Academic literature on the topic 'Hegemonic market'
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Journal articles on the topic "Hegemonic market"
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Schumacher, Patrik. "Hegemonic Parametricism Delivers a Market-Based Urban Order." Architectural Design 86, no. 2 (March 2016): 114–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ad.2032.
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Gowa, Joanne. "Rational Hegemons, Excludable Goods, and Small Groups: An Epitaph for Hegemonic Stability Theory?" World Politics 41, no. 3 (April 1989): 307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010502.
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In defining international free trade as a public good, “hegemonic stability theory” posited early in the 1970s that its reliable supply depended upon a distribution of international power analogous to that within a privileged group. More recently, however, critics have challenged three assumptions fundamental to hegemonic theory: its premises of free trade, public goods, and privileged groups. They have concluded that hegemony is not necessary for, and indeed may be antithetical to, a stable world economy based on market exchange.The author argues that the critics overstate their case. The assumptions they attack allow hegemonic theory to represent analytically several critically important barriers to free trade among states. Among these are the existence of strategic interdependence among the actors and the prevalence of informational asymmetries. The most significant flaw in hegemonic theory is its neglect of the essence of the domain to which it applies: the politics of inter-state trade in an anarchic world.
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Paiva, Raquel. "Hegemonic media and inequality in Brazil." Global Media and China 3, no. 2 (June 2018): 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436418786267.
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In Brazil, the traditional media crisis coincides with the historical moment of weakening political liberalism and the transit of the rational idea of the people in favor of a still obscure mass of population, redefined and fixed by the expanded market. There is a general perception that the forms of representation or framing of the social–political field, dating to the 18th and 19th centuries, cease to be operative in understanding and evaluating socially significant events. In the old place of argumentative rhetoric, the database files come in. The obliteration of the receptive pole in favor of the emission opens the way for the autonomization of the algorithm, that is, for the artificial intelligence to control the entire interlocutory process. On the other hand, the crisis of traditional forms does not imply the disappearance of journalism, which remains virtually a space, to be occupied in the recreation of new forms of mediation politically significant for civil society, even taking into account that the great constitutive principles Of modernity (social contract, democracy, citizenship, state, nation, individual identity) are no longer in tune with the social synthesis operated by the new socioeconomic order. Thus, journalism as a modern phenomenon can be redefined by the market and technology. And professional journalists is just one of several categories of actors mobilized to determine the facts and turn them into media event. In this context, a new, more segmented fact-finding power emerges, as well as a new kind of relationship between the public and the knowledge of reality. The so-called “social” networks are the most palpable example of this new state of affairs, fueling speculation about the modeling of this new type of journalism.
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Rosecrance, Richard, and Jennifer Taw. "Japan and the Theory of International Leadership." World Politics 42, no. 2 (January 1990): 184–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010463.
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This essay makes four points: (1) despite the assertions of some of their proponents, static game-theoretic and optimal-tariff arguments suggest that states should not undertake hegemonic responsibilities to maintain an open trading system; (2) hegemonic states have, in fact, cooperated with others, despite risks to themselves; (3) Japan, the hegemonic successor or condominial associate of the United States in the years to come, is also likely to cooperate to prevent the collapse of the international trading system. This means (4) that hegemonic or near-hegemonic powers have either acted irrationally or that their calculations have rested upon a different and more dynamic rational foundation. Specifically, systemic as well as domestic considerations have influenced their thinking and determined their policies. A major creditor power like Japan must find means of allowing others to earn surpluses in its own market or of providing assistance on concessional terms.
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James, Scott C., and David A. Lake. "The second face of hegemony: Britain's repeal of the Corn Laws and the American Walker Tariff of 1846." International Organization 43, no. 1 (1989): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300004549.
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One challenge facing hegemonic stability theory is to specify the processes by which hegemonic countries construct and maintain a liberal international economic order. Earlier studies have focused on direct coercion or ideological manipulation by the hegemon as a principal technique for manipulating the trade policies of other countries. This article explores a different “face” of hegemony. Specifically, we contend that by altering relative prices through the exercise of their international market power, hegemonic leaders influence the trade policy preferences of their foreign trading partners. We examine this argument in the case of the American Walker Tariff of 1846. American tariff liberalization was intimately related to Britain's repeal of its Corn Laws. In the antebellum United States, Northern protectionist and Southern free trade proclivities were fixed; Western grain growers held the balance of power. By allowing access to its lucrative grain market, Britain altered the economic and political incentives of Western agriculturalists and facilitated the emergence of the free trade coalition essential to the passage of the Walker Tariff.
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Baumgarten, Stefan. "Translation and hegemonic knowledge under advanced capitalism." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 29, no. 2 (June 29, 2017): 244–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.29.2.03bau.
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Translation occurs in a context of power asymmetries. Using two English translations of Adorno’s seminal Ästhetische Theorie as an example, this paper elaborates an eclectic phenomenology of power structured alongside three symbolic images: the street market, the assembly line, and a technological gadget. By aligning some key concepts of critical theory with the evolutionary stages of capitalism, it will be argued that recontextualisations of Adornian thought in English may reflect the well-known antagonism between Adorno’s philosophical thought and the dominant scientistic mindset of mid-20th century American social science. Ultimately, this paper contemplates the extent to which Adorno’s Anglophone mirror image has been refracted through a positivist and neoliberal order of discourse that is at odds with the ideological, or utopian, convictions of German critical theory.
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Crawford Ames, Beverly, and Armon Rezai. "The Euro, The Gold Standard, and German Power." German Politics and Society 35, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 77–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2017.350404.
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Kindleberger’s theory of hegemonic stability states that fixed exchange rate regimes require a leader that will provide it with disproportionate resources to ensure stability. Applying his theory to European monetary cooperation, we argue that, like the tools of Goethe’s “Sorcerer’s Apprentice,” European Monetary Union was constructed as a “self-regulating system,” and it threatens to run amok without a hegemonic leader. Germany has exercised “soft hegemony” in Europe, providing the European Union with disproportionate resources to stabilize the single market. It has the capability to be the Eurozone’s leader. But, by 2017, blinded by its ordoliberal ideology, i t refused to do so, instead placing the burden of cooperation on the weak. If Germany continues to refuse to play the role of the hegemonic leader, European Monetary Union faces collapse.
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Idrus, Arsad, Niken Febrina Ernungtyas, Anindita Lintangdesi Afriani, and Guntur Freddy Prisanto. "Dari Hegemonic Party ke Market Oriented Party: Studi tentang Political Marketing Partai Golkar." Expose: Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi 3, no. 2 (July 4, 2021): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.33021/exp.v3i2.1285.
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Solty, Ingar. "Neoliberalismus und Evangelikalismus in den USA." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 38, no. 153 (December 1, 2008): 613–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v38i153.455.
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Recently, there has been much debate about the rise of an Evangelical Left in the United States. This debate has focused on the emergence of influential evangelical leaders breaking away from the Republican Party, such as Rick Warren. This debate mistakes a hegemonic crisis of (neo-)conservatism with a hegemonic crisis of neoliberalism. Instead, the evangelical movement in the United States needs to be analyzed in the context of neoliberalism and the decline of class-based forms of solidarity, which it replaced. Throughout their ascent, the evangelical institutions have inscribed themselves into and become a part of the neoliberal state. At the same time, the depth of the economic crisis, the remaining class character of the evangelical movement, the importance of evangelical churches as arenas of hegemonic struggles and, finally, the existing shift in national discourse in terms of the ecological question, the social question and the rehabilitation of the state vis-a-vis the market mark an opening of the political situation in the US that may eventually lead to a replacement of the current evangelical centrism by the actual Evangelical Left as part of a counter-hegemonic postneoliberal historic bloc.
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Wu, Yu-Shan, and Tsai-Wei Sun. "Four Faces of Vietnamese Communism: Small Countries' Institutional Choice Under Hegemony." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 4 (December 1, 1998): 381–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00018-x.
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Since 1975, Vietnamese communism has changed face three times. These frequent and radical institutional permutations have been unprecedented among communist countries. This paper argues that hegemonic dependence, domestic economic imperative, and elite idealism are the three main factors that determine Vietnam's institutional configuration. Among the three, dependence on a hegemon means the dominance of the developmental model and institutional preferences of that hegemon. Only when there is no hegemonic dependence do domestic economic imperative and elite idealism emerge as the crucial factors in determining institutional arrangements. Historically there have been four developmental stages for Vietnam's communist regime: independent socialism (1975–1977), orthodox socialism (1978–1985), glasnost socialism (1986–1990), and market socialism (1991–now). Among the four stages, orthodox socialism and glasnost socialism are the direct result of Hanoi's dependence on Moscow. After examining Vietnam's historical experience, we conclude that small countries' institutional choice under hegemon is extremely limited, but they regain latitude when hegemonic dependence is removed.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Hegemonic market"
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Mardell, Emma. "Questioning the boundaries between fast- and slow fashion." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Företagsekonomiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-143065.
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Individual’s existential ambivalence has according to Jacques Derrida, one of the foremost proponents of post-structuralism, led to a continuous demand for structure (Cooper, 1989). Categories, used as structural tools, are however often hierarchically organized, where one category is more preferable than the other, also referred to as binary oppositions. Alternative categories and/ or references will appear when adopting a deconstruction process, which is crucial in order to invoke change and development (Cooper, 1989; Markkula et al., 2011; Marion, 2006). The aim of present research is trying to identify if Derrida’s theory of undecidable transfer of features (Agger, 1991; Cooper, 1989; Livingston, 2010; Bates, 2005) is applicable in fashion, more specifically fast- and slow fashion, and if the two categories are susceptible to a merge. Deconstructionism and Derrida’s theory of undecidable was furthermore applied as the theoretical framework throughout the study. Present research has been executed with an interpretive methodological approach and through a poststructural epistemological outlook (Hudson & Ozanne, 1988; Eriksson & Kovalainen, 2016). Data was derived through two focus group interviews, involving seven informants at a time, with Autodriving as a visual research tool (Heisley & Levy, 1991) and open-ended questions as a complementing instrument (Eriksson & Kovalainen, 2016). A thematic analysis was furthermore applied when revisiting the data and analysing its content. The findings finally suggest that a merge between fast- and slow fashion is executable, which furthermore also legitimises Derrida’s theory of undecidability. This study has however only begun the deconstruction process and does therefore encourage future researchers to continue investigating the theory of undecidability (Agger, 1991; Cooper, 1989; Livingston, 2010; Bates, 2005) not only in fashion, but also within other institutions.
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Jonsson, Ivar. "Hegemonic politics and accumulation strategies in Iceland, 1944-1990 : longwaves in the world economy, regimes of accumulation and uneven development : small states, microstates and problems of world market adjustment." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.399722.
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Svetlichnaja, Julia. "Artistic practices & democratic politics : towards the markers of uncertainty : from counter-hegemonic positions to plural hegemonies." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2011. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/9006z/artistic-practices-democratic-politics-towards-the-markers-of-uncertainty-from-counter-hegemonic-positions-to-plural-hegemonies.
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Can artistic and cultural practices play a critical role in societies in which criticisms are reflexively absorbed and immobilised by the prevailing hegemony? And, if yes, what kind of political order can they aspire to, given the ‘post-utopian’ nature of the human condition? How do we approach the tortuous question of the destiny of both the project of modern democracy and that of aesthetic modernity? There is no agreement on this issue. We are told that there is no alternative to the existing liberal democracy and capitalist pluralism without risking yet another dystopia – the dilemma that in the artistic realm is sometimes articulated as the opposition between modernism and postmodernism. What might progressive art look like in such times when the ideas of progress and modernity are viewed with great suspicion? The most popular positions concerning artistic and cultural practices’ critical dimension revolve around the idea that with the post-Fordist transformation and the bankruptcy of the Left, the paradigm of power has really changed. This is reflected in the radical character of contemporary artistic practices, which desperately struggle to constitute subject at the expense of themselves. However, the question is: can these practices be both radical and democratic? This depends on our understanding of emancipatory politics, the nature of aesthetics and post-Fordist transformation. We will examine the different approaches to these subjects influenced by the Frankfurt school and post-Operaist theories to argue that neither Theodor Adorno’s and Max Horkeimer’s analyses based on the Fordist model, nor Antonio Negri’s and Paolo Virno’s post-Fordist appropriation of the significance of art in the new forms of production provide a useful framework with which to grasp the nature of the changes and challenges that face our society. Such novel ideas as ‘immaterial labour’ and ‘spontaneous communism’ or exodus and ‘communism of capital’, despite their new vocabulary, are a dangerous inversion of the Frankfurt school’s idealism and inability to grasp that social reality is hegemonically constructed through the practices of articulation that temporarily and incompletely ‘fix’ the meaning of social institutions. Neither politics nor post-Fordism should be considered through the matrix of culture, but in terms of hegemony. What is at issue is to grasp the nature of the democratic and aesthetical paradoxes and envisage how the two could be applied to contribute to progressive changes in power relations. Judgements must be made – we have to be able to distinguish between who belongs to demos and who does not; however, how we judge, which is the subject of aesthetic critique, is at the core of democratic artistic-political practice. One way in which artistic practices can be critical is a counter-hegemonic intervention that acts against the position of supremacy of any hegemonic order and shows that any fullness exists because there are gaps, but judges this lack in a way that resists the totalisation of the sensible. However, perhaps the way to weaken the centre is not just to expose its flaws, but to pluralise hegemonies. In this way, the idea to pluralise modernism in the era of globalisation could help us to redefine modern democracy in the post-political era and outline the positive vision of the ‘hegemonic trap’. Could the evolution of artistic-political practice be envisaged as the radicalisation of ‘oppositional identities’, which undermine the hegemonic forms of subject articulation into compository or shimmering identities, making such supremacy impossible? Can art become a symbol of emptying ‘democracy’ and thus construct many ‘democracies’, answering our tortuous question by producing plural answers?
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Peck, Mikaere Michelle S. "Summerhill school is it possible in Aotearoa ??????? New Zealand ???????: Challenging the neo-liberal ideologies in our hegemonic schooling system." The University of Waikato, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2794.
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The original purpose of this thesis is to explore the possibility of setting up a school in Aotearoa (New Zealand) that operates according to the principles and philosophies of Summerhill School in Suffolk, England. An examination of Summerhill School is therefore the purpose of this study, particularly because of its commitment to self-regulation and direct democracy for children. My argument within this study is that Summerhill presents precisely the type of model Māori as Tangata Whenua (Indigenous people of Aotearoa) need in our design of an alternative schooling programme, given that self-regulation and direct democracy are traits conducive to achieving Tino Rangitiratanga (Self-government, autonomy and control). In claiming this however, not only would Tangata Whenua benefit from this model of schooling; indeed it has the potential to serve the purpose of all people regardless of age race or gender. At present, no school in Aotearoa has replicated Summerhill's principles and philosophies in their entirety. Given the constraints of a Master's thesis, this piece of work is therefore only intended as a theoretical background study for a much larger kaupapa (purpose). It is my intention to produce a further and more comprehensive study in the future using Summerhill as a vehicle to initiate a model school in Aotearoa that is completely antithetical to the dominant neo-liberal philosophy of our age. To this end, my study intends to demonstrate how neo-liberal schooling is universally dictated by global money market trends, and how it is an ideology fueled by the indifferent acceptance of the general population. In other words, neo-liberal theory is a theory of capitalist colonisation. In order to address the long term vision, this project will be comprised of two major components. The first will be a study of the principal philosophies that govern Summerhill School. As I will argue, Summerhill creates an environment that is uniquely successful and fulfilling for the children who attend. At the same time, it will also be shown how it is a philosophy that is entirely contrary to a neo-liberal 3 mindset; an antidote, to a certain extent, to the ills of contemporary schooling. The second component will address the historical movement of schooling in Aotearoa since the Labour Party's landslide victory in 1984, and how the New Zealand Curriculum has been affected by these changes. I intend to trace the importation of neo-liberal methodologies into Aotearoa such as the 'Picot Taskforce,' 'Tomorrows Schools' and 'Bulk Funding,' to name but a few. The neo-liberal ideologies that have swept through this country in the last two decades have relentlessly metamorphosised departments into businesses and forced ministries into the marketplace, hence causing the 'ideological reduction of education' and confining it to the parameters of schooling. The purpose of this research project is to act as a catalyst for the ultimate materialization of an original vision; the implementation of a school like Summerhill in Aotearoa. A study of the neo-liberal ideologies that currently dominate this country is imperative in order to understand the current schooling situation in Aotearoa and create an informed comparison between the 'learning for freedom' style of Summerhill and the 'learning to earn' style of our status quo schools. It is my hope to strengthen the argument in favour of Summerhill philosophy by offering an understanding of the difference between the two completely opposing methods of learning.
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Ogman, Robert. "Crisis, hegemony, and the social investment market : the cultural political economy of an emerging governance strategy." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/17511.
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This thesis contributes to contemporary research on neoliberalism by analysing the 'social investment market' (SIM) as part of the reproduction and remaking of hegemony since the financial crisis of 2008. It describes the modernisation attempts under the idea of 'ethical capitalism' to deal with multiple problems of market governance, by linking it with new notions of public responsibility, in order to bring about a sustainable recovery by harmonising relations between government, market, and society. My original contribution to knowledge is the fusion of a cultural political economy perspective, developed by Sum and Jessop (2013), with a historical materialist policy analysis, which allows me to explain 'moral capitalism' - defined by Clarke (2010a, p. 388) as a "muted echo of popular scepticism and outrage about the crisis of the present" - in strategic-relational terms. This is understood as an encounter, negotiation, and provisional and unstable compromise between competing projects of restructuring, namely between an effort to 'restore' neoliberal hegemony on the one side, and efforts to advance 'progressive post-neoliberal alternatives' (Peck, Theodore, & Brenner, 2010, p. 112), on the other. I demonstrate this perspective by reconstructing two cases of Social Impact Bonds - projects seeking to employ markets for the achievement of public goals, identifying both the possibilities for substantive change as well as limitations, in the ongoing context of political economic crisis.
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Peck, Lawrence W. "Bolstering the hegemony of the financial panopticon over emerging markets, a neo-Gramscian reading of the role of ideas, material capabilities and institutions." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0001/MQ45245.pdf.
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Moura, Ernesto Augusto. "A atualidade da produção teórica de Maria da Conceição Tavares." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2013. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/9207.
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Previous issue date: 2013-05-16This work has as main objective to analyze the trajectory of intellectual economist Maria da Conceição Tavares, passing its main tests since 1963, when he produced his first essay Heyday and decline of the process of import substitution , through analysis of the processes of capital accumulation and industrialization in Brazil, who scored two major works of the author, as the first thesis professor at UFRJ under the title of capital accumulation and industrialization in Brazil (1974) and the second thesis professor also defended at UFRJ, titled Cycle and crisis: the recent movement of the Brazilian economy (1978). From the 1980s, Tavares continues his reflections now through the prism of a contextual view of international political economy, where advances various trials that have examined the main causes and consequences of financial globalization and weaves a series of critiques of neoliberal policies, especially applied the brazilian economy after the 1990s
Esta dissertação tem como principal objetivo, analisar a trajetória intelectual da economista Maria da Conceição Tavares, perpassando os seus principais ensaios desde 1963, quando produziu o seu primeiro ensaio Auge e declínio do processo de substituição de importações , passando pela análise dos processos de acumulação de capital e industrialização no Brasil, que marcou duas principais obras da autora, a primeira como tese de professora livre-docente da UFRJ sob o título Acumulação de capital e industrialização no Brasil (1974) e a segunda tese de professora titular também defendida na UFRJ, intitulada Ciclo e crise: o movimento recente da economia brasileira (1978). A partir dos anos 1980, Tavares segue suas reflexões agora sob o prisma de uma visão contextual da economia política internacional, onde avança diversos ensaios que procuraram analisar as principais causas e consequências da globalização financeira e tece uma série de críticas às políticas neoliberais, principalmente aplicadas na economia brasileira pós anos 1990
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Yalcin, Zeki. "Facklig gränspolitik : Landsorganisationens invandrings- och invandrarpolitik 1946 - 2009." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-11264.
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This thesis concerns the trade union reaction to immigration as a phenomenon and toimmigrants as a labour force on the Swedish labour market. It concerns trade union politicsregarding immigration and immigrants, from the political decision taken in 1946 to recruitworkers from other countries because of the labour shortage in Sweden, to 2009 when theconflict in the Swedish town of Vaxholm, that was a consequence of the EU’s expansion to theeast and which received such enormous attention in the Swedish media, was given its finalverdict and the continued existence of the “Swedish model” was placed under question. Thestudy focuses on the labour movement’s central trade union organisation in Sweden, in otherwords the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (Landsorganisationen, or LO as it is commonlyabbreviated in Sweden).The basis for the thesis has been that the process of immigration must naturally in the longterm lead to the addition of workers on the labour market, and consequently increasedcompetition amongst workers. The question has been how the interest organisation LO, whoseprimary mission is to protect the wage rates and social conditions for its members, and whichhas the restriction of competition as an overriding strategy, would handle the phenomenon ofimmigration and the existence of immigrants as a labour force on the Swedish labour marketand within the trade union movement, during the course of the study. The choice of LO as afundamental starting point for the study, being as it is an interest organisation with the shorttermobjective of protecting its members’ interests, but also given the organisation’s more longtermobjectives of being an important actor on the labour market and within society, hasinfluenced the choice of the thesis’ central theoretical concepts; strategy, restriction ofcompetition, calculability, power and hegemony. This very starting point, but also the natureof the source materials and a reflection over the immigration process (from immigration toimmigrant workers on the labour market and finally to trade union members), has meant that Ihave chosen to structure the thesis and present my findings based on three different problemareas. I have chosen to refer to these problem areas as boundaries, there LO have dealt withvarious problems concerning the phenomena of immigration and immigrants on the Swedishlabour market, as well as problems related to some of its own members having foreignbackgrounds. These boundaries consist firstly of an outer boundary that is a physicalboundary, coincident with national boundaries and influencing immigration politics, there LOwas able to consider the scope of the immigration process and make calculations about whatthe resultant addition of new workers, that is a natural consequence of the immigrationprocess, would mean for the labour market. Secondly an inner boundary, that encompasses thelabour market but is more transparent to members of society and influences immigrant politics,there LO was able to consider the terms and conditions that should be made available to theimmigrant workers, in general within society and in particular on the labour market. Finally aninnermost boundary, encompassing the trade union membership, there LO was able to managethe terms and conditions for the immigrant workers within the trade union movement.The thesis’ overriding objective has been to examine LO’s strategies for these threeboundary areas and to see if there is a coherent pattern behind LO’s actions on these threevarying levels. A more theoretical objective with this thesis has been to examine if the possiblepatterns that would appear in LO’s actions within these three boundary areas, could bediscussed from the perspective of a power structure.
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Ernestrand, Henrik. "Du sköna fria värld : En analys av globaliseringsdebatten utifrån ett makt- och hegemoniperspektiv." Thesis, Högskolan Kristianstad, Sektionen för lärande och miljö, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hkr:diva-9552.
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This essay aims to emphasize and clarify the positions that exist within the current globalization debate. The positions are the neo-liberal, the opponents, the pragmatists and the skeptics. The text presents and explains their ideological, moral and political positions and beliefs about the world, the nation state, the society and the individual; in light of Steven Lukes’ and Antonio Gramsci's theories regarding the interaction and the relationship between power and hegemony. The methodological starting point is the ideology-critical analysis; in which their arguments in the current globalization debate is highlighted and categorized. The neo-liberals consider globalization as a tool to legitimize the notion of the free, rational and autonomous individual – who in a free market chooses to contract, interact and relate to each other without facing any government intervention. Opponents see that globalization does not necessarily have to mean the spread of neoliberal economic doctrines – or government deregulation or privatization – but instead may represent a path towards a more just, democratic and inclusive world. Between these two diametrically opposed positions are the pragmatists; who argue that there must be a balance between political and economic freedom and government regulation and their institutional powers. Only then will globalization have the desired effects needed to be able to lift nations out of poverty, bring well being and evoke a greater temporal coherence at the global level. Finally, the skeptics’ viewpoint is that the concept of globalization is misleading and is used mainly as a diversion to hide the real interests – namely the U.S. ambitions to maintain its hegemonic position to continue to spread their neo-liberal ideology through the principles of free trade and democratization through the abolition of the welfare state. The analysis shows that the globalization debate is not primarily about what arguments are discussed at the present time, but instead deals with the political and ideological beliefs concerning how society should be designed and how the world should be comprehended and understood. The globalization debate is really about the individual and collective consciousness created by the liberal hegemonic exercise of power, and how this influence is manifested through the intellectual and moral leadership of the ruling class in the world today.
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Luymes, Melisa J. "The Farmer and the Food Regime: Hegemony and the Free Market Frame in Rural Ontario." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10214/3948.
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This thesis is an investigation into the frames and implicit concepts that drive the current trend of corporate-led agriculture, now known as the Third Food Regime. I consider whether this neoliberal regime is hegemonic in rural Ontario, that is, whether the dominant ideology of the corporate ruling class is reflected in and perpetuated by our farmers, despite it being against their best interests. I employ a critical approach, using mixed methods – participant observation of general farm organizations, content analysis of the farm media in Ontario and in-depth interviews with farmers in Wellington County – and find strong evidence of a free market frame in rural Ontario. This thesis outlines the dimensions and dangers of the existing frame in hopes that alternative agricultural models can again be considered.SSHRC
Books on the topic "Hegemonic market"
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Lichtenstein, Nelson. Market Triumphalism and the Wishful Liberals. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037856.003.0013.
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This chapter focuses on the triumphalism of the free market that emerged in the decade that followed the end of the Cold War. The idea that capitalist markets are essential to, or even define, the democratic idea has always been present in the West, but the idea achieved a near hegemonic power after the fall of the Berlin Wall. New Dealers and old-fashioned populists once held that laissez-faire capitalism presented the gravest danger to freedom, democracy, equality, and the material well-being of most citizens. But Americans were now told to believe that democracy and the free market are identical. And in a maddening piece of ideological larceny, market triumphalists invoked that ultimate sanction—once the principal asset of the left—the stamp of historic inevitability.
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Bakker, Karen. The Business of Water. Edited by Ken Conca and Erika Weinthal. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199335084.013.16.
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Over the past three decades, water supply has become big business, and fierce debates have emerged in many countries over water privatization and water markets. This chapter reviews five dimensions of this debate: (1) the privatization of ownership and management; (2) the commercialization of water management organizations; (3) the environmental valuation and pricing of water; (4) the marketization of exchange mechanisms (“water trading” and “water markets”); and (5) the neoliberalization of governance. The analysis offers an analytical framework within which more structured, comprehensive assessments of market environmentalism—which is multifaceted and highly varied, difficult to implement in practice, and by no means hegemonic—in the water sector might be conducted. The chapter concludes with some reflections on the future of this debate.
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Dahlquist, Marina. Introduction. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037689.003.0001.
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This book explores the historiographic importance, narrative patterns, marketing, and cultural reception of the serial genre through a wider contextualization of the serial phenomenon and its fearless female heroines led by Pearl White, who plays the title character in The Perils of Pauline. It investigates the complexities of Pearl White's performance and the overall cultural power of serial queens in many markets at a critical historical juncture in the history of cinema. It examines how the serial film became part of a rethinking of production strategies, distribution and advertising patterns, and fan culture. It also considers the American film industry's expansion on the international market, fueled in large part by the profitable serial format, along with the serial craze's international impact. The book suggests that American serial films are an illustration of both globalization and an accompanying hegemonic practice of Hollywood cinema and the vicissitudes of glocalization.
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Roederer-Rynning, Christilla. 8. The Common Agricultural Policy The Fortress Challenged. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199689675.003.0008.
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This chapter examines the processes that make up the European Union’s common agricultural policy (CAP), with particular emphasis on how the Community method functions in agriculture and how it upheld for decades the walls of fortress CAP. Today’s CAP bears little resemblance to the system of the 1960s, except for comparatively high tariff protection. The controversial device of price support has largely been replaced by direct payments to producers. The chapter first provides an overview of the origins of CAP before discussing two variants of the Community method in agriculture: hegemonic intergovernmentalism and competitive intergovernmentalism. It argues that the challenge for CAP regulators today is not to prevent a hypothetical comeback to the price-support system or generalized market intervention, but to prevent the fragmentation of the single market through a muddled implementation of greening and the consolidation of uneven regimes of support among member states.
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Stephen, Matthew D., and Michael Zürn, eds. Contested World Orders. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843047.001.0001.
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Contested World Orders systematically compares the demands of rising powers and non-governmental organizations towards international institutions. As international institutions have taken on ever more ambitious tasks, they have been challenged by rising powers dissatisfied with existing institutional inequalities, by non-governmental organizations worried about the direction of global governance, and even by some established powers no longer content to lead the institutions they themselves created. While the debates about the changing international system often focus on the overall structure, this book aims at providing a comprehensive and comparative analysis of the constellation of preferences on the level of individual institutions. Three contributions should be highlighted. First, while demands for change are numerous and often severe, they are largely driven by specific institutional features and interest constellations. There is little evidence of a cleavage between established and rising powers or a hegemonic struggle between the US and China. On many conflicts there are established and rising powers on both sides. Second, in some cases the rising powers have in fact defended the status quo. They have opposed both Western countries’ attempts to increase the intrusiveness of market-making international institutions and NGOs’ attempts to have stronger market-braking regulation of global markets. Third, conflicts appear to be most intractable where established powers aim to defend their institutional privileges against rising powers who demand institutional roles commensurate with their new-found influence.
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Murphy, Patrick D. Endless Growth: Neoliberalism and Global Media’s Promethean Logic. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252041037.003.0003.
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This chapter maps how the Promethean discourse has “gone global” by tracing changes in structural networks, policy and relationships of capital in commercial media that favored its reemergence. Argued is that the neoliberal reforms initiated in the late 1970s and continued into the new millennium reshaped media systems around the world, producing the perfect conditions for the Promethean discourse to regain its hegemonic status. In bringing these various transformative forces, agendas and regional adjustments into focus, the chapter illuminates how this reshaping of media systems around the globe began to create the circumstances for citizens to self identify as media audience members and consumers, and by extension, tacit agents of Promethean ontology and its market oriented vision of environmental stewardship.
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Caronan, Faye. Introduction. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039256.003.0001.
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This book explores how Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican cultural critiques are delegitimized and obscured by U.S. imperialism and global power. Drawing on Raymond Williams's dual definitions of culture as both the experience of everyday life within a society and the cultural productions that circulate within society, the book analyzes the ways that Filipinos and Puerto Ricans have been represented to affirm narratives of U.S. exceptionalism in the early twentieth century and today. It considers how recent Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican cultural productions across multiple genres critique these justifications, and how the U.S. cultural market contains these critiques to reaffirm revised narratives of U.S. exceptionalism. This introduction provides an overview of the institutionalized narrative of U.S. colonialism in the Philippines and Puerto Rico, the politics and economics of Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican cultural representation, and hegemonic narratives of racial stereotypes in the United States.
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Zehmisch, Philipp. Manifestations of History. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199469864.003.0006.
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Chapter 5 analyses manifestations of history, that is, concrete historical legacies of power and knowledge in present-day Andaman society. The first section discusses the impact of hegemonic nationalist rhetoric—highlighting the role of bourgeois nationalist freedom fighters incarcerated in the Andamans—on the local sense and perception of history. The first section aims to show how politics of recognition influence the ways in which community actors constitute their present by narrating the subaltern past. The second section focuses on the manifestation of criminality as a crucial relation between the state and the population in the here and now. It shows that Andaman actors construct contemporary identities by referring to the criminal past of convicts deported to the islands; moreover, the institutionalization of criminality within the economic system of the Andaman divides the population into elite actors profiting from the black-market sector and subalterns whose participation in the same system brings them into continuous conflict with the law.
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Vail, Mark I. Liberalism in Illiberal States. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190683986.001.0001.
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This book analyzes how national liberal traditions have shaped trajectories of economic reform in France, Germany, and Italy since the early 1990s. In some advanced industrial countries, neoliberal programs of expansive market making, characterized by assaults on non-market arrangements such as welfare states, robust regulatory frameworks, and systems of collective bargaining, have assumed quasi-hegemonic status. Rejecting these neoliberal recipes, many continental European countries have charted their own courses, negotiating the transition to a more liberal economic order while preserving or even expanding policies and institutions that serve as buttresses for processes of economic adjustment. In so doing, they have drawn on much older liberal traditions that are defined by nationally distinctive conceptions of the role of the state and its limits, the structure of the social order, and attendant conceptions of the scope and character of state responsibility. The book analyzes developments in fiscal policy, labor-market policy, and finance, three areas that have been central to the evolving relationship between state and market in advanced industrial countries during the contemporary era of transnational neoliberalism. In each domain, authorities have worked to reconcile their political economies to a more liberal order while preserving a significant role for the public institutions in facilitating adjustment. The book argues that outcomes in the three countries cannot be explained solely by recourse to conventional institutional and interest-based accounts and that ideas act as powerful drivers of patterns of economic adjustment in ways that yield strikingly consistent policy trajectories across economic, institutional, and partisan contexts.
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Hakelberg, Lukas. The Hypocritical Hegemon. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501748011.001.0001.
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This book takes a close look at how US domestic politics affects and determines the course of global tax policy. Through an examination of recent international efforts to crack down on offshore tax havens and the role the United States has played, the book uncovers how a seemingly innocuous technical addition to US law has had enormous impact around the world, particularly for individuals and corporations aiming to avoid and evade taxation. Through bullying and using its overwhelming political power, the book states, the United States has imposed rules on the rest of the world while exempting domestic banks for the same reporting requirements. It can do so because no other government wields control over such huge financial and consumer markets. This power imbalance is at the heart of the book.
Book chapters on the topic "Hegemonic market"
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Schwartz, Herman M. "Economic and Hegemonic Cycles." In States versus Markets, 65–82. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13536-3_4.
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Schwartz, Herman M. "Economic and Hegemonic Cycles." In States versus Markets, 64–78. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-31356-9_4.
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Schwartz, Herman M. "US Hegemony." In States versus Markets, 282–301. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-31356-9_14.
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Munck, Ronaldo. "Market Hegemony (1973–2001)." In Rethinking Latin America, 129–56. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137290762_6.
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Schwartz, Herman M. "U.S. Hegemony: Declining from Below?" In States versus Markets, 302–20. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13536-3_16.
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Schwartz, Herman M. "US Hegemony and Global Stability." In States versus Markets, 302–22. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-31356-9_15.
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Tooze, Roger, and Christopher May. "‘The Persistent Myth of Lost Hegemony’, 1987." In Authority and Markets, 121–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-66651-5_9.
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Schwartz, Herman M. "U.S. Hegemony: Declining from the Top Down?" In States versus Markets, 321–37. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13536-3_17.
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Schwartz, Herman M. "Foreign Debt, Hegemony, and the Gold Standard." In States versus Markets, 148–71. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13536-3_8.
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Xing, Li. "From “Hegemony and World Order” to “Interdependent Hegemony and World Re-order”." In Emerging Powers, Emerging Markets, Emerging Societies, 30–54. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-56178-7_2.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Hegemonic market"
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Haryono, Cosmas Gatot. "The Night Market as A Contra Hegemony of Seller Against The Power of Capitalism and The Government." In Proceedings of the 1st Annual Internatioal Conference on Social Sciences and Humanities (AICOSH 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aicosh-19.2019.52.
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Azer, Özlem Arzu. "The Central Asia and Caucasia Politics of China in the Context of Energy Security." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00441.
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After the dissolution of Soviet Union, the geo-strategical importance of Caucasia, the Central Asia and the Black Sea region increased fastly. This transition period had been difficult while central planned economies had transformed into free market economies and meet capitalism. Geo-strategic importance of the region increased for the West and Russia as well as some countries as China due to the oil and gas resources besides being transit countries of the energy pipelines. The Central Asia, Caucasia and the Black Sea Region had been so important because the region owns rich natural resources and pipelines as well as being a door to Afghanistan and the exit to the Black Sea. During Post Cold-War era, the region became a chess table for imperial countries. While USA and Russia had been playing hegemony game in this region, some other countries as China had been investing silently in important areas. The investments of China in the region are actually so invincible. In this paper, it will be analysed the investments of China in this region and its economically and political interest in Caucasia and the Central Asia.
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Narin, Müslüme, and Alpay Öznazik. "International Monetary System and the Emergence of Renminbi." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01945.
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After the 2008 crisis International Monetary System (IMS) entered a period of change. The system under hegemony of dollar criticized in financial markets with regards to instability and lack of confidence. Whereas IMF argued that the IMS should be restructured in emerging markets, in the report of World Bank it was estimated that in the future of IMS a multipolar multiple currency system which includes Dollar, Euro and Renminbi (RMB) will improve (World Bank, 2011: xii). BRICS countries wanted diversify, especially, the Chinese reserves, but the Executive Board of IMF rejected SDR basket to be expanded until 30 November 2015. With the decision taken on this date, it took Chinese national currency RMB into SDR basket since the date of 1 October 2016. After this decision, the value of SDR has been composed of the sum of the currencies of US dollar, Euro, Chinese RMB (yuan), Japanese yen and pound sterling. Thereby, in SDR basket Chinese national currency ranked thirdly by weight.
The purpose this paper is to discuss the ever-increasing importance of Chinese national currency RMB in IMS. In this direction, at first, the formation and development of SDR will be informed, then the direction of RMB towards the SDR basket will be discussed, after that, the appearance of the idea of RMB’s internationalization and the period of internationalization of RMB will be addressed. Finally, an assessment will be made about RMB’s being a means of payment and international financial asset in foreign trade.
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Macedo Calejo, Marta, and Graça Magalhães. "Design as a Critical Research." In Systems & Design: Beyond Processes and Thinking. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/ifdp.2016.3263.
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Historically the imaginary and the hegemonic thinking, in the Western North globe has been marked by the epistemology and capitalists archetypes. Notwithstanding the design as a practice and discipline seem shielded on a simplistic discourse of functional / communicative efficiency, wandering through multiple aestheticism apparently neutral in relation to the symbolic but in fact they never are because what really happens is that the aesthetic appearance of the generated forms will always be a review of the powers ruling. We start from understanding that the act of creating an aesthetic artefact will also be a movement of inscription in a discursive platform (that precedes it) thus being itself an narrative act and representing a positioning in relation to certain symbolic reality. On the presented reflection Design is seen as a discipline and / or an instrument of action, whose operational relevance tends to question and simultaneously rehearsing a response to not just the question why but also for what? Apparently Design is a content mediator, but also, it is structure, body and idea. We think design praxis as discipline and enrolment tool for critical thought and social transformation. For guiding research in this text, we propose the following question: Can Design form an engagement with the symbolic for them in order to be an active part in the production of critical thinking in the place where it belongs? Methodologically our argument will be present in two different moments: 1. first, exploratory nature where we rescue the draw issues in the practice of design and 2. second, analytical nature concerning the subject issues (graphic and / or utility ) of design and how it incorporates formal rites, political events and social practices of contemporary everyday life. We consider the praxis of design as a discipline and critical thinking enrolment tool as agents of social transformation. With this study we seek to contribute to design’s phenomenology by studying the artefacts of configuration as well as the possible messages they convey and what impact they may have on the social network.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/IFDP.2016.3263
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Pekcan, Cemre. "The Importance of Cultural Diplomacy in Breaking the Perception of “China Threat”." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01658.
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Cultural diplomacy, which is accepted as a sub-branch of public diplomacy, is described as ‘the exchange of ideas, information, art, and other aspects of culture among nations and their peoples in order to foster mutual understanding’ by Milton C. Cummings. Although this term has been used in international relations for centuries, its acceptance as a theory is a relatively new concept. Cultural diplomacy, as a component of both public diplomacy and also Joseph Nye’s ‘soft power’, includes movies, music, dance, exhibitions, various education and exchange programs, literature and cultural programs.
In today’s world, China, a super power with its growing economy, started to feature its soft power, public and cultural diplomacy to break the perception of ‘China threat’ theory which shortly claims that the rising power would eventually challenge the hegemon power and war will be inevitable. The aim of this study is to put forward Chinese efforts in promoting cultural diplomacy to break the perception of ‘China threat’ theory by analyzing the elements of China’s cultural diplomacy, which are basically; Confucius Institutes, marketing Chinese cultural products, series of cultural programs and foreign aid.
As the outcomes of the research, it is seen that against ‘China Threat’ theory, China clearly keeps emphasizing its peaceful development and wants to improve its image especially after 1989 Tinananmen Crackdown. Hence, as the most important elements of China’s cultural diplomacy; Confucius Institutes have been established throughout the world, Chinese cultural products are being marketed and Chinese foreign policy is becoming more transparent.