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Journal articles on the topic 'Hebrew philosophy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 July 2025

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1

Abdalameer Nayyef Al- HUDEEB, Faeza. "THE IMPACT OF ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY ON JEWISH PHILOSOPHY MUSA BIN MAIMON (MODEL)." International Journal of Education and Language Studies 04, no. 01 (2023): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2791-9323.1-4.2.

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Arab culture influenced Jewish intellectual life in all its aspects. It affected Hebrew literature, Arabic grammar, modern Hebrew poetry and modern Hebrew prose, but the most influential was in the field of Jewish philosophical thought. Islamic Spain was influenced by various philosophical and religious fields, and Islamic thought began to be evident in Jewish philosophical thought. A number of thinkers appeared in Spain, among them: Ibn Asra, Ibn Arabi, and Ibn Rushd, and they were credited with mixing philosophy with religion. The works of Ibn Rushd and Maimonides are the ideal picture of th

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Lim, Timothy. "The Philosophy of Hebrew Scripture." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 14, no. 2 (2015): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2015.1010336.

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Gericke, Jaco. "IS THERE PHILOSOPHY IN THE HEBREW BIBLE? SOME RECENT AFFIRMATIVE PERSPECTIVES." Journal for Semitics 23, no. 2 (2017): 583–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/3507.

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This article discusses a selection of the most recent examples from both biblical scholarship and Jewish philosophy of the construction of the Hebrew Bible as a philosophical resource. By way of a descriptive overview of the relevant ideas in the writings of exemplars such as Davies, Hazony, Gericke, Glouberman and Sekine, the study reveals a neglected albeit radical trend in the contemporary attempted return of philosophy to Hebrew Bible interpretation and vice-versa. These new developments are labelled â€œphilosophical maximalismâ€, involving as they do the classification of the entire corp

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4

Freudenthal, Gad, and Aaron P. Johnson. "A NEW PORPHYRY FRAGMENT?" Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (2020): 410–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000282.

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The days, not so far back, in which Arabic philosophical works were skimmed essentially with a view of ‘uncovering’ lost gems of Greek philosophy are fortunately behind us. Today these works are studied on their own, as essential building blocks of the history of philosophy. None the less, medieval philosophic works in Arabic continue to allow significant new discoveries concerning the history of Greek philosophy. The same holds, naturally enough, of medieval Hebrew works written by Jewish scholars who lived under the Crescent and accessed Arabic sources.

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Wiederkehr-Pollack, Gloria. "Hebraic Influences in The Life of Lazario de Termes." World Journal of Education and Humanities 6, no. 1 (2024): p101. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjeh.v6n1p101.

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The focus of this article is the impact of the Hebrew language with its literature, philosophy, biblical exegesis, and history on the sixteenth century anonymous author of The Life of Lasiloo de Termes. I assumed the task of investigating the Jewish cultural heritage embedded in this work, as my studies in Hebrew Language and Literature could contribute towards a fuller comprehension of this masterpiece. And indeed, in addition to linguistic and biblical associations, I have detected influences that appear inspired by the monumental works of medieval Jewish Spanish theologians and philosopher

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6

Johnson, Dru. "An Introduction to the Problem of Hebraic Philosophical Style." Philosophia Christi 26, no. 2 (2024): 237–46. https://doi.org/10.5840/pc202426219.

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The philosophy origins story often begins in the sixth century, in Greece, and in the mind. Biblical Philosophy: A Hebraic Approach to the Old and New Testaments reassesses that story to justify new side-by-side comparisons between Hellenic and Hebraic philosophical styles. The Hebrew Bible represents a sophisticated philosophical method worthy of putting in league with the Aegean traditions that developed centuries later. In this analysis, the Hebrew philosophical style starts in Asia, in the Iron Age, and in the social body of Israel. As Christian philosophers, the touchpoint for the Christi

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Gericke, Jaco. "PHILOSOPHICAL PERSPECTIVES ON THEOLOGICAL WHY-QUESTIONS IN THE HEBREW BIBLE." Journal for Semitics 24, no. 1 (2017): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/3436.

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This article provides an introductory overview of a selection of philosophical perspectives on theological why-questions in the Hebrew Bible. Why-questions put to Yhwh in all the various sections of the canon are clarified philosophically via ancient views on causation, the Principle of Sufficient Reason, and the philosophy of language. Comparative philosophy of religion is also utilized to argue that while most theological why-questions in the Hebrew Bible are asked in the context of suffering, assumptions related to the deity differ from those of modern philosophical theologies.

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8

Freudenthal, Gad, and Resianne Fontaine. "PHILOSOPHY AND MEDICINE IN JEWISH PROVENCE, ANNO 1199: SAMUEL IBN TIBBON AND DOEG THE EDOMITE TRANSLATING GALEN'S TEGNI." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 26, no. 1 (2016): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423915000090.

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AbstractGalen's Technê iatrikê (Tegni, for short) was translated into Hebrew three times. The first two translations were executed in the Midi, around the year 1199: once from Constantine the African's Latin version, by an anonymous physician who used the pseudonym “Doeg the Edomite”; and a second time from Arabic, by Samuel Ibn Tibbon in Béziers, using as his Vorlage Ḥunayn Ibn Isḥāq's Arabic version (al-Ṣināʿa al-saġīra), accompanied by ʿAlī Ibn Riḍwān's commentary. (Samuel Ibn Tibbon's authorship of this translation has been called into doubt, but is reestablished in a paper by Gad Freudent

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Steenbakkers, Piet. "Johannes Braun (1628-1708), Cartesiaan in Groningen." Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 77, no. 2 (1997): 196–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002820397x00252.

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AbstractJohannes Braun (1628-1708) was professor of theology and Hebrew at the university of Groningen. A disciple of Coccejus in theology, he adhered to Cartesianism in philosophical matters. He published scholarly, didactic and polemic writings. Among his correspondents was Leibniz. He knew at least some of Spinoza's works, and rejected the latter's alleged atheism. Descartes's influence is pervasive, though as a philosopher Braun was rather superficial. For him, Cartesian ism was a tool in a rationalist approach to cheology and (particularly) in demarcating theology from philosophy. In this

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Jacobs, Neil G. "Syncope and foot structure in pre-Ashkenazic Hebrew." Diachronica 21, no. 2 (2004): 307–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.21.2.03jac.

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This paper examines a set of problems concerning word stress in the substratal Merged Hebrew component in Yiddish. When compared with their historical cognates in Classical Hebrew, the Yiddish words show a stress pattern which appears to conform to the Germanic trochee. The change has frequently been seen as occurring within the history of Yiddish. The present paper demonstrates, however, that (for the relevant Hebrew-origin items) the change from a Hebrew iamb to a trochee necessarily occurred in a period after spoken Hebrew times and before the birth of Yiddish – thus, within one or more int

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Kiener, Ronald C. "The Hebrew Paraphrase of Saadiah Gaon'sKitĀb al-AmĀnĀt wa'l-I'tiqĀdĀt." AJS Review 11, no. 1 (1986): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400001495.

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Saadiah Gaon (882–942) was a prolific and pioneering teacher, sage, and communal leader who pursued his wide-ranging studies with a singleminded commitment. His was the first Rabbanite translation of the Hebrew Bible into Arabic; his was one of the first Hebrew dictionaries; hisSiddurmarked one of the first attempts to regularize the liturgy. HisKitāb al-Amānāt wa l-I'tiqādā(Book of Beliefs and Opinions)was the first major work of medieval Jewish philosophy. Written during his renowned forced retirement in the year 932 C.E., theKitāb al-Amānātrepresents the beginning of a long and noble tradit

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Katz, Steven B. "Letter As Essence: The Rhetorical (Im) Pulse Of The Hebrew Alefbet." Journal of Communication and Religion 26, no. 2 (2003): 126–62. https://doi.org/10.5840/jcr20032627.

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The grammatological history of the origin and development of the Hebrew alphabet differs from the esoteric and mystical vision of the Hebrew letters found in the Torah, Midrash, and Kabbalah. This article explores the philosophy and hermeneutic principles underlying the rhetorical impulse in Judaism to regard the alefbet as the ontological and ethical foundation of the universe, constructed out of the substance of language itself The impulse to regard letters as essence may reveal an alternative rhetorical tradition in the West, one that reflects a Jewish perspective on language and simultaneo

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13

MALAGUTI, Francesco. "GIORDANO BRUNO AND JEWISH THOUGHT: RECEPTION AND REINTERPRETATION." International Journal of Theology, Philosophy and Science 5, no. 8 (2021): 64–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/ijtps.201.5.8.64-84.

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This article is focused on the philosopher Giordano Bruno (1548-1600) and the references to Jewish culture in his oeuvre. We discuss about Bruno’s reception of Jewish thought and describe this subject in a comprehensive way. We highlight Bruno’s view on the Jews and their religion, also explaining the reasons behind his polemic against the Jewish people. Furthermore, we underline the influence of the Kabbalistic tradition and Jewish philosophy on various aspects of Brunian thought. Specifically, we discuss about the use of the letters of the Hebrew alphabet in Bruno’s works on the art of memor

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14

Zwiep, Irene E. "The Medieval Hebrew Encyclopedias of Science and Philosophy." Journal of Jewish Studies 54, no. 1 (2003): 172–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2481/jjs-2003.

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15

Bernstein, Jeffrey A. "Thoughts on Yoram Hazony'sThe Philosophy of Hebrew Scripture." Perspectives on Political Science 45, no. 3 (2016): 174–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10457097.2016.1175788.

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16

Penchansky, David. "The Philosophy of Hebrew Scripture by Yoram Hazony." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 68, no. 3 (2014): 318–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020964314529085a.

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17

Lebens, Samuel. "Hebrew Philosophy or Jewish Theology? A False Dichotomy." Journal of Analytic Theology 2 (May 8, 2014): 250–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.12978/jat.2014-1.180011110418a.

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18

DaDon, Agnes E., and Kotel DaDon. "Značenje i prednost proučavanja židovske Biblije na biblijskom hebrejskom jeziku." Nova prisutnost XVII, no. 2 (2019): 393. http://dx.doi.org/10.31192/np.17.2.9.

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In this article the authors analyse the importance of the study of the Old Testament in its original language, Biblical Hebrew. The first part of the article consists of a general introduction followed by the explanation of the main linguistic differences between Biblical and Modern Hebrew, as one of the factors contributing to the difficulty of understanding the Bible even for native Israelis. This part ends with a brief description of the first Modern Hebrew translation of the Bible and the intentions behind this translation, as presented by the translator and the publisher. The central part

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19

Roubalová, Marie, Roman Kralik, and Peter Kondrla. "Importance and method of teaching biblical Hebrew and aramaic in religious education of children and adults." Journal of Education Culture and Society 12, no. 1 (2021): 59–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs2021.1.59.67.

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Aim. The aim of this paper is to show and explain the meaning and the importance teaching biblical Hebrew and Aramic in religious education. Method. The paper presents a descriptive study of philosophy of teaching Biblical Hebrew and Aramaic as an integral part of religious education, and at the same time it points out the main problems of this education which are connected with the fact that the original language of the Tanakh (one of the basic textbooks for religious education) is not the native language of the students being taught (even Israelis whose native language is Hebrew do not speak

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20

Freudenthal, Gad, and Mauro Zonta. "AVICENNA AMONG MEDIEVAL JEWS THE RECEPTION OF AVICENNA'S PHILOSOPHICAL, SCIENTIFIC AND MEDICAL WRITINGS IN JEWISH CULTURES, EAST AND WEST." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 22, no. 2 (2012): 217–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423912000033.

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AbstractThe reception of Avicenna by medieval Jewish readers presents an underappreciated enigma. Despite the philosophical and scientific stature of Avicenna, his philosophical writings were relatively little studied in Jewish milieus, be it in Arabic or in Hebrew. In particular, Avicenna's philosophical writings are not among the “Hebräische Übersetzungen des Mittelalters” – only very few of them were translated into Hebrew. As anauthor associated with a definite corpus of writings,Avicenna hardly existed in Jewish philosophy in Hebrew (contrary to Averroes). Paradoxically, however, some of

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21

Arbel, Tal. "Fear in Hebrew." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 49, no. 5 (2019): 471–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2019.49.5.471.

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This article examines Hebrew translations of World War II–era psychology handbooks as means of transmission for scientific knowledge and as a mechanism for the cross-cultural spread of behavioral modernity. While drawing a broad, vivid picture of transnational military mobilities postwar, the article centers on the story of one such handbook: John Dollard’s Fear in Battle, a 1943 self-help guide on combat behavior. Produced in the context of efforts to manage the morale of American troops, Fear in Battle then traveled overseas along with volunteers, mercenaries, and special advisors from the f

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22

Gleicher, Jules. "Comments on Yoram Hazony,The Philosophy of Hebrew Scripture." Perspectives on Political Science 45, no. 3 (2016): 177–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10457097.2016.1175789.

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23

Joalland, Michael, and Scott Mandelbrote. "Isaac Newton learns Hebrew: Samuel Johnson's Nova cubi Hebræi tabella." Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 70, no. 1 (2015): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2015.0055.

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This article concerns the earliest evidence for Isaac Newton's use of Hebrew: a manuscript copy by Newton of part of a work intended to provide a reader of the Hebrew alphabet with the ability to identify or memorize more than 1000 words and to begin to master the conjugations of the Hebrew verb. In describing the content of this unpublished manuscript and establishing its source and original author for the first time, we suggest how and when Newton may have initially become acquainted with the language. Finally, basing our discussion in part on an examination of the reading marks that Newton

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24

LÉVY, TONY. "L'ALGÈBRE ARABE DANS LES TEXTES HÉBRAÏQUES (II). DANS L'ITALIE DES XVe ET XVIe SIÈCLES, SOURCES ARABES ET SOURCES VERNACULAIRES." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 17, no. 1 (2007): 81–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423907000379.

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Until the end of the 14th century, the sources of Hebrew mathematical writings were almost exclusively in Arabic. This was particularly true of texts that contained elements of algebra or algebraic developments. The testimonies we present and analyze here are due to Jewish authors living in Italy, primarily in the 15th century, who made use of the most varied sources, in addition to Arabic: in Castilian, in Italian, and perhaps in Latin. These testimonies constitute both an indication, and a product, of the circulation of Arab algebraic traditions in Renaissance Italy. Simon Moṭoṭ’s book on Th

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Lévy, Tony. "L'histoire des nombres amiables: le témoignage des textes hébreux médiévaux." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 6, no. 1 (1996): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423900002125.

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This article analyzes new material on the history of the amicable numbers. It discusses Hebrew texts which throw new light on the diffusion in Medieval Europe of Ṯābit ibn Qurra's (9th century) work. We find Ṯābit's theorem on amicable numbers in a Hebrew translation, made in Saragossa in 1395, of an arithmetical commentary written by Abū al-Ṣalt al-Andalusī (ca. 1068–1134), and also in an original Hebrew text probably written by the Jewish Provençal scholar Qalonymos ben Qalonymos (1287 – after 1329). These texts lend strong support to the surmise that the Arabic tradition concerning amicable

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Guetta, Alessandro. "Philosophy and Kabbalah. Elia Benamozegh (1823–1900), a Progressive/Traditional Thinker." Religions 12, no. 8 (2021): 625. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080625.

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Elia Benamozegh (born—1823 in Livorno and died—1900 in Livorno)—philosopher, biblical exegete, teacher at the Rabbinical College—was an original and fruitful thinker. At a time when the Jewish kabbalah, or esoteric tradition, was considered by the protagonists of Jewish studies as the result of an era of intellectual and religious decadence, Benamozegh indicated it to be the authentic theology of Judaism. In numerous works of varying nature, in Italian, French and Hebrew, the kabbalah is studied by comparing it with the thought of Spinoza and with German idealism (Hegel in particular), and, at

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27

Lay, Juliane. "L'Abrégé de l'Almageste: un inédit d'Averroès en version hébraïque." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 6, no. 1 (1996): 23–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423900002113.

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The Compendium of the Almagest of Averroes, extant only in Hebrew translation, remains unpublished and hardly studied. The present article aims to make it known. It provides a history of the Compendium: its date of writing, translation into Hebrew, and the transmission, reception, and audience of the Hebrew translation, as well as a preliminary study of the text. This includes an annotated outline of its contents, and a discussion of its sources and their critical use by Averroes. The article also contains a translation of significant extracts from the Prologue, with a brief analysis. The Comp

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Glasner, Ruth. "The Hebrew Version of De celo et mundo Attributed to Ibn Sīnā." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 6, no. 1 (1996): 89–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423900002137.

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The Hebrew text On the Heavens and the World, ascribed to Ibn Sīnā, is an interesting and intriguing composition. It dates from the 13th century and was quite influential. It is not a translation of any text of Ibn Sīnā known to us, but is related to the (pseudo-Avicennian) Latin De celo et mundo, which appears in the 1508 Venice edition of translations of Ibn Sīnā. The Latin and Hebrew texts differ widely and the relation between them is far from being clear. Both are in sixteen chapters, the titles of the chapters are the same, but the texts are only roughly similar. The Hebrew text often of

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29

Jacobs, Adriana X. "?הַאִם אַתָּה דּוֹמֶה לְיוֹם אָבִיב". European Judaism 51, № 2 (2018): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2018.510215.

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Abstract In this article, I address contemporary Hebrew translations of Shakespeare’s Sonnets, specifically those by the Israeli poet Anna Herman. My reading of Herman’s translation of Sonnet 18 contextualizes this translation in the Hebrew translation history of the Sonnets. I discuss how Hebrew retranslations of the Sonnets illuminate and complicate our understanding of shifts in the development of modern Hebrew writing and translation from the nineteenth to twenty-first centuries. How do Herman’s translations ‘compare’, as it were, with the translations that have come before, particularly t

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Freiman, Ori. "A Brief History of Philosophy of Technology (Original title: A Hebrew Celebration of Philosophy of Technology)." Haaretz Literature 28 October 2016 (October 28, 2016): 8–9. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.400087.

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31

Kutash, Emilie. "Jacques Derrida: The Double Liminality of a Philosophical Marrano." Religions 10, no. 2 (2019): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10020068.

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There is an analogy between two types of liminality: the geographic or cultural ‘outside’ space of the Marrano Jew, alienated from his/her original religion and the one he or she has been forced to adopt, and, a philosophical position that is outside of both Athens and Jerusalem. Derrida finds and re-finds ‘h’ors- texte’, an ‘internal desert’, a ‘secret’ outside place: alien to both the western philosophical tradition and the Hebraic archive. In this liminal space he questions the otherness of the French language to which he was acculturated, and, in a turn to a less discursive modality, autob

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32

Bos, Gerrit, Charles Burnett та Tzvi Langermann. "Hebrew Medical Astrology: David Ben Yom Tov, Kelal Qaṭan: Original Hebrew Text, Medieval Latin Translation, Modern English Translation". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 95, № 5 (2005): i. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20020391.

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33

Goldstein, Bernard R. "Star Lists in Hebrew." Centaurus 28, no. 3 (1985): 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0498.1985.tb00745.x.

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GOLDSTEIN, BERNARD R. "II. THE HEBREW TEXT." Nuncius 8, no. 2 (1993): 614–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/182539183x00758.

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Budman, Yulia D. "PHILOSOPHY OF LANGUAGE IN HEBREW LINGUISTIC THOUGHT(V-X CENTURIES)." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (Linguistics), no. 5 (2018): 6–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-712x-2018-5-6-17.

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36

Wilson, Jessica. "Narrative as Philosophy: Methodological Issues in Abstracting from Hebrew Scripture." Journal of Analytic Theology 2 (May 8, 2014): 271–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.12978/jat.2014-1.090400220813a.

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Freudenthal, Gad. "A Twelfth-Century Provençal Amateur of Neoplatonic Philosophy in Hebrew." Chôra 3 (2005): 161–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chora2005/20063/410.

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Freudenthal, Gad. "Philosophy in Religious Polemics: The Case of Jacob ben Reuben (Provence, 1170)." Medieval Encounters 22, no. 1-3 (2016): 25–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342215.

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Jacob ben Reuben’s Sefer Milḥamot ha-Shem (Wars of the Lord) of 1170 is the earliest Hebrew work of Christian-Jewish religious polemics that draws heavily on philosophy. Its geographical and intellectual contexts have been much debated, with significant implications for our understanding of the dynamics of Jewish intellectual life in Provence in the second half of the twelfth century, specifically the rapid acceptance there of rationalist philosophy and science and the associated rise of the Arabic-into-Hebrew translation movement. This paper offers new perspectives on the old questions. I lay

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Freudenthal, Gad. "The Brighter Side of Medieval Christian-Jewish Polemical Encounters: Transfer of Medical Knowledge in the Midi (Twelfth-Fourteenth Centuries)." Medieval Encounters 24, no. 1-3 (2018): 29–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340016.

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Abstract This paper argues that as a result of the competition over patients between Jewish and Christian doctors in the Midi (twelfth–fourteenth centuries) Jewish doctors were more prone than other Jewish intellectuals to acquaint themselves with Christian culture (and also to convert). In this respect, the massive Latin-into-Hebrew cultural transfer in medicine contrasts with the slight Latin-into-Hebrew cultural transfer in philosophy (until the end of the fourteenth century). Jewish doctors were able to keep up with Latin medicine, even at times of rapid change, often through Latin-into-He

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Nordby, S. N. "Metaphor and the Mind of God in Nevi’im." TheoLogica: An International Journal for Philosophy of Religion and Philosophical Theology 2, no. 1 (2018): 51–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/thl.v2i1.1353.

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In The Philosophy of Hebrew Scripture, Yoram Hazony contrasts the uses of metaphor in Nevi’im and the New Testament. According to Hazony, metaphor is employed by Jesus to obscure teachings, but the prophets of the Hebrew Scriptures use metaphor to make teachings intelligible. However, this understanding of metaphor is too simplistic to capture the scope of metaphorical statements made by the Hebrew prophets. In this paper, I suggest that an important set of philosophical arguments are advanced by the prophets in ways not captured by current interpretive methodologies. The paper is divided into

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Perani, Mauro. "Causes, Methods, and Manifestations of the Destruction of Hebrew Manuscripts." Cromohs - Cyber Review of Modern Historiography, no. 26 (December 20, 2023): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/cromohs-14237.

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This study explores the diverse causes behind the destruction and scarcity of medieval Hebrew manuscripts. Factors include their extensive use for study and prayer, the absence of scriptoria in the Jewish world, precarious preservation conditions, systematic destruction by the Church and Inquisition, market circuits of reused parchment codices, and the influence of Genizah legislation. The reuse of medieval Hebrew manuscripts is situated within the epochal printing press phenomenon. The Jewish experience is unique in featuring the persecution and burning of Hebrew books, exemplified by the Tal

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Kouts, Gideon. "The Merchant of Venice in the Hebrew Press." European Judaism 51, no. 2 (2018): 106–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2018.510216.

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Abstract This article will discuss two points, half a century apart: the first Hebrew press review of The Merchant of Venice, and the press coverage of the first production of the play on the Hebrew stage and the public debate that accompanied it. The first review was published in the first Hebrew daily HaYom in St Petersburg on 23 August 1887 and addressed the showing of Merchant by Russian actors. The reviewer was the writer and critic David Frischmann. Merchant was first presented in Hebrew in May 1936 by Habima Theatre in Tel Aviv, directed by Leopold Jessner, who had escaped from Germany.

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Feiner, Shmuel. "Moses Mendelssohn's Hebrew writings." Intellectual History Review 29, no. 3 (2019): 535–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17496977.2019.1606543.

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44

Hazony, Yoram. "Three Replies: On Revelation, Natural Law and Jewish Autonomy in Theology." Journal of Analytic Theology 3 (May 5, 2015): 172–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.12978/jat.2015-3.241412070024a.

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I address three key questions in Jewish theology that have come up in readers’ criticism of my book The Philosophy of Hebrew Scripture: (i) How should we think about God’s revelation to man if, as I have proposed, the sharp distinction between divine revelation and human reason is alien to the Hebrew Bible and classical rabbinic sources? (ii) Is the biblical Law of Moses intended to be a description of natural law, suggesting the path to life and the good for all nations? And (iii) what should be the role of the Jewish theologian, given the overwhelming prevalence of Christian conceptions of G

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Sizikov, Aleksandr. "“Do not drink with her or with him?” Towards the interpretation of Sirach 9:9." St. Tikhons' University Review 107 (June 30, 2023): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturi2023107.11-23.

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In this paper, the author deals with the problem of Biblical literary criticism on the example of one of the problematic readings of Ben Sira (9:9). The majority of translations of Ben Sira are made either from the Greek sources or from Greek and Hebrew sources, achieving a certain textual compromise. The Greek text is usually corrected on the basis of the Hebrew text, however there are cases where the Hebrew text is corrected on the basis of the Greek one, and the emendations are introduced. Such an approach ignores the fact that Biblical books existed and were transmitted in various recensio

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Corry, Leo, and Norbert Schappacher. "Zionist Internationalism through Number Theory: Edmund Landau at the Opening of the Hebrew University in 1925." Science in Context 23, no. 4 (2010): 427–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889710000177.

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ArgumentThis article gives the background to a public lecture delivered in Hebrew by Edmund Landau at the opening ceremony of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem in 1925. On the surface, the lecture appears to be a slightly awkward attempt by a distinguished German-Jewish mathematician to popularize a few number-theoretical tidbits. However, quite unexpectedly, what emerges here is Landau's personal blend of Zionism, German nationalism, and the proud ethos of pure, rigorous mathematics – against the backdrop of the situation of Germany after World War I. Landau's Jerusalem lecture thus shows ho

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Fontaine, Resianne. "Why is the Sea Salty? The Discussion of Salinity in Hebrew texts of the Thirteenth Century." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 5, no. 2 (1995): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423900002022.

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The thirteenth-century Hebrew texts that discuss salinity all ultimately go back to Aristotle's treatment of the subject in theMeteorology. However, in these Hebrew texts the question of what exactly makes the sea salty is answered in diverging ways. The oldest of them, theOtot ha-Shamayim(1210), being the Hebrew translation of the Arabic paraphrase of theMeteorology, proposes various causes of the sea's salinity, to wit, the dry exhalation, the action of heat, and the admixture of an earthy substance. This is due partly to Aristotle's own ambiguity, and partly to the fact that his Greek comme

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GUTMAN, EYNAT. "Third person null subjects in Hebrew, Finnish and Rumanian: an accessibility-theoretic account." Journal of Linguistics 40, no. 3 (2004): 463–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226704002890.

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Hebrew (past and future tenses) and Standard Finnish exhibit limitations on third person pro-drop, although their first and second person pro-drop follows the well-known Spanish/Italian pattern. This paper aims to show that only a detailed theory of discourse anaphora, such as the one proposed by Ariel (1990, 2001), can account for the distribution of third person pro-drop in Hebrew and Finnish; accounts proposing a syntactic analysis of the phenomenon cannot explain the whole range of data. A comparison between Hebrew and Finnish reveals a difference in the distribution of third person null s

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Eisenstadt, Oona. "Levinas versus Levinas: Hebrew, Greek, and Linguistic Justice." Philosophy & Rhetoric 38, no. 2 (2005): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40238211.

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Eisenstadt, Oona. "Levinas versus Levinas: Hebrew, Greek, and Linguistic Justice." Philosophy & Rhetoric 38, no. 2 (2005): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/philrhet.38.2.0145.

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