, but changes the interpretation, concentrating it on the person of Jesus of Nazareth, called the Christ, the Anointed or the Messiah. Although Jesus embodies various traits of Jewish messianism, he privileges the image of the poor, servant, suffering, peacemaker, merciful and supportive Messiah in the struggle for justice. Despite the different understandings, Messianism must be a cause of common effort between Jews and Christians for peace and justice in the world. O Messias no Judaísmo e no Cristianismo Resumo: o artigo apresenta diferentes concepções de Messias no Judaísmo e no Cristianismo. Embora presente em outras culturas e religiões, o conceito de messianismo se define na religião judaica, influenciado sobretudo pelos contextos de crise. Mesmo se tratando de um conceito fundamental, ele nem sempre é convergente. Na Bíblia Hebraica, se desenvolveram vários messianismos, com propostas de Messias rei, sacerdote e profeta. A figura de Davi foi fundamental para definir diversos tipos de messianismo, mas foi no período do pós-exílio ou do segundo templo que as ideias messiânicas se desenvolveram. No início da era cristã, a efervescência de propostas messiânicas aguçava as expectativas populares. Candidatos a messias traziam como referência os modelos da tradição, principalmente Moisés como libertador, Aarão como sacerdote, Davi como rei e Judas Macabeu como político e militar. O Cristianismo retoma textos e ideias sobre o Messias, mas muda a interpretação, concentrando-a na pessoa de Jesus de Nazaré, chamado o Cristo, o Ungido ou o Messias. Embora Jesus encarne traços diversos do messianismo judaico, ele privilegia a imagem do Messias pobre, servo, sofredor, pacificador, misericordioso e solidário na luta pela justiça. Apesar das diferentes compreensões, o messianismo deve ser motivo de esforço comum entre judeus e cristãos, em vista da paz e da justiça no mundo.

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Machiela, Daniel A., and Robert Jones. "Was there a Revival of Hebrew during the Hasmonean Period?" Journal of Ancient Judaism 12, no. 2 (June 2, 2021): 217–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-12340022.

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Abstract Since the end of the nineteenth century, many scholars have held that there was a revival of the Hebrew language during the Hasmonean period, associated with a growing nationalistic sentiment under Hasmonean leadership at that time. Other scholars have rejected this idea, opting instead for a revival of the language at different times, or for no revival at all. Though the idea of a national revival of Hebrew has often been used to explain various historical or literary phenomena in early Judaism, serious defenses of this position have been lacking. In this article, we examine much of the relevant literary, epigraphic, and archeological evidence in order to reassess the idea of a revival of Hebrew associated with Hasmonean rule. In light of this evidence, we conclude that such a revival finds strong literary and archaeological support, and may justifiably be assumed by historians of Second Temple period Judaism.

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ABERBACH, DAVID. "Nationalism, Reform Judaism and the Hebrew Prayer Book." Nations and Nationalism 12, no. 1 (January 26, 2006): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2005.00234.x.

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Radford Ruether, Rosemary. "Judaism and Christianity in Earth's Insights." Worldviews: Global Religions, Culture, and Ecology 1, no. 2 (1997): 163–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853597x00083.

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AbstractIn Earth's Insights, Baird Callicott argues that Hebrew scripture, because of its more communal and this-worldly standpoint, is more amenable to environmental ethics than the New Testament. I enumerate other insights from this tradition, portraying a three-way relation in which nature has its own autonomy, as well as reciprocal interrelation with the human and with God.

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Ruether, Rosemary Radford. "Judaism and Christianity in Earth's Insights." Worldviews: Global Religions, Culture, and Ecology 1, no. 1 (1997): 163–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853597x00308.

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AbstractIn Earth's Insights, Baird Callicott argues that Hebrew scripture, because of its more communal and this-worldly standpoint, is more amenable to environmental ethics than the New Testament. I enumerate other insights from this tradition, portraying a three-way relation in which nature has its own autonomy, as well as reciprocal interrelation with the human and with God.

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Glinert, Lewis. "Conceptions of Language and Rhetoric in Ancient and Medieval Judaism." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 22, no. 1 (February 2020): 133–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2020.0414.

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This study explores conceptions of language and rhetoric in ancient and medieval Jewish life and writings which relate to Hebrew, other languages, and language per se, reflecting both ‘religious’ notions and ethnic and national praxis and identity. The main focus in those times was on the language of scripture, but Jews also pondered the purpose of language as a natural, even trivial phenomenon, as a Jewish vernacular, and as an aesthetic or transcendental conduit. Salient themes are Eden, Babel, the evolution of Hebrew and its script, textual hermeneutics, rationalistic and mystical beliefs and praxis, and the comparative merits of Hebrew and rival languages. Alongside Biblical and Rabbinic perspectives, we consider the linguistic values and attitudes of the broader Jewish masses and of sectarians. Surprisingly perhaps, given the centrality to Jewishness of linguistic and rhetorical ideology, much of this was only implicitly expounded.

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Rothenberg, Celia E. "American Metaphysical Judaism." Nova Religio 17, no. 2 (February 2013): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2013.17.2.24.

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American metaphysical Judaism draws on traditional Jewish practices and texts as well as the American metaphysical religious tradition. This article challenges the relegation of American metaphysical Judaism to the category “New Age Judaism” and opens the door to exploring this area of religious expression in its historical and current forms. Drawing on my fieldwork with, and the writings of, rabbi and shaman Gershon Winkler, I offer an ethnographic exploration of Winkler’s life and religious practice as an example of American metaphysical Judaism. Winkler reads Hebrew scriptures through his “shamanic” lens, looking for what he claims has been lost, overlooked or misinterpreted in traditional Jewish interpretations; focuses on healing through manipulation of energy and “flow;” and incorporates (his construction of) Native American religious practice and insight. I argue that metaphysical Judaism should be understood as a product of American values, metaphysical spirituality and Jewish history and thought.

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Asscher, Omri. "Israel for American Eyes: Literature on the Move, and the Mediated Repertoire of American Jewish Identity, 1960–1980." AJS Review 42, no. 1 (April 2018): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009418000041.

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The translation and mediation of literature can play an important role in the ideologically charged transfer of ideas between cultures. This paper approaches the English translation of Hebrew literature as a subtle form of cultural appropriation, whereby agents such as literary critics, scholars, editors, and translators mediated Israeli notions and narratives into Jewish American literary discourse. The article discusses forms of mediation of Hebrew literature in the 1960s and 1970s that promoted a more progressive, yet less secular, notion of Judaism than that depicted in the source works, and subdued an antidiasporic view of Jewish identity. It shows how high moral standards were represented as an inherent feature of Judaism, and Israeli society was portrayed in a more positive moral light than in the sometimes self-critical source texts. American Jewish readership was thus introduced to a notion of Judaism that the agents assumed would be “easier to stomach” than that of the source literary works, and could serve to reinforce some of the tenets of contemporary American Jewish identity.

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Veltri, Giuseppe. "Academic Debates on the Jews in Wittenberg: The Protestant Literature on Rituals, the Dissertationes and the Writings of the Hebraists Theodor Dassow and Andreas Sennert." European Journal of Jewish Studies 6, no. 1 (2012): 123–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247112x637588.

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Abstract Of not little interest is a phenomenon which touched upon Protestant academies in the seventeenth–eighteenth century and their teaching and research: the Protestant academic interest in Hebrew and Jewish studies as shown by the dissertationes, the typical academic place to be taken as indicator of the main stream and major trends of this era. We have a huge number of still unexplored dissertations on Jews, Judaism and Hebrew languages in university archives, a window onto the perception of Judaism and reelaboration of Jewish sources for university students, university teaching, and candidates for positions in Christian society. The article focuses on the Wittenberg dissertations in Jewish studies and about all on the archive of the professors Theodor Dassow and Andreas Sennert. A list of the archive of Sennert has been added as appendix.

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Davis, Stacy. "Unapologetic Apologetics: Julius Wellhausen, Anti-Judaism, and Hebrew Bible Scholarship." Religions 12, no. 8 (July 21, 2021): 560. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080560.

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Julius Wellhausen (1844–1918) is in many ways the ancestor of modern Hebrew Bible scholarship. His Prolegomena to the History of Israel condensed decades of source critical work on the Torah into a documentary hypothesis that is still taught today in almost all Hebrew Bible courses in some form. What is not taught as frequently is the anti-Judaism that underpins his hypothesis. This is in part due to unapologetic apologetics regarding Wellhausen’s bias, combined with the insistence that a nineteenth-century scholar cannot be judged by twenty-first century standards. These calls for compassion are made exclusively by white male scholars, leaving Jewish scholars the solitary task of pointing out Wellhausen’s clear anti-Judaism. In a discipline that is already overwhelmingly white, male and Christian, the minimizing of Wellhausen’s racism suggests two things. First, those who may criticize contextual biblical studies done by women and scholars of color have no problem pleading for a contextual understanding of Wellhausen while downplaying the growing anti-Judaism and nationalism that was a part of nineteenth-century Germany. Second, recent calls for inclusion in the Society of Biblical Literature may be well intentioned but ultimately useless if the guild cannot simply call one of its most brilliant founders the biased man that he was.

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Glasson, T. Francis. "2 Corinthians v. 1–10 versus Platonism." Scottish Journal of Theology 43, no. 2 (May 1990): 145–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600032464.

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This passage has aroused much debate about the possibility that Paul is here using Greek rather than Hebrew concepts. Some, like W. L. Knox, have contended that in order to appeal to Hellenistic hearers, the apostle, after his alleged failure at Athens, realised that he must move away from Hebrew categories. (Cf the chapter ‘The Failure of Eschatology’ in St Paul and the Church of the Gentiles.) Others maintain that Paul's language and concepts in this passage can all be explained from his Hebrew background; e.g. W. D. Davies in Paul and Rabbinic Judaism, ch. 10).

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Van De Water, Rick. "Early Rabbinic Judaism and the Danger in Ezekiel 1." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 20, no. 2 (August 3, 2017): 168–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341326.

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Rabbinic tradition indicates a revision of the text of the Book of Ezekiel in the first century ce and suggests the rationale behind it. Hanania ben Hezeqiah is said to have “harmonized” Ezekiel with the Torah shortly before the first Jewish revolt, to save the book from suppression by the rabbis. Hasty redaction, followed by immediate standardization, offers the best explanation for the atrocious grammar, orthography, and syntax of the received Hebrew text, along with the plethora of words and expressions common to post-biblical Hebrew. The goal of Hanania’s project was to discourage the conflation of the enthroned figure in Ezek. 1 with the “one like a son of man” in Dan. 7:13 and thus combat the “two Powers heresy.” His project is related to the outburst of speculation on the throne of yhwh and the merkabah in the mid-first century ce

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Perrin, Andrew B. "From lingua franca to lingua sacra: The Scripturalization of Tobit in 4QTobe." Vetus Testamentum 66, no. 1 (January 21, 2016): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12301228.

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In light of the growing consensus that the book of Tobit was originally penned in Aramaic, the fragmentary Hebrew copy 4QTobe is a singularly unique literary artifact of Second Temple Judaism. While a cluster of other Aramaic works were read and received as authoritative literature by at least some Jews at this time (e.g., Daniel 2-7, the booklets of 1 Enoch, and Aramaic Levi Document), Tobit alone was translated from the common language of the ancient Near East into the traditional Israelite mother tongue. This study explores how the shift from Aramaic to Hebrew should inform our conception of the status and reception of Tobit in ancient Judaism. By virtue of the new linguistic overlay given to 4QTobe, this manuscript should be considered a literary edition in its own right, with an ostensibly higher level or different degree of authority than its Aramaic language counterparts.

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Tzoreff, Avi-ram. "Reading the Arabian Nights in Modern Hebrew Literature: Judaism, Arabness and the City." Philological Encounters 5, no. 2 (June 16, 2020): 223–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-bja10006.

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Abstract The discourse about the Arabian Nights illustrates the ways through which hegemonic poetic and literary discourses crystallized themselves, while developing a set of distinctions as a yardstick for the estimation of literary works, as well as the connections between these various distinctions—namely ‘realistic’ and ‘fantastic’, East and West, and oral storytelling and folklore versus written literature. This article focuses on the discourse about the Arabian Nights in the field of modern Hebrew literature. In turning towards the collection, discussing it and translating some of its sections, the various characters who dealt with it expressed and promoted a cultural and political narrative which saw cultural affinities as a potential basis for broader political cooperation between Arabs and Jews. I will argue, however, that the discourse about the collection illustrates a process of modern Hebrew literature adopting a definition of itself as European and secular literature. I will also argue that the discourse on the Arabian Nights reveals the various directions taken by those who resisted the construal of modern Hebrew literature as a vector in the European- secular tradition. These counter-hegemonic assertions particularly took the form of arguments that the collection was a multifaceted cultural treasure that includes Hebrew layers, or, alternatively, representing it as a model of a modern literary genre, the city-centered anthology.

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Galron-Goldschlager, Joseph. "Library of Congress Subject Headings in Jewish Studies: Recent Changes (1992-1994)." Judaica Librarianship 8, no. 1 (September 1, 1994): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14263/2330-2976.1234.

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The following subject headings of interest to Judaica and Hebraica librarians were culled from Library of Congress Weekly Lists nos. 21–51 (1992) (May 20, 1992–December 16, 1992), 1–51 (1993) (December 30, 1992–December 15, 1993), and 1–5 (1994) (January 5, 1994–February 2, 1994). This list continues my earlier one, published in Judaica Librarianship, vol. 7, no. 1–2 (Spring 1992–Winter 1993), pp. 72–78. This list is also an update of my 4th edition of Library of Congress Subject Headings in Jewish Studies (New York: Association of Jewish Libraries, 1993). The term "Jewish Studies" is defined broadly and includes Old and New Testament studies, rabbinical literature , Hebrew and other Jewish languages, Hebrew and other Jewish literatures, Jewish history (including history of the Jews in the Diaspora), Israeli history (including current events in the Land of Israel), geography of the Land of Israel, history of the early Near East (Assyria, Babylonia, etc.), and more. The list also includes headings that may be subdivided with the Religious aspects-Judaism subdivision and with the Religious aspects subdivision that may not be subdivided further.

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Berkowitz, Beth. "Animal Studies and Ancient Judaism." Currents in Biblical Research 18, no. 1 (August 30, 2019): 80–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x19870386.

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Animal studies has its origins in philosophy but extends to all fields of the humanities, especially literature, history, and anthropology. The central concern of animal studies is how human beings perceive other species and themselves as one among them. Animal studies in ancient Judaism has generally not been undertaken in a critical mode, with notable and increasing exceptions. This article covers work from the past decade (2009–2019) that deals centrally with animals, from ancient Israel to late antiquity, spanning the Hebrew Bible, apocrypha and pseudepigrapha, library of Qumran, rabbinic literature, and material culture. Topics addressed are animal sacrifice and consumption; literary depictions of animals; studies of individual animal species; archaeology and art featuring animals; animal ethics, theology, and law; and critical theoretical approaches to species difference. The conclusion considers future directions for animal studies in ancient Judaism.

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Ulmer, Rivka. "The Egyptian Gods in Midrashic Texts." Harvard Theological Review 103, no. 2 (April 2010): 181–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816010000544.

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The engagement with Egypt and the Egyptian gods that transpired in the Hebrew Bible continued into the texts produced by rabbinic Judaism. Rabbinic texts of late antiquity and the early medieval period frequently presented images of Egypt and its religion. One of the critical objectives of these portrayals of Egypt was to set boundaries of Jewish identity by presenting rabbinic Judaism in opposition to Egyptian culture. The Egyptian cultural icons in rabbinic texts also demonstrate that the rabbis were aware of cultures other than their own.1 The presence of Egyptian elements in midrash had previously been noted to a very limited extent by scholars of the Wissenschaft des Judentums (the science of Judaism), and it has not escaped the attention of more recent scholarship.

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Magid, Shaul. "Loving Judaism through Christianity." Common Knowledge 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 88–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-7899599.

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This contribution to the Common Knowledge symposium on xenophilia examines the life choices of two Jews who loved Christianity. Elijah Zvi Soloveitchik, born into an ultra-Orthodox, nineteenth-century rabbinic dynasty in Lithuania, spent much of his life writing a Hebrew commentary on the Gospels in order to document and argue for the symmetry or symbiosis that he perceived between Judaism and Christianity. Oswald Rufeisen, from a twentieth-century secular Zionist background in Poland, converted to Catholicism during World War II, became a monk, and attempted to immigrate to Israel as a Jew in 1958. Rufeisen, while permitted to move to Israel to join a Carmelite monastery in Haifa, was denied the right to immediate citizenship of Israel which the Law of Return guarantees to all bona fide Jews. And this particular Soloveitchik has largely been forgotten, given the limits of Jewish interest in the New Testament and of Christian attention to rabbinic literature. This article explores the complex and vexing questions that the careers of these two men raise about the elusive distinctions between Judaism and Christianity, on the one hand, and, on the other, between the Jewish religion and Jewish national identity.

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Zaretsky, Eli. "The Place of Psychoanalysis in the History of the Jews." Psychoanalysis and History 8, no. 2 (July 2006): 235–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/pah.2006.8.2.235.

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Situating psychoanalysis in the context of Jewish history, this paper takes up Freud's famous 1930 question: what is left in Judaism after one has abandoned faith in God, the Hebrew language and nationalism, and his answer: a great deal, perhaps the very essence, but an essence that we do not know. On the one hand, it argues that ‘not knowing’ connects psychoanalysis to Judaism's ancestral preoccupation with God, a preoccupation different from that of the more philosophical Greek, Latin and Christian traditions of theology. On the other hand, ‘not knowing‘ connects psychoanalysis to a post-Enlightenment conception of the person (i.e. of personal life), as opposed to the more abstract notion of the subject associated with Kant.

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Afsai, Shai. "Benjamin Franklin’s Influence on Mussar Thought and Practice: a Chronicle of Misapprehension." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 22, no. 2 (September 16, 2019): 228–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341359.

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Abstract Benjamin Franklin’s ideas and writings may be said to have had an impact on Jewish thought and practice. This influence occurred posthumously, primarily through his Autobiography and by way of Rabbi Menachem Mendel Lefin’s Sefer Cheshbon ha-Nefesh (Book of Spiritual Accounting, 1808), which introduced Franklin’s method for moral perfection to a Hebrew-reading Jewish audience. This historical development has confused Judaic scholars, and Franklin specialists have been largely oblivious to it. Remedying the record on this matter illustrates how even within the presumably insular world of Eastern European rabbinic Judaism—far from the deism of the trans-Atlantic Enlightenment—pre-Reform, pre-Conservative Jewish religion was affected by broader currents of thought.

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NUMARK, MITCH. "Hebrew School in Nineteenth-Century Bombay: Protestant Missionaries, Cochin Jews, and the Hebraization of India's Bene Israel Community." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 6 (March 12, 2012): 1764–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000121.

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AbstractThis paper is a study of cultural interaction and diffusion in colonial Bombay. Focusing on Hebrew language instruction, it examines the encounter between India's little-known Bene Israel Jewish community and Protestant missionaries. Whilst eighteenth and nineteenth-century Cochin Jews were responsible for teaching the Bene Israel Jewish liturgy and forms of worship, the Bene Israel acquired Hebrew and Biblical knowledge primarily from nineteenth-century Protestant missionaries. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the Bene Israel community was a Konkan jati with limited knowledge of Judaism. However, by the end of the century the community had become an Indian-Jewish community roughly analogous to other Jewish communities. This paper explores how this transformation occurred, detailing the content, motivation, and means by which British and American missionaries and, to a lesser extent, Cochin Jews instructed the Bene Israel in Jewish knowledge. Through a critical examination of neglected English and Marathi sources, it reconstructs the Bene Israel perspective in these encounters and their attitude towards the Christian missionaries who laboured amongst them. It demonstrates that the Bene Israel were active participants and selective consumers in their interaction with the missionaries, taking what they wanted most from the encounter: knowledge of the Old Testament and the Hebrew language. Ultimately, the instruction the Bene Israel received from Protestant missionaries did not convert them to Christianity but strengthened and transformed their Judaism.

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Debel, Hans. "Greek “Variant Literary Editions” to the Hebrew Bible?" Journal for the Study of Judaism 41, no. 2 (2010): 161–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006310x488025.

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AbstractThe full publication of the scrolls from the Judaean Desert has given impetus to reflections on the history and development of the biblical text during the period of Second Temple Judaism. This study critically reviews the major contributions to the debate and finally makes a plea to extent Ulrich’s hermeneutical model to some Septuagint texts that are usually not included among his “variant literary editions.” Its major arguments in this regard are that these texts witness to the same dynamic process of the organic development of Scripture, and that relegating them to the interpretational tradition merely because they are not written in Hebrew reveals an unwarranted bias towards the Masoretic Text.

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Zahn, Molly M. "Introduction: Perspectives on Editing in the Hebrew Bible and Ancient Judaism." Hebrew Bible and Ancient Israel 3, no. 3 (2014): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/219222714814389377.

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NEWSOM. "Models of the Moral Self: Hebrew Bible and Second Temple Judaism." Journal of Biblical Literature 131, no. 1 (2012): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/23488209.

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Frerichs, Ernest S. "The Torah Canon of Judaism and the Interpretation of Hebrew Scripture." Horizons in Biblical Theology 9, no. 1 (1987): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187122087x00031.

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Lasker, Daniel J. "Jewish-Christian Polemics at the Turning Point: Jewish Evidence from the Twelfth Century." Harvard Theological Review 89, no. 2 (April 1996): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000031965.

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In 1968 Amos Funkenstein published an article in Hebrew entitled “Changes in the Patterns of Christian Anti-Jewish Polemics in the 12th Century.” In that article, Funkenstein argues that Christian attitudes toward Jews underwent a change in the twelfth century, a change discernable in the Christian polemical literature of the period. In contrast to the previous Christian strategy of polemicizing against Judaism through a battery of prooftexts, ortestimonia, the innovative polemics introduced three important elements—the recourse to reason, the attack on the Talmud, and the use of the Talmud to prove the truth of Christianity. These innovations signaled the beginning of the end of the relative Christian tolerance of Jews and Judaism inspired by the writings of Augustine.

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Alexander, Philip S. "The Aramaic Bible in the East." Aramaic Studies 17, no. 1 (May 24, 2019): 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01701001.

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Abstract This article challenges the assumption that insofar as the Jewish communities of Babylonia were a ‘people of the book’, their book was a Hebrew Bible. Functionally the Bible that most people would have known was the Aramaic Targum of Onqelos and Jonathan. The Bible’s content—its law, narrative, and prophecy—was culturally mediated through Aramaic. Even in Rabbinic communities, where some had competence in Hebrew that gave them ready access to the original, the lack of formal and systematic study of Miqra may have made the Targum the tradition of first resort for understanding the Hebrew. The situation in the Aramaic-speaking east may not, then, have been all that different from the west, where a Greek Bible shaped the religious identity of the Greek-speaking Jewish communities. This essay is offered as a contribution to the neglected study of the role of Bible translation in the history of Judaism.

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Duda, Sebastian. "Prawo w etosie starego i nowego testamentu." Etyka 29 (December 1, 1996): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14394/etyka.633.

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The article talks of an evolution of a Biblical notion of Law. The author shows the way, the meaning of the Hebrew term “Torah” was transformed throughout the Pentateuch, in the prophetic tradition and in the wisdom books. He puts into analysis the relationship between the Judaism as a religious formation and the Law as a code. The Law included basic regulations to the moral, religious and political life of Israel.

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Spolsky, Bernard. "Multilingualism in Israel." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 17 (March 1997): 138–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190500003317.

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Israel's geographical position as a land bridge connecting Europe, Asia, and Africa, its resulting long history of conquest and reconquest, and its status as the point of focus of four major world religions (the birthplace of Judaism and Christianity, and significant to Islam and Baha'i), all assure it a long tradition of complex and ever-changing multilingualism. By the beginning of the Common Era two thousand years ago, a pattern of triglossia had emerged, with Hebrew, Judeo-Aramaic, and Greek all playing meaningful roles (Spolsky 1983). This model of language organization became the norm for the Jewish people during most of their dispersion, with separate defined functions for three languages. Hebrew (actually Hebrew and Talmudic Aramaic) was used for religious and literacy purposes; a Jewish language like Yiddish, Judeo-French, Ladino, or Judeo-Arabic was used for most other community and home functions (Rabin 1981); and one or more “co-territorial vernaculars” was used for communication with non-Jews (Weinreich 1980).

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Lasensky, Scott, Ilan Peleg, Ned Lazarus, Don Seeman, and Assaf Zimring. "Book Reviews." Israel Studies Review 34, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 154–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2019.340109.

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Michael Brenner, In Search of Israel: The History of an Idea (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2018), 392 pp. Hardback, $22.50.Keren Or Schlesinger, Gadi Algazi, and Yaron Ezrahi, eds., Israel/ Palestine: Scholarly Tributes to the Legacy of Baruch Kimmerling [in Hebrew] (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 2017), 525 pp. Paperback, $39.00.Omer Zanany, From Managing Conflict to Managing a Political Settlement: Israeli Security Doctrine and the Prospective Palestinian State [in Hebrew] (Tel Aviv: Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research and Molad: The Center for Democratic Renewal, 2018), 99 pp.David Ohana, Nationalizing Judaism: Zionism as a Theological Ideology (New York: Lexington Books, 2017), 224 pp. eBook, $64.40.Arie Krampf, The Israeli Path to Neoliberalism: The State, Continuity and Change (London: Routledge, 2018), 254 pp. Hardback, $145.00. eBook, $54.95.

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Thiselton, Anthony C. "Wisdom in the Jewish and Christian Scriptures: The Hebrew Bible and Judaism." Theology 114, no. 3 (March 24, 2011): 163–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x10395465.

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Zarutsky, Anton. "Sectarian, Missionary, Philanthropist: Microhistory of the Orenburg Sabbaterian Pyotr Maklakov." State Religion and Church in Russia and Worldwide 38, no. 3 (2020): 223–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-7203-2020-38-3-223-236.

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Drawing upon materials from the State Archive of the Orenburg Region, the article reconstructs the biography, religious views and practices of the peasant Pyotr Maklakov, who “dropped out of Orthodoxy into the Sabbaterian sect” and actively propagated “the Jewish faith” among the inhabitants of the Orenburg district in the late 19th — early 20th centuries. Particular attention is paid to the reasons for such “deviation” (conversion) to Judaizers, the methods of spreading Judaism among the peasants, discussions between the followers of the Sabbaterian sect and Christian Orthodoxy, the circumstances of bringing the sectarian to legal responsibility. The author traces the evolution of religious practices of Pyotr Maklakov and his inner circle. Since he was twice prosecuted by secular and ecclesiastical authorities with an interval of ten years, the archival documents reflect the gradual transition of the sectarian from a “Jewish faith,” spontaneously reconstructed from Christian sources, to Orthodox Judaism with its normative practices and prayer in Hebrew according to Siddur. The author also shows a contradictory combination of normative Jewish practices with active missionary activity unusual for rabbinical Judaism.

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أحمد, محمّد عليّ حسين, and رانيا روحي محمود كامل. "الخصائص اللغويّة لمقدّمة شرح موسى بن ميمون على المشنا." Al-Abhath 67, no. 1 (March 29, 2019): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18115586-67010006.

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This study sheds light on the Arabic introduction of Maimonides (1135-1204) to his commentary on the Mishnā, one of the most sacred texts in Judaism after the Torah. Maimonides wrote a detailed interpretation to the Mishnā in Arabic with Hebrew script, known as Judaeo-Arabic. The study discusses the most significant linguistic features of the Arabic used by Maimonides in his introduction to his commentary on the Mishnā, based on orthographic, phonetic, syntactic and lexical analysis.

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Landy, Francis. "Why I am Such a Good Christian: Comments on Gil Anidjar, Blood: A Critique of Christianity." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 31, no. 3 (June 25, 2019): 281–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341451.

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AbstractGil Anidjar begins his immensely ambitious bookBloodwith a strange statement/question “Why I am Such a Good Christian.” I begin by examining this question for its implications for cultural hybridity, for myself as well as for Anidjar, through the lens of Anidjar’s concluding discussion of Freud’sMoses and Monotheism. On the way I critically explore Anidjar’s insistence that blood is not a signifier of kinship or ancestry in the Hebrew Bible or in Judaism, and argue that both are in fact much more complex. I suggest also that Christianity has other elements than blood, such as the bread of the Eucharist, and that Anidjar devotes little attention to the differences between Protestant and Catholic Christianity. I conclude by reverting to Freud’s account of an experience of innocence inThe Interpretation of Dreams, as indicative of Freud’s ambivalent position between Judaism and Christianity.

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Kalimi, Isaac. "Models for Jewish Bible Theologies." Horizons In Biblical Theology 39, no. 2 (October 17, 2017): 107–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712207-12341350.

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Abstract Against continuing attempts to define “Old Testament theology” or “biblical theology” in exclusively Christian terms, and in light of ongoing methodological diversity and confusion between proponents of Jewish biblical theology, this article suggests three models for the latter. The first one investigates the theologies of the different parts of the Hebrew Bible on their own, diachronically, without interference from later theology or practice. The second one focuses synchronically on the form of the Hebrew Bible as canonized, and is as objective as this basic biblical text allows. The third one is explicitly subjective and confessional, reading the Hebrew Bible in relation to the larger canon of Judaism, that is, the Oral Torah (= talmudic and midrashic literature). All three models have a legitimate place in the construction of a genuinely Jewish biblical theology, but they must not be confused. They all begin with different presuppositions and pursue different goals, but when properly distinguished, they can also complement one another, each exploring different aspects of the theology of the Jewish Bible.

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Weissler, Chava. "The Religion of Traditional Ashkenazic Women: Some Methodological Issues." AJS Review 12, no. 1 (1987): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400001860.

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What does it mean to study women's religion? How are we to define our subject matter? How are we to understand the relationship of the history of women's religious life and practice to the history of particular religious traditions? I shall explore these questions within the context of a very specific topic: the religious life of Ashkenazic (Central and Eastern European) Jewish women in the late seventeenth, eighteenth, and early nineteenth centuries, as seen through the popular religious literature of the period. This literature, which was addressed primarily to women, was in Yiddish, the vernacular of Ashkenazic Jews, rather than in Hebrew, the sacred language, understood almost exclusively by men. My thinking about the different approaches one could take to this material, and the different uses to which it could be put, was stimulated by a lecture given by Joan Scott on the study of women's history. Using a framework of analysis suggested in part by Scott's work, I will distinguish between three general approaches to the study of women's religion: (1) those that add an account of women's religious lives to an already existing history of Judaism; (2) those that consider women's Judaism within the framework of other groups usually omitted from the history of Judaism; and (3) those that seek to transform our understanding of Judaism through the incorporation of the perspective gained from the study of women's religion.

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Ruderman, Ella. "Library of Congress Classification for Judaica: Recent Changes (1993-1994)." Judaica Librarianship 9, no. 1 (December 31, 1995): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.14263/2330-2976.1189.

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The additions and changes to the Library of Congress Classification made from April 1993 to December 1994 and which are relevant for Judaica libraries are covered in this column. Most of the changes come under classes BM (Judaism), BS (Bible), DS (History of Asia) and PJ (Oriental philology and literature). Of major significance are the following changes: (1) Class number DS110 (Israeli regions, towns, etc., A–Z) was expanded with an extensive list of new cutters. (2) The scope of class number PJ5054 was limited to Hebrew authors who published between 1946 and 1990, and a new class number, PJ5055—with a sophisticated breakdown—was introduced for authors who published since 1991. (3) The part of class number Z7772 dealing with Bibliographies on Parts of the Old Testament was divided into two sections: Groups of O. T. Books and Individual O. T. Books; each section was in turn expanded with numerous cutters.

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Wasserstrom, Steven M. "Judaism and Hebrew Prayer: New Perspectives on Jewish Liturgical History. Stefan C. Reif." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 58, no. 2 (April 1999): 141–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/468699.

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Sheres, Ita. "Review: Dinah’s Daughters: Gender and Judaism from the Hebrew Bible to Late Antiquity." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 73, no. 3 (September 1, 2005): 955–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfi108.

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Freund, Richard A. "Judaism and Hebrew Prayer: New Perspectives on Jewish Liturgical History (review)." Hebrew Studies 36, no. 1 (1995): 227–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hbr.1995.0048.

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Ben-Sasson, Hillel. "Representation and Presence: Divine Names in Judaism and Islam." Harvard Theological Review 114, no. 2 (April 2021): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816021000158.

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AbstractDivine names are linguistic objects that underlie the grammar of religious language. They serve as both representations and presentations of the divine. As representations, divine names carry information pertaining to God’s nature or actions, and his unique will, in a manner that adequately represents him. As presentations, divine names are believed to somehow effect divine presence in proximity to the believer, opening a path of direct connection to God. This paper seeks to analyze the interaction between presentation and representation concerning divine names in major trends within Judaism and Islam, from the Hebrew Bible and the Qur’an to medieval theological debates. It aims to demonstrate how central currents within both traditions shaped the intricate relation between divine presentation and representation through the prism of divine names. Whereas positions in philosophy of language focus on either the representational or the presentational functions of proper names, Jewish and Islamic theologies suggest ways to combine the two functions with regard to divine names.

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Kurtz, Paul Michael. "Is Kant among the Prophets? Hebrew Prophecy and German Historical Thought, 1880–1920." Central European History 54, no. 1 (March 2021): 34–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000485.

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AbstractThis article examines the interpretation of Hebrew prophecy by German Protestant scholars in the era of 1880–1920. It argues, first, that Old Testament interpreters valued the prophets since they presented God as the guiding force behind human history and, second, that these theologians cum philologians saw the prophetic conception of history as anticipating their own understanding of God in the world. The inquiry bases this argument on a reading of numerous exegetes, both leading lights and forgotten figures. Moreover, it traces this interpretative tendency across a range of sources, including specialist studies, theological monthlies, political and literary journals, popular works, public speeches, and pedagogical literature. Rather than leave the prophets in the past, these exegetes also ushered them into the present, employing their historical teachings to shore up the Christian faith. In doing so, they identified Hebrew prophecy with German Protestantism and in contrast to Judaism.

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Erlewine, Robert. "Reclaiming the Prophets: Cohen, Heschel, and Crossing the Theocentric/Neo-Humanist Divide." Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 17, no. 2 (2009): 177–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/105369909x12506863090477.

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AbstractIn this essay, I examine Hermann Cohen's and Abraham Joshua Heschel's respective accounts of the classical prophets of the Hebrew Bible, which contend with the Protestant biblical criticism of their day. Their accounts of the prophets are of central significance for their philosophies of Judaism, which mirror and oppose each other. This Auseinandersetzung addresses the often neglected topic of Jewish responses to German-Protestant biblical criticism and stresses the cogency of Heschel's thought. Additionally, examining Cohen and Heschel together problematizes the polarization between theocentrism and neo-humanism currently dominating the landscape of modern Jewish thought.

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Schumann, Andrew. "Physarum Polycephalum Syllogistic L-Systems and Judaic Roots of Unconventional Computing." Studies in Logic, Grammar and Rhetoric 44, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 181–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/slgr-2016-0011.

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Abstract We show that in Kabbalah, the esoteric teaching of Judaism, there were developed ideas of unconventional automata in which operations over characters of the Hebrew alphabet can simulate all real processes producing appropriate strings in accordance with some algorithms. These ideas may be used now in a syllogistic extension of Lindenmayer systems (L-systems), where we deal also with strings in the Kabbalistic-Leibnizean meaning. This extension is illustrated by the behavior of Physarum polycephalum plasmodia which can implement, first, the Aristotelian syllogistic and, second, a Talmudic syllogistic by qal wa-homer.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Hebrew Judaism'

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