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Journal articles on the topic 'Hellenistic coinage'
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1
Gatzke, Andrea. "Heracles, Alexander, and Hellenistic coinage:." Acta Classica 64, no. 1 (2021): 98–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/acl.2021.0009.
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Trivedi, Bimal. "COINAGE OF THE INDO-GREEKS CHALLENGES OF THE ANCIENTS AND THE SOLUTIONS IN THE MODERN WORLD." Ukrainian Numismatic Annual, no. 5 (December 30, 2021): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2616-6275-2021-5-93-104.
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When Alexander had to leave his conquest of India midway, some of his generals stayed back to rule the conquered north-west India the part which was known as Bactria. These Kings and generals held sway and minted their coins with pure Hellenistic motifs, scripts/legends, and styles. By the middle of the 2nd century BCE, by the inclusion of the Indian script Kharoshthi, Indian elements started appearing and became mainstream. Not only the legend but the weight standard was changed and the Indian standard was adopted. This was the most important change. Problems: The vast sum of Indo-Greek coinage has been unearthed so far but had remained under-studied for more than one reason. As it remains, the problem areas have remained unaddressed and unanswered. This has mainly happened due to the study of coinage in isolation far away from the find spots and devoid of stratigraphy and ignoring local knowledge of the subject. This situation has been aggravated by political turmoil and insulating archaeological finds and records by limiting the access combined with poor local scholarly work or absence of scientific approach due to poor economic conditions and access to modern methods and technology to approach, enhance, and understand the historically very important Indo-Greek coinage. Unfortunately, Indo-Greek coinage study is clubbed with Hellenistic outlook and mostly aggravated by vogue historicity. Scope of Study: This paper highlights challenges in studying Indo-Greek coinage and other factors that have not been addressed and difficulties in the way of scholarly pursuit. A modern tech-driven approach is recommended for addressing the challenges. Scientific Evaluation: A more technology-driven approach to study the Indo- Greek coinage will unravel the mysteries and remove the historical blind spots. Exclusively treating the subject of Indo-Greek coinage and thus providing recognition it deserves as unique, de-bracketed from Hellenistic coinage. Conclusions: The modern technology-driven data management scientifically adopted archaeological exploration and excavation paired with the latest Information Technology tools including the use of social media platforms can be networked effectively to build up a fresh modern repository of findings that will help historians, archaeologists, scholars, students, and numismatists/collectors.
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Taylor, Lloyd Walter Hart. "On the Reattribution of Some Byblos Alexanders to Arados II." American Journal of Numismatics 32 (2020) (December 30, 2020): 31–92. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5812434.
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This study makes the case for the reattribution from Byblos to a second mint at Arados (Arados II) of the coinage of Alexander the Great bearing the ligate AP mint mark. The majority of the early output from this mint was gold staters. Most probably the mint was established to accommodate the expansion of gold coinage production from c. 328/7 BC, while silver Alexandrine coinage remained the priority of the first mint (Arados I), which had its origins in the old Achaemenid mint at Arados. After the initial striking of a substantial gold stater coinage, accompanied by a minor silver tetradrachm mintage, Arados II then issued a sizeable silver tetradrachm coinage. Both mints at Arados produced Macedonian imperial coinage until c. 321/0 BC at which time Arados I ceased operation. Based on the hoard record, it is likely that Arados II continued to strike Alexander tetradrachms until around 301/0 BC when the city passed from Antigonid to Seleukid control following the Battle of Ipsos.
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Frédérique, Duyrat. "Bibliographie numismatique de la Syrie, I. Périodes achéménide et hellénistique (1995-2000)." Syria 80, no. 2003 (2020): 237–66. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3765174.
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Marinescu, Constantin. "The Lysimachi Coinage of Perinthus." Bulgarian Numismatic Journal 1, no. 2 (2023): 1–28. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10435170.
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The article presents a die study of the gold and silver coinage minted by the city of Perinthus using the types of king Lysimachus of Thrace, struck from about 270 to 160 BC. What will become readily apparent is that this coinage closely follows the minting pattern of its more prominent neighbour, the city of Byzantium, their dies sharing a common style and being unquestionably produced by the same workshop. The output at Perinthus was considerably smaller than that of its prominent neighbour, suggesting a modest need for such coins.
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Markou, Evangeline. "The Coinage of the Kings of Cyprus From Achaemenid to Hellenistic Rule: An Autonomous Royal Coinage?" Phoenix 76, no. 1 (2022): 261–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2022.a914298.
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Abstract: This article tackles the monetary particularities of the Cypriot kings within the larger frame of the Achaemenid empire throughout the archaic, classical, and early Hellenistic periods, up to the demolition of the kingdoms and local kingship by the Successors of Alexander around 306 b.c.e. Abstract: Cet article s'attaque aux particularités monétaires des rois chypriotes dans le cadre plus général de l'empire achéménide à travers les périodes archaïque, classique, et hellénistique ancien, jusqu'à l'abolition des royaumes et des royautés locales par les successeurs d'Alexandre vers 306 a. C.
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Taylor, Lloyd Walter Hart. "Susa mint: 311-301BC." KOINON The International Journal of Classical Numismatic Studies III (November 2, 2020): 18–42. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7265930.
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This paper is the final component in a trilogy that documents a die study of the large denomination coinage issued from the Susa mint prior to 300 BC. It examines the Alexandrine coinage of Seleukos struck in the period 311/0-304/3 BC, prior to the introduction of coinage bearing his own name. Three groups (Groups 5-7) are recognized in this coinage. Groups 5 and 6, bear a laurel wreath symbol, which in the case of Group 6 is accompanied by a range of other symbols. These two groups were struck simultaneously during the Babylonian War in the period c. 311/0-309/8 BC. Group 7 post-dates the Babylonian War. It is characterised by the presence of the anchor symbol, which displaced the laurel wreath as the primary symbol on the coinage. On the last reverse dies of Group 7 this anchor symbol was erased, a phenomenon previously identified on coinage from the mints of Babylon II and Uncertain Mint 6A (Opis), dated to c. 305/4-304/3 BC. This was a synchronous event across Seleukos's mints operating in Babylonia and Susiana, one that provides a firm chronological peg for the last of the Susa issues (Group 7) in the name of Alexander, an updating of a decade relative to that proposed in Seleucid Coins.
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Taylor, Lloyd Walter Hart. "A Newly Identified Mint Control Link in the Coinage of Andragoras and Sophytes." KOINON The International Journal of Classical Numismatic Studies V (2022) (November 9, 2022): 46–53. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7312783.
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This paper outlines the significance of a control and die linked Andragoras-Sophytes Series 4 (Zeus/eagle) diobol, which confirms the inference that the kerykeion mint control was introduced after the grape vine branch that accompanies it, prior to the complete displacement of the latter by the kerykeion. The presence of the kerykeion mint control on Series 4 increases the level of control linkage and and validates the previously inferred relative chronology in the Andragoras-Sophytes coinage. Most significantly it is now established that the Series 4 issues provided the prototype for an imitative coinage of the same iconography - a finding of chronological significance. http://archaeopresspublishing.com/ojs/index.php/koinon/article/view/1655/1306
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Taylor, Lloyd Walter Hart. "Birds of Feather, Brothers in Arms: The Coinage of Andragoras and Sophytes." American Journal of Numismatics 31 (2019) (December 2, 2019): 21–79. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4470271.
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Analysis of the owl, eagle and cockerel coinage previously attributed to Sophytes indicates that it is most probably associated with that of Andragoras, the Seleucid satrap of Parthia who led the secession of the province from the Seleucid realm. The numismatic evidence suggests that following the death of Andragoras, the leadership of Parthia was assumed briefly by Sophytes before the province was completely overrun by the nomadic Parni around 238 BC. This coinage has a number of unusual characteristics. It was struck across eleven typological series in the period c. 250-238 BC. It is composed of a comprehensive range of silver denominations, including uniquely in the Hellenistic east, the didrachm. Nominally struck on a reduced Attic weight standard, defined by a tetradrachm of about 16.8 grams, each smaller denomination was weight adjusted to include a progressively increasing fiduciary component of value. These characteristics are indicative of a local coinage, motivated by political expediency in meeting a monetary necessity arising from Seleucid neglect.
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Taylor, Lloyd Walter Hart. "The Susa Wreath Group Alexanders: The First Step in the Transformation of an Anchor Seal to a Dynastic Emblem." KOINON II (2019) (November 1, 2019): 63–82. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5746178.
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A tetradrachm die study of the Susa wreath group (Susa Group 5) of Alexanders (Price 3853-60) attributed to the satrapy of Aspeisas in the period 316/5-312/1 BC, indicates that the coinage should be downdated to the period 311/0-309/8 BC, the earliest coinage of Seleukos from the mint. A newly identified component of the coinage, die linked to the wreath group while bearing an anchor recut over the wreath, represents the first appearance on coinage of what was to become the primary Seleukid dynastic emblem. It sheds light on the origin and timing of placement of Seleukos's personal insignia, or seal, on his coinage, and its subsequent development into a dynastic emblem. The Susa Wreath Group Alexanders: The First Step in the Transformation of an Anchor Seal to a Dynastic Emblem. Koinon II (2019): 63-82
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BOYRAZ, SEYHAN Remziye. "A New Coin Type of Seleucia (Silifke)." ANMED News Bulletin on Archaeology from Mediterranean Anatolia 22, no. 22 (2024): 6–9. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14673418.
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This article introduces a new coin type minted in the ancient city of Seleucia ad Calycadnum, located in the Cilicia Tracheia. Although the coin lacks an ethnic identifier, its attribution to the city is based on elements present in the city's autonomous coinage, featuring the club of Heracles on the obverse and a flower on the reverse. This discovery contributes a new type to the autonomous coin series of the Hellenistic period from this city.
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Haddad, Naif Adel. "Insights on Eastern Hellenistic Historical and Archaeological Material Culture of the Oikoumene: Globalisation and Local Socio-Cultural Identities." Heritage 4, no. 4 (2021): 3307–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage4040184.
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This paper focuses on the Hellenistic Middle East, especially the age of Ptolemaic Alexandrian and Syrian Seleucid influence. It investigates and clarifies some of the Hellenistic-age historical and archaeological material culture within the Hellenisation and globalisation conceptions. Furthermore, it suggests that by reviewing the context of the local socio-cultural identities in the Hellenistic Oikoumene, mainly based on the lingua franca about local identity and how the local identity was expressed on coinage during Hellenistic times, many related insights issues can be revealed. In addition, it also attempts to discuss and reveal aspects of the cultural sharing achievements in Hellenistic art, architecture, and urban built environment planning. Finally, how did Eastern Hellenistic cities manage to benefit from the process of Hellenistic globalisation and localisation/globalisation while minimising identity risks? The focus is on the transnational socio-cultural and economic area of Ptolemaic Alexandria, the centre of the post-Classical Greek world, and the Syrian Seleucid influence. As an investment, mass migration and the transfer of goods, culture, and ideas increasingly transformed these Middle Eastern cities and shaped their translocal culture conception, local socio-cultural identities, cultural sharing, art and architecture edifice forms, and spatial patterns in the Hellenistic period. One of the main contributions and significance of this study is to continue the dialogue of how non-Greek influence in Hellenistic times impacted an area that has been traditionally seen as unaffected or minimally affected by years under foreign rule. This also sheds new light on some Greco-Macedonian topics not sufficiently debated in the Oikoumene discussion dialogue. These two aspects would furthermore contribute to better understanding and accepting the neglected role of the contribution of non-Greek culture to Greek achievements, as well as how the local non-Greek customs of the indigenous peoples of the Ptolemy and Seleucid kingdoms would affect how they assimilated Greco-Macedonian practices, and how the vision of Alexander the Great and Hellenisation worked in the different territories of these two kingdoms.
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Haddad, Naif Adel. "Insights on Eastern Hellenistic Historical and Archaeological Material Culture of the Oikoumene: Globalisation and Local Socio-Cultural Identities." Heritage 4, no. 4 (2021): 3307–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage4040184.
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This paper focuses on the Hellenistic Middle East, especially the age of Ptolemaic Alexandrian and Syrian Seleucid influence. It investigates and clarifies some of the Hellenistic-age historical and archaeological material culture within the Hellenisation and globalisation conceptions. Furthermore, it suggests that by reviewing the context of the local socio-cultural identities in the Hellenistic Oikoumene, mainly based on the lingua franca about local identity and how the local identity was expressed on coinage during Hellenistic times, many related insights issues can be revealed. In addition, it also attempts to discuss and reveal aspects of the cultural sharing achievements in Hellenistic art, architecture, and urban built environment planning. Finally, how did Eastern Hellenistic cities manage to benefit from the process of Hellenistic globalisation and localisation/globalisation while minimising identity risks? The focus is on the transnational socio-cultural and economic area of Ptolemaic Alexandria, the centre of the post-Classical Greek world, and the Syrian Seleucid influence. As an investment, mass migration and the transfer of goods, culture, and ideas increasingly transformed these Middle Eastern cities and shaped their translocal culture conception, local socio-cultural identities, cultural sharing, art and architecture edifice forms, and spatial patterns in the Hellenistic period. One of the main contributions and significance of this study is to continue the dialogue of how non-Greek influence in Hellenistic times impacted an area that has been traditionally seen as unaffected or minimally affected by years under foreign rule. This also sheds new light on some Greco-Macedonian topics not sufficiently debated in the Oikoumene discussion dialogue. These two aspects would furthermore contribute to better understanding and accepting the neglected role of the contribution of non-Greek culture to Greek achievements, as well as how the local non-Greek customs of the indigenous peoples of the Ptolemy and Seleucid kingdoms would affect how they assimilated Greco-Macedonian practices, and how the vision of Alexander the Great and Hellenisation worked in the different territories of these two kingdoms.
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Post, Ruben. "Panhellenic Sanctuaries and Monetary Reform: Elis and Epidauros’ Adoption of the Symmachic Weight Standard." Revue numismatique 6, no. 177 (2020): 21–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/numi.2020.3476.
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Mints associated with the sanctuaries of Olympia and Epidauros transitioned from striking silver coinage on the Aiginetan weight standard to the symmachic standard, ca. 16% lighter, in the 250s or 240s BC, decades before other states in southern Greece. The light weight of these new coins dissuaded foreign visitors from removing them when they departed, stabilising the local money supply, while their types advertised the prestige of the local penteteric festivals amid increased competition from new festivals of similar status throughout the Mediterranean. This is an example of how Panhellenic sanctuaries could exert influence over monetary trends in the Hellenistic period.
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Taylor, Lloyd Walter Hart. "The Macedonian Mint at Susa (319/8-312/1 BC)." KOINON II (2019) (November 1, 2019): 28–62. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5746134.
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This paper details a study of the coinage of Susa struck prior to Seleukos's annexation of the province of Susiana to Babylonia in 312/1 BC. This coinage is divided into four groups defined on the basis of a progression of mint controls and the accompanying legend. The collective evidence suggests that the first three groups of this coinage were struck simultaneously in the period c. 319/8-318/7 BC to fund the campaign of Eumenes, preceding the confrontation with Antigonos at Paraitakene and Gabiene in 317/6 BC. This represents a downdating by up to seven years of the start of the Macedonian mint at Susa relative to that proposed by Price. In contrast, the fourth group struck from a single obverse tetradrachm die, was an exceptional stand-alone issue, under the satrap Aspeisas, 317/6-312/1 BC, possibly struck immediately preceding the annexation of the province of Susiana to Babylonia by Seleukos in 312/1 BC. Taylor, L. W. H. 2019. The Macedonian Mint at Susa (319/8-312/1 BC). Koinon II: 28-62.
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Taylor, Lloyd Walter Hart. "The Damaskos Mint of Alexander the Great." American Journal of Numismatics Second Series 29 (2017) (October 1, 2017): 47–100. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3759320.
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After a brief commissioning period involving the contemporaneous serial striking of coins in each of two series, the newly established Macedonian Imperial mint at Damaskos then produced the bulk of its coinage in a complexly interwoven manner, with a tight interlinking of obverse dies. This was the result of a shared inventory of obverse dies used by up to six striking teams. Inconspicuous patterns of one to six small dots, used as secondary mint controls, may have served to identify the coins struck on each anvil. This would have facilitated the mint’s internal control processes, involving the daily accounting for and reconciliation of silver input to each anvil, with the coinage output from each, in a production operation consisting of a large number of striking teams/anvils within a single secure facility. The coinage has the characteristics of a high volume, short duration mintage commencing around 326/5 BC with an estimated duration of about one year. The total coined volume from the mint is estimated to have been 1.22 million tetradrachms, equivalent to c. 807 Attic talents of silver, struck from an estimated 61 obverse dies.
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Jaramago, Miguel. "Interpreting three Gold Coins from Ancient Egypt and the Ancient Near East at the Museo Casa de la Moneda, Madrid." Trabajos de Egiptología. Papers on Ancient Egypt, no. 9 (2018): 81–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.tde.2018.09.03.
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The aim of this paper is to study three gold coins from the pre-Hellenistic Egypt and Near East, housed in the Museum Casa de la Moneda, Madrid, since 1955. In all three cases, their description is made as well as a review of the hypotheses that have been issued on their typology. Some novel proposals are made about their iconography and the possible gold sources for the raw material. The first is a Daric, probably coined between the beginning of the reign of Xerxes I and the fall of Sardis under Alexander the Great. The study provides an original indication about its iconography, as well as about the possible (and vague) relationship of Persian imperial coinage with Zoroastrianism, the official religion of the Achaemenid Dynasty. The nbw nfr coin is an Egyptian coinage from the Nectanebos Dynasty; one of the few hundred preserved copies. The iconography of the horse on the obverse is explored from the art and plastic of pre- and post-Sebenitic Egypt, and some technical aspects of the elaboration of the coin from the type of its reverse are analysed. From an epigraphic point of view, a new reading of the nbw nfr group is proposed. The Double Daric is a complex currency, both regarding the precise determination of its chronology, as well as its interpretation and recipients. It is a coinage made possibly in Babylon with a broad chronology from 331 BCE until ca. 306 B
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СМИРНОВ, С. В. "CAPPADOCIAN ISSUES OF TETRADRACHMS OF ANTIOCHOS VII: ABOUT «NON-BARBAROUS IMITATIONS» IN HELLENISTIC COINAGE." Цивилизация и варварство, no. 12(12) (October 29, 2023): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2023.12.12.007.
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В этой главе проводится стилистическое и нумизматическое сравнение двух типов подражаний, распространенных в монетном деле периода эллинизма: «варварских» и «неварварских». В качестве примера были взяты подражания монетам Селевкидов: выпуски подражаний драхмам Деметрия I из Коммагены и серийные выпуски имитаций тетрадрахм селевкидского царя Антиоха VIIкаппадокийскими правителями. Оба примера относятся к «неварварским» выпускам, т.е. были произведены государствами, знакомыми с традицией монетной чеканки и использования монеты. В обоих случаях начало чеканки подражаний было предопределено как политическими, так и экономическими причинами. Так, в частности, одной из причин выпуска столь многочисленных эмиссий имитаций монет Антиоха VII стало практически полное отсутствие в монетном деле Каппадокии крупных серебряных номиналов. Более того, адаптация тетрадрахм Антиоха VII была продиктована особенностями обращения монет данного типа, которые, судя по многочисленным монетным кладам, были весьма распространены в Малой Азии, Сирии и Закавказье. Тем не менее, монетный тип тетрадрахм Антиоха — «голова правителя /Афина» был также ключевым монетным типом каппадокийских драхм, что, возможно, подчеркивает иконографическую и идеологическую близость между данными монетными выпусками. Стоит обратить внимание и на то, что каппадокийские выпуски тетрадрахм Антиоха VII не представляют собой иконографическое подражание или имитацию, в классическом смысле этого слова, но скорее, являются точной копией оригинальной монетной серии. The chapter deals with stylistic and numismatic comparison of two types of imitations spread in the coinage of the Hellenistic period: «barbarous» and «non-barbarous». As an example, imitations of Seleukid coins were taken under research: issues of imitations of drachmas of Demetrius I from Commagene and regular issues of imitations of tetradrachms of the Seleukid king Antiochus VII by Cappadocian rulers. Both examples relate to «non-barbarous» issues, i.e., they were produced by states parasitized the use of coins. In both cases, the beginning of the imitating was caused by both political and economic reasons. Thus, in particular, one of the reasons for the produce of so many issues of imitations of Antiochus VII coins was the almost complete absence of large silver denominations in the Cappadocian coinage. Moreover, the adaptation of the tetradrachms of Antiochus VII was caused by the peculiarities of the circulation of coins of this type, which, according to the numerous hoards, were widespread in Asia Minor, Syria and Transcaucasia. Nevertheless, the coin type of the Antioch tetradrachm — ‘ruler's head/Athena’ was also the key coin type of the Cappadocian drachmas, what perhaps emphasizes the iconographic and ideological affinity between these coin issues. It is also worth paying attention to the fact that the Cappadocian tetradrachms of Antiochus VII do not represent an iconographic imitation or imitation, in the classical sense of the word, but rather are an exact copy of the original coin series.
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Meadows, Andrew. "Coinage in Imperial Space: Ps.-Aristotle Oikonomika and the Place of Monetary Production." Phoenix 76, no. 1 (2022): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2022.a914301.
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Abstract: This article introduces the historical and monetary problems that lie at the heart of this special volume by offering an overview of the ps.-Aristotelian Oikonomika , particularly regarding its chronological and geographic context, and by outlining the ways in which the articles that follow contribute to elucidating the monetary history of the transition from the Achaemenid to Hellenistic empires. Abstract: Cet article présente les questions historiques et monétaires qui sont au cœur de ce volume spécial en proposant une vue d'ensemble de l' Oikonomika du pseudo-Aristote, incluant notamment son contexte chronologique et géographique, et en précisant de quelle façon les articles qui suivent contribuent à nous éclairer sur l'aspect monétaire de la transition entre les Achéménides et les empires hellénistiques.
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Gieseke, Julian. "Strangers in a Strange Land: The Identity of Galatian Rulers in Thrace and Anatolia at the Turn of the 3rd to the 2nd century BC." Imafronte, no. 31 (March 16, 2024): 7–28. https://doi.org/10.6018/imafronte.595551.
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The Gallic invasion of Greece in 280/279 BC left a deep mark in the collective memory of the Greeks. From then on, they represented the Celts as the stereotypical ‘barbarians’ – primitive, wild, violent and without any culture of their own. As the newcomers had established permanent kingdoms in Thrace and Phrygia, however, both sides had to learn how to deal with each other. The paper asks how the rulers of the Galatians on both sides of the Bosporus handled this challenge and how this influenced their own identity. To go beyond existing research, the analysis draws both on the literary Greek sources and the coinage which the Eastern Celts started to produce themselves in the 3rd century BC. It will be shown that the Galatian elites quickly adapted to the political practices of the Hellenistic world and confidently asserted their own place within it, mixing their own customs with Greek and local (Thracian, Anatolian) elements to create a unique blend of identity. The Gallic invasion of Greece in 280/279 BC left a deep mark in the collective memory of the Greeks. From then on, they represented the Celts as the stereotypical ‘barbarians’ – primitive, wild, violent and without any culture of their own. As the newcomers had established permanent kingdoms in Thrace and Phrygia, however, both sides had to learn how to deal with each other. The paper asks how the rulers of the Galatians on both sides of the Bosporus handled this challenge and how this influenced their own identity. To go beyond existing research, the analysis draws both on the literary Greek sources and the coinage which the Eastern Celts started to produce in the 3rd century BC. It will be shown that the Galatian elites quickly adapted to the political practices of the Hellenistic world and confidently asserted their own place within it, mixing their own customs with Greek and local (Thracian, Anatolian) elements to create a unique blend of identity.
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Taylor, Lloyd Walter Hart. "From Triparadeisos to Ipsos: Seleukos I Nikator's Uncertain Mint 6A in Babylonia." American Journal of Numismatics Second Series 27 (2015) (December 1, 2015): 41–97. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3760074.
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As a result of this die study the coinage in the name of Alexander and Seleukos formerly assigned to Uncertain Mint 1 in Cappadocia, Eastern Syria, or Northern Mesopotamia is conjoined with that of Uncertain Mint 6A in Babylonia. The latter mint operated intermittently in the period 318-301 BC, serving the military needs of Seleukos, eventually becoming a mobile facility in support of the campaign of his army to Ipsos. It issued the first coinage to bear the name of Seleukos within a framework of the army’s acclamation of his kingship.
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Grandjean, Catherine, and Maryse Blet-Lemarquand. "Les dernières monnaies d’argent du Péloponnèse (3)." Revue numismatique 6, no. 178 (2021): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/numi.2021.3514.
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The metrological study and elemental analyses by LA-ICP-MS presented here suggest that the third and final group of Achaian silver coinage of the Hellenistic period did not experience the weight collapse and fall in the alloy’s fineness that could have been feared in view of the poor aesthetic quality (engraving, striking) of many coins. They also confirm the existence of two production phases for this third group, with the use of silver and copper of distinct chemical signatures and the increased addition of copper in the second phase. The latter would include the Achaian series with the money names of Aigion and Elis and the civic coins of Patras. Confrontation with the legionary denarii of Mark Antony validates the low chronology of the third group’s issues.
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Taylor, Lloyd Walter Hart. "The Anchor Alexanders of Babylon II." American Journal of Numismatics Second Series 34 (2022) (October 1, 2022): 1–37. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8271591.
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Coinage bearing an anchor symbol and the name of Alexander was struck at the Babylon II mint under Seleukos in the period 309/8-304/3 BC. An estimated 93 tetradrachm obverse dies were commissioned for this coinage, which can be divided into three groups of issues. Die links, stylistic affinities, and a rapid succession of changes in mint conventions establish a robust relative chronology within and between the three groups. In this we can discern five stages of mint operation from recommissioning through to decline and closure. The latter is characterised by recutting of reverse dies from which the anchor symbol was erased following Seleukos's assumption of the royal title. In the course of the mint's development, a senior official designated by the Pi mint mark played an important role that appears to have continued with his transfer via Uncertain Mint 6A (Opis) to Seleukeia on the Tigris. Tentatively, this official is identified as Polyarchos, a <em>hyparch</em> in Babylonia who, accompanied by 1,000 troops, joined Seleukos when the latter returned to Babylonia in 312/11 BC.
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CHİN, Marcus. "Some Observations on Koina and Monetary Economy in Hellenistic Asia Minor." Gephyra 25 (May 15, 2023): 189–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1264663.
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The koina of pre-Roman Asia Minor, comprising several major organisations along its western and southern coasts like the koina of Athena Ilias, the Lesbians, the Ionians, the Chrysaorians, and the Lykians, present a collection of federal states less well understood than better documented koina in mainland Greece. This paper highlights the regional characteristics of these Anatolian koina by examining their monetary and political economies. It first suggests that federalising behaviour in Hellenistic western Asia Minor tended to be centred on regional sanctuaries and festivals, and less involved in the formation of cohesive political institutions through federal law-making or military mobilisation. This also had the effect that they present the impression of being monetarily ‘light’, as is explained in the second section, because they were not by and large fiscally cohesive, or had close oversight of monetary supply, with the notable exception of the Lykian league – taxation was not hugely intrusive or extensive, and little federal coinage was produced. The last two sections consider this ‘lightness’ as a function of the regional specificities of political and economic power in the region, suggesting that koina functioned parasitically as organisations ensconced between imperial states and civic communities, both reflecting and shaping the dominant role in the region of these two types of polity in the Hellenistic period.
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Papalas, Anthony J., and Margaret Thompson. "Early Hellenistic Coinage from the Accession of Alexander to the Peace of Apamea (336-188 B.C.)." Classical World 88, no. 1 (1994): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351621.
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Duyrat, Frédérique. "Arados et la guerre (de 333 à 37 avant notre ère)." Revue numismatique, no. 2000 (April 10, 2020): 47–58. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3747690.
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Les monnaies frappées en abondance à Arados à l'époque hellénistique fournissent des informations sur les conflits politiques et l'histoire de la ville, mal documentée par les sources littéraires, épigraphiques ou archéologiques. Quatre exemples en sont donnés ici : 1) la multiplication par huit ou plus de la production de tétradrachmes est liée au renvoi des vétérans en Europe après la mort d'Alexandre et au paiement de leur solde; 2) la production de drachmes pseudo-éphésiennes à l'époque d'Antiochos IV fait douter que la cité se soit rebellée contre le souverain séleucide comme le laisse entendre un texte de Porphyre; 3) la surfrappe massive de bronzes aradiens par Tigrane en 83 indiquerait gue le roi d'Arménie aurait traversé le territoire continental de la cité ; 4) en 38/37, l'apparition du portrait d'Antoine sur un monnayage aux types uniquement civiques jusque là marque la défaite de la cité. L'augmentation des émissions d'argent est donc souvent liée aux événements militaires mais inversement leur disparition ou modification n'est pas nécessairement le signe d'une défaite. En l'absence d'autres sources, toute conclusion doit être prudente.
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Vitale, Marco. "Agathocles' Self-Representation as a Counterpart to Alexander in Syracusan Coinage: Doriktetos Chora, Athena, Artemis and Heracles." Gerión. Revista de Historia Antigua 42, Esp. (2024): 133–59. https://doi.org/10.5209/geri.94986.
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Do self-proclaimed royal successors, so-called "Diadochi", of Alexander the Great appear exclusively in the mammoth empires he left behind? Egypt, Asia Minor, Babylonia, Macedonia, Greece? Just people like Ptolemy, Seleucus, Lysimachus, Cassander, Demetrius? No. At least in terms of power staging and according to historical narratives of the Hellenistic and Roman periods, regular Diadochi and emulators of Alexander can even be identified in far-off Sicily. In particular, the first official king of Syracuse and contemporary of Alexander, Agathocles, adopted significant elements of Alexander's ancient Oriental-Macedonian self-portrayal and hybridised them with the local Sicilian pictorial tradition to create interesting and original new creations, which we will examine on the basis of Syracusan coins and ancient literature.
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Savvopoulos, Kyriakos. "POPULAR DIVINE IMAGERY IN HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN ALEXANDRIA. THE TERRACOTTA FIGURINES COLLECTION OF THE PATRIARCHAL SACRISTY IN ALEXANDRIA." Annual of the British School at Athens 114 (September 20, 2019): 317–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245419000091.
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Terracotta figurines represent one of the most fascinating categories of material evidence from Hellenistic (Ptolemaic) and Roman Egypt relating to the domestic aspects of religious life. They include deities, ordinary humans, animals and sacred symbols, represented in exhaustive variety, both in terms of content and form. The group of terracotta figurines presented in this paper are no exception. It is drawn from the collection of the Sacristy of the Greek-Orthodox Patriarchate of Alexandria and All Africa, exhibited in a most impressive Roman cistern, which was discovered during the recent renovation of the Patriarchate premises. The catalogue will be accompanied by a concise overview of the nature and role of the main divine protagonists in comparison to other types of material evidence such as statuary, architecture, coinage and epigraphy, focusing on Alexandria, the capital of Egypt during the Ptolemaic and Roman periods.
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Taylor, Lloyd Walter Hart. "The Karne Alexanders." Journal of the Numismatic Association of Australia 29, no. 2018-2019 (2019): 1–23. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3752785.
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The northern Phoenician port city of Karne was responsible for three small, short duration emissions of Alexander tetradrachms in the period 327-224 BC. The coinage is rare, represented by a corpus of 29 known examples struck from seven obverse tetradrachm dies paired to 13 reverse dies, plus a single drachm die pair. Series 1 and 2 are Macedonian imperial tetradrachm emissions, struck in the period c. 327-320 BC, separated from each other by up to six years. Series 1 is dated to 327/6 BC based on the presence of iconographic detail identical to that found on the coinage of nearby Arados. Similar reasoning indicates that Series 2 dates to the interval 324/3-321/0 BC. It was possibly struck in 321/0 BC at the direction of Antigonos Monopthalmos, the strategos of Asia, in association with the passage of the Macedonian royal army from Triparadeisos into Asia Minor. Iconographic detail and style suggest that mint workers may have been mobilised from nearby Arados for each of Series 1 and 2, while technical factors, including the identification of what is possibly the first ferrous tetradrachm die in the Alexander series, suggest the alternative possibility that dies were manufactured at nearby Arados and shipped to Karne for the striking of coinage. Series 3 consists of a small emission of tetradrachms and drachms bearing the year 35 date of the Aradian autonomous era (225/4 BC), part of a co-ordinated regional emission, struck as a contribution from the cities of the Aradian Peraia to help finance the invasion of Asia Minor by Seleukos III. http://www.numismatics.org.au/naa-journals/2018/
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Taylor, Lloyd Walter Hart. "The Earliest Alexander III Tetradrachm Coinage of Babylon: Iconographic Development and Chronology." American Journal of Numismatics Second Series 30 (2018) (June 4, 2018): 1–44. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3759305.
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The earliest tetradrachms (Group 1) from the mint of Alexander the Great at Babylon show a rapid progression in the development of iconographic detail, accompanied by a pattern of die use, which taken together indicate that the mint most probably commenced production in 326/5 BC. Group 1 consists of a small, short duration emission bearing the hallmarks of a rapid evolution of iconographic elements and style that laid the foundation for the expansive mint operation responsible for the subsequent Group 2 coinage. The latter was the most prolific of any from the mint. Initially the mint appears to have utilized two die engravers from the earlier Babylonian mint of the satrap Mazaios, supplemented shortly thereafter by die engravers from farther afield, possibly from one of the northern Phoenician, Syrian or Kilikian mints. Group 1 has the characteristics of a brief commissioning stage, lasting four to six months. It represents a modest estimated coined volume of c. 159 Attic talents.
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Reger, Gary, Otto Morkholm, Philip Grierson, and Ulla Westermark. "Early Hellenistic Coinage: From the Accession of Alexander to the Peace of Apamea (336-188 B. C.)." American Journal of Archaeology 97, no. 4 (1993): 809. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506730.
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Kuzmin, Yuri. "New Perspectives on the Date of the Great Festival of Ptolemy II." Klio 99, no. 2 (2018): 513–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2017-0035.
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Summary: The dating of the Great Festival at Alexandria described by Callixeinus (in Athenaeus) is controversial: the most widely accepted dates are the winters of 279/78, 275/74 or 271/70 BC. To the arguments for a date in the mid-270s BC should be added Athenaeus' mention (5.196 f) of a pavilion decorated with „silver“ and „golden“ thyreoi, i. e. oblong shields apparently of Celtic origin. This type of shield was not known in the Hellenistic East before the invasion of Celts into Asia Minor in 278 BC. Their appearance in the decoration of the pavilion may be connected to the destruction of the rebellious Celtic mercenaries of Ptolemy II Philadelphus on an island in the Nile Delta ca. 275 BC. This event was topical in royal propaganda of Philadelphus (in poetry, coinage, etc.). If the depiction of thyreoi alludes to this event 275/74 BC appears to be the most likely date for the Great Festival.
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Ando, Clifford. "Was Rome a Polis?" Classical Antiquity 18, no. 1 (1999): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011091.
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The absorption of the Greek world into the Roman empire created intellectual problems on several levels. In the first instance, Greek confidence in the superiority of Hellenic culture made explanations for the swiftness of Roman conquest all the more necessary. In accounting for Rome's success, Greeks focused on the structure and character of the Roman state, on Roman attitudes towards citizenship, and on the nature of the Roman constitution. Greeks initially attempted to understand Roman institutions and beliefs by assimilating them to paradigms within Hellenistic political thought. On the one hand, this process tended to obscure substantial differences between Greek and Roman political theory. At the same time, appreciation of Rome's relations with Italy created a means through which Greeks could imagine their own integration into the Roman community. Among the conceptual models available to Greeks of this age, only the polis provided a paradigm for a collectivity in which individuals had equal rights and toward which they directed their patriotic sentiments. That Roman Italy was not a polis did not force the coinage of new terminology: the polis formed a conceptual boundary that Hellenistic political philosophy never truly escaped. Repeated construals of Roman ideas and institutions on analogy with polis-based models ultimately forced a shift in the semantic fields of Greek political terminology and altered Greeks' conceptual archetype of the political collectivity. This process provided a framework within which Greeks could justify their wholesale participation in imperial culture and political life: they could, on these terms, argue that the gradual evolution of the world toward a single, unified empire actualized man's natural tendency to center his life around a single polis.
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Андриевский, Д. В., and М. М. Чореф. "IMPORTED HELLENISTIC COINS FOUND NEAR PARTIZANSKOE VILLAGE (SOUTHWEST CRIMEA) AS A HISTORICAL SOURCE." Proceedings in Archaeology and History of Ancient and Medieval Black Sea Region, no. 13 (February 15, 2022): 875–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.53737/2713-2021.2021.43.50.030.
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Публикуется небольшая, но весьма интересная подборка монет, найденных в начале XXI в. жителями села на поверхности холма Тавель. Это бронзовые монеты, отчеканенные в Сиракузах при Гикете II и Гиероне II, а также в Александрии или на Кипре при Птолемеях II, VI и VIII, а также IX или X. Вряд ли эти монеты могли одновременно использоваться в Юго-Западной Таврике в качестве платежных средств, т.к. выпущены они в двух достаточно удаленных государствах по различным стопам, из малоценного бронзового сплава. Речь идет, очевидно, о разновременных подношениях местному святилищу, находившемуся в III—I вв. до н.э. на холме Тавель. Монеты жертвовали, вероятно, потому, что чтили размещенные на них изображения. Сам же факт обнаружения этих артефактов свидетельствует о наличии контактов между населением предгорий Таврики и государств Центрального и Восточного Средиземноморья в указанный период. Our attention was attracted by rather small yet interesting numismatic sample of the Hellenistic times. The coins were gathered at the beginning of the 2000s by the residents of the village on the present-day surface of the Tavel hill. The sample consists of bronze coins minted in Syracuse under Hiketas II and Hieron II as well as in Alexandria or in Cyprus under Ptolemies II, VI, and VIII, as well as IX or X. Judging by the fact that coins were released by rather remote polities using different standards of coinage based on low-value bronze alloys, it seems unlikely that they could be simultaneously used in Southwest Taurica as means of payment. We believe that we are dealing with offerings repeatedly made for the local sanctuary which situated upon Tavel hill between the 3rd and the 1st century BCE. We assume that the reason why coins were donated to the sanctuary was that the images placed on them were honored. The very fact of the discovery may surely testify that some contacts took place in the time range mentioned above between the population of the foothills of Taurica and those of the polities in Central and Eastern Mediterranean.
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Hristina, Ivanova-Anaplioti. "Interaction and problematics of the bronze coinage minted for Apollonia Pontica at the edge of the 4th towards the 3rd century BC." Bulgarian Numismatic Journal 1, no. 1 (2023): 70–84. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7750721.
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The bronze issue of Apollonia Pontica depicting a seated Apollo on an omphalos has been indisputably connected for decades to the Seleucid presence in Thrace and, based on its iconography, dated to the middle of the 3rd century BC. Most of the remaining bronze issues have been placed in a vague chronological order before or after due to lack of solid evidence. Discrepancies of stylistic and stratigraphic chronology demanded a broad review of the many types often represented by only a few examples. An arrangement through die links and a review of the interactions in a denomination system may help fill the gaps in the chronology. Furthermore, all relevant characteristics of Classical and Hellenistic art shall be considered in this paper to reattribute the issues and bridge the gap between these periods. The discussion emphasizes the weight of each chronological feature that should be contemplated, since they are applied not only in numismatics but also in other small finds disciplines.
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Cohen, Maayan, Dana Ashkenazi, Haim Gitler, and Oren Tal. "Archaeometallurgical Analysis of the Provincial Silver Coinage of Judah: More on the Chaîne Opératoire of the Minting Process." Materials 16, no. 6 (2023): 2200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ma16062200.
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Silver coins were the first coins to be manufactured by mass production in the southern Levant. An assemblage of tiny provincial silver coins of the local (Judahite standard) and (Attic) obol-based denominations from the Persian and Hellenistic period Yehud and dated to the second half of the fourth century BCE were analyzed to determine their material composition. Of the 50 silver coins, 32 are defined as Type 5 (Athena/Owl) of the Persian period Yehud series (ca. 350–333 BCE); 9 are Type 16 (Persian king wearing a jagged crown/Falcon in flight) (ca. 350–333); 3 are Type 24 series (Portrait/Falcon) of the Macedonian period (ca. 333–306 BCE); and 6 are Type 31 (Portrait/Falcon) (ca. 306–302/1 BCE). The coins underwent visual testing, multi-focal light microscope observation, XRF analysis, and SEM-EDS analysis. The metallurgical findings revealed that all the coins from the Type 5, 16, 24, and 31 series are made of high-purity silver with a small percentage of copper. Based on these results, it is suggested that each series was manufactured using a controlled composition of silver–copper alloy. The findings present novel information about the material culture of the southern Levant during the Late Persian period and Macedonian period, as expressed through the production and use of these silver coins.
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Carradice, Ian. "Early Hellenistic Coinage - †Otto Mørkholm (edited by Philip Grierson and Ulla Westermark): Early Hellenistic Coinage from the Accession of Alexander to the Peace of Apamea (336–188 B.C.). Pp. xxii + 273; 45 plates (656 illustrations), 6 maps, 3 tables, 3 figs. Cambridge University Press, 1991. £60." Classical Review 42, no. 2 (1992): 403–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00284412.
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Lazarenko, Igor. "Производство и разпространение на имитативни монети от типа "Две младежки глави/ орел върху делфин" на град Истрос през елинистическата епоха в Североизточна Тракия". Bulgarian Numismatic Journal 1, № 2 (2023): 29–39. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10435292.
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Of the city coins, the silver issues of Istros were the most widespread in Northeastern Thrace during the Hellenistic era. The Thracians also used their imitations made of silver, bronze, and lead. Among the silver imitations, there is a fourré (subaeratus) (Figs. 1–3). It is possible that, through the issue to which it belonged, substandard coins were distributed outside Istros in the second half of the 4th century BC. The bronze imitations (Figs. 4–8), most of which were found in the Thracian city in Sboryanovo Archaeological Reserve (Helis?), were produced there between the last quarter of the 4th century BC and mid-3rd century BC. It is assumed that they were crisis coins, replacing the Istros drachms in the local circulation, or that they were used to compensate for some shortage of low-value coins for everyday needs. The lead imitations (Figs. 9–12) were found in Razgrad District. They seem to have had a monetary function because they are of three denominations. In Northeastern Thrace, lead coins having as their prototype coins from various times and issuers were produced by Thracians or Celts. The ceramic tools (Figs. 13–14) were found in a Hellenistic settlement in the Cheshmite locality near the village of Voynovo, Silistra District. One of these is designed for making poansons. By means of the other one, negative images could be imprinted in clay molds. Modern-day cast bronze imitations (Figs. 15–17) are coin-shaped objects made at the end of the 19th century or the earliest years of the 20th century.
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Litovchenko, Sergey. "The ‘Regnal Years’ of Tigranes II the Great." Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. Series: History, no. 65 (October 1, 2024): 10–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2220-7929-2024-65-01.
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The article discusses the policy of the kings of the Artashesid dynasty in the sphere of chronology. There is no unanimous view in historiography regarding the spread of Hellenistic or native eras of chronology in Greater Armenia. Analysis of the available sources leads the author to argue that, despite extensive contacts with Hellenistic states, the Seleucid era, or any other Asian era, was not used in Greater Armenia in the 2nd century BC. Tigranes II was probably the only king of the Artashesid dynasty who pursued a purposeful policy in the sphere of chronology. Analysis of the coinage of this Armenian king shows that during the heyday of the Armenian Empire Tigranes II did not see the need to introduce a special era of chronology. His coins bore no dates, with the exception of those minted in Damascus, which were dated according to the Seleucid era. Numerals appear only on coins of the so-called imperial type (bearing the legend “King of Kings”), which were probably struck in Artashat. While many modern scholars still refuse to recognize them as years of Tigranes II’s reign, it can be asserted with confidence that the numbers from 33 to 39 do signify the king’s ‘regnal years’. All other readings, such as the ‘Sidon era’ or an ‘unknown Armenian era’, entirely lack factual support. It is quite likely that after his defeat by Pompey in 66 BC Tigranes II began to put years of his reign on silver coins minted in Artashat. This can be explained by the king’s need to demonstrate to his subjects the strength and duration of his rule, whose prestige was gravely damaged by the capitulation of 66 BC. However, such placing of dates on coins does not indicate the establishment of a new era of chronology, because the coins of Tigranes II’s successor Artavazdes II bear lower years than those marking the coins of Tigranes II himself.
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Смирнов, Святослав Викторович. "“TALKING HEADS”: MODES OF NARRATIVENESS OF THE ROYAL HELLENISTIC COIN PORTRAITURE." ΠΡΑΞΗMΑ. Journal of Visual Semiotics, no. 2(24) (July 27, 2020): 251–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2312-7899-2020-2-251-266.
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В статье проводится анализ нарративного потенциала царского монетного портрета эпохи эллинизма. В отличие от портретов в скульптуре, на мозаиках и фресках, монетный портрет занимает в системе классического искусствоведения подчиненное положение и чаще служит в качестве вспомогательного средства для идентификации портретов в других изобразительных жанрах. Между тем появление и тиражирование монетного портрета, снабженного индивидуальными чертами, в период раннего эллинизма свидетельствует о переходе от коллективного (полисного) сознания к индивидуальному (монархическому). Для эллинистических государств портрет правителя на монете являлся не просто главным средством политической пропаганды, но и визуальным воплощением царской власти. Особое значение при исследовании царского монетного портрета имеет анализ эстетических и физиогномических теорий Аристотеля и перипатетиков, оказавших большое влияние на философию искусства эпохи эллинизма. Тело как единая знаковая система становится важным инструментом визуального нарратива, использовавшегося государством в целях репрезентации образа правителя и власти. Трактат «Физиогномика», написанный неизвестным последователем Аристотеля, демонстрирует яркие параллели с некоторым художественными приемами, широко использовавшимися художниками периода эллинизма: «томный» взгляд Александра, вьющиеся волосы царей, анастоле. Одним из центральных мотивов «Физиогномики» является так называемый «львиный стиль», подчеркивающий мужество и благородство. Элементы «львиного стиля» можно обнаружить в портретах Александра, а затем и в монетных изображениях многочисленных эллинистических правителей, подражавших образу Александра. Царский монетный портрет выполнялся в соответствии со строгим иконографическим каноном, где важное место занимал декорум. Так, известны несколько вариантов царского портрета (в диадеме, кавсии, шлеме, шкуре льва, лучистой короне и головном уборе в виде головы слона), каждый из которых обладал собственным символизмом. Весьма важным аспектом изучения нарративности монетного портрета является соотношение текста легенды и изображения. В монетном деле восточно-эллинистических монархий в период эллинизма происходит одновременно процесс художественной деградации портрета и увеличение текста легенды за счет включения божественных эпитетов правителя. Данный процесс демонстрирует смещение визуально-текстовых приоритетов: от имплицитного характера изобразительного нарратива к эксплицитному. Еще одним элементом художественного нарратива является изображение правителя в образе божества. Эта тенденция является отражением развивавшегося в эллинистическом мире культа правителя. Визуализированный вариант образа обожествленного монарха широко тиражировался на монетах. The present paper focuses on analysis of narrative of the Hellenistic royal portraits depicted on coins. Unlike most of the portraits in sculpture, mosaics and frescoes, coin portrait has traditionally received only an additional scholarly attention. Coin portraits were usually integrated into research as an optional means to identify portraits of other visual genres. However, the representation and replication of coin portrait with individual traits in the Early Hellenistic period shows the shift from the collective (polis) mind to the individual (monarchy). For Hellenistic kingdoms, the royal coin portrait was not only a key tool of the political propaganda, but also a visual representation of the kingship. For the study of royal coin portrait, the analysis of aesthetics and physiognomic theories of Aristotle and Peripatetics is of a great importance. The Aristotelian heritage highly influenced the Hellenistic art and was of a great importance for all artists. The body as a single sign system becomes an important means of visual narrative exploited by the power for creating positive image of the king and kingship. The ‘Physiognomy’, attributed to unknown follower of Aristotle, reveals some striking parallels with artistic devices, widely used by Hellenistic artists - ‘melting’ eye of Alexander, curly hairstyle of kings, anastole. One of the key motifs of ‘Physiognomy’ was a so-called ‘lion’ style, which indicated virtue and generosity. Some traits of this ‘lion’ style could be found in the Alexander’s portraits and then in the coin portraits of many Hellenistic kings, who to some extend imitated the image of Alexander. The royal coin portrait was made under a strict iconographic canon, where the decorum was important. Thus, it is well known some variations of royal coin portrait – in a diadem, in a helmet, in a kausia, in lion and elephant skin and in a radiate crown. Each of this headwear has its own symbolism. An important aspect of the study is a correlation between legend and image. For the Eastern Hellenistic coinage the process of artistic degradation of coin portrait and simultaneous process of growth of the legend occurs. This process shows a shift of visual and textual priorities from implicit nature of visual narrative to explicit one. Another component of the artistic narrative is a presentation of a ruler as a goddess. This tendency represents a ruler cult, which was widely developed in Hellenism. The visualized image of deified king was widely depicted on coins.
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Taylor, Lloyd Walter Hart. "The enigmatic Philip III issue of Seleukeia on Tigris." Journal of the Numismatic Association of Australia 31 (2022) (August 3, 2022): 86–106. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7029101.
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This study establishes that the die linked tetradrachm issues of SC 118 in the name of Philip III and SC 117.7 in the name of Seleukos were struck simultaneously at Seleukeia on Tigris. The issue in the name of Philip III was struck from purpose cut dies, an intentional posthumous issue, obverse die linked to a simultaneous issue in the name of Seleukos. A parallel emission of die linked tetradrachms in the names of Philip and Seleukos also occurred at Uncertain Mint 6A (Opis) in Babylonia, a short distance from Seleukeia on Tigris. This is a chronological peg that associates the issues from the two mints. It suggests that the emission from Seleukeia on Tigris accompanied the acclamation of the Seleukos as king, coincident with the inauguration of the mint at his new foundation in c. 304/3 BC. https://numismatics.org.au/naa-journal/volume-31-2021-2022/
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Dąbrowa, Edward. "Coinage of the Cilician Cities as a Mirror of Historical and Cultural Changes (V c. BCE – III c. CE)." Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 23 (December 31, 2019): 113–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.23.2019.23.06.
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In antiquity Cilicia was a small but important area. The geographical setting, between the Taurus Mountains, the Mediterranean Sea and Anatolia, and the fact that territory of Cilicia was crossed by several routes connecting Anatolia with the Mediterranean sea shore and Syria determined its strategic significance. The geography of the area held importance for its cultural development as well. The northern part of Cilicia, Cilicia Aspera, was mountainous, sparsely populated and poorly urbanized; cities were few and located mainly on the seashore. The southern part, Cilicia Pedias, was much more prosperous and intensively urbanized. Its location made it a bridge for various cultural and religious influences coming from neighboring countries, but also an object of their expansion. Both parts of Cilicia experienced governance of many powers: Achaemenid Persia, local rulers, Hellenistic kings, and the Romans. Each of them left own political and cultural imprint on the area. Effects of this cultural mixture are clearly visible in archaeological excavations and in many types of artefacts. Another type of evidence which reflects the complicated past of Cilicia is also available: numismatic evidence. There are a few Cilician cities in which coins were minted from the Achaemenid times to the Roman Empire. This paper attempts to look into the iconography of their coinage and analyze political and religious symbols and their subjects of depiction. The aim is to find out how specific powers ruling over cities influenced local traditions, what were the remnants of those, and how they eventually evolved over time.
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Kozlenko, R. O., I. M. Sheiko, and A. Reuter. "COINS FROM EXCAVATIONS AT THE «T-4» SECTOR IN OLBIA." Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine 40, no. 3 (2021): 304–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2021.03.20.
Full textAbstract:
Coins from the excavations of the «T-4» site in 2018—2020, located in the Terrace City of Olbia, are introduced into scientific circulation. The total number of coins found during three years of research is 154 items, half of which are dolphin-shaped coins. These include a treasure of coins and bronze items, which, in particular, contained 26 casted dolphin-shaped coins. The coin in the shape of a «wheel» from the West Pontic city of Istria also belongs to the Classical period. Coins of the Hellenistic era from the excavations at the «T-4» sector are represented by denominations with images of Apollo, Demeter and the eagle on a dolphin, Tyche in a crown in the shape of a tower and an archer, and borysthenes coins. Among the numismatic monuments of this time is a rare coin of the city of byzantium of the IV c. BC, which confirms the evidence of the Olbian inscription (НО 9) on trade contacts between these cities during the Hellenistic period.
 The latest coins of the pre-Getae Olbia are represented by coins of the Asia Minor city of Amis, which are dated by the end of the II — the first half of the I c. BC. These are tetrachalkos with images of the Ares head in a helmet and a sword in sheath, and Aegis with the head of Medusa and Nike. Their appearance in Olbia is associated with the inclusion of the city in the Pontic state of Mithradates VI Eupator, in particular the localization of the Pontic garrison in Olbia.
 Coins of Roman times are represented by Olbian assarius such as Zeus / eagle of the middle of the I c. AD, dupondius of the second half of the II c, AD and a tressis depicting the Roman Empress Julia Mamaeia, which belongs to the last series of monetary units of the Olbian autonomous minting. In general, the available numismatic material from the excavations of the T-4 site is dated from the second half of the VI c. BC, and until the cessation of coinage in the second third of the III c. AD, i. e. covers all major chronological periods of existence of Olbian polis.
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Bekov, Vladimir. "The Coin Magistrate ΚΥΡΣΑ and the Cult of Isis, Sarapis and Anubis in Odessos – New Epigraphic and Numismatic Data". Journal of Historical and Archaeological Research, № 1 (30 квітня 2023): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.46687/zupj3827.
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Abstract: The subject of the present article is a newly discovered dedicatory inscription of Isis, Sarapis and Anubis (Обр. 1), made by the society of their venerable believers. Some of these admirers are also connected with the coinage – the coin magistrate ΚΥΡΣΑ was the father of one of the initiates – ΗΡΩΝΥΜΟ. Thanks to the parallel between the epigraphic data and the coins, the newly discovered inscription can be dated to the second half of the 2nd c. BC. From the research it can be concluded that somewhere in the outlines of Odessos during the Hellenistic era, maybe in the sacred territory around the today’s oldest active Christian temple in Varna – “The Assumption of the Holy Virgin” Church, or around the place of the newly discovered inscriptions (18 Tsar Ivan Shishman Str.), existed a temple of Isis, Sarapis and Anubis (№ 4 on Карта 1). Moreover, it is very likely that the upright statue of the Great God of Odessos was erected there in the 3rd–2nd centuries BC, and from its creation to be associated with Pluto/Sarapis, because the statue first appears on the Odessos tetradrachms of their own type (Cat. № 6–7, c. 168–167 BC). The new epigraphic and numismatic data confirm the opinion that the Thracians occupied very important positions in Odessos and perhaps had a leading role from the middle of the 2nd century BC until the capture of the city by Rome.
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François, de Callataÿ. "On the size of the two massive inflows of monetized precious metals in present day Bulgaria after the return of the Thracians having served for Alexander III and the Diadochi, as well as in the Roman army." Bulgarian Numismatic Journal 1, no. 1 (2023): 1–17. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7748375.
Full textAbstract:
From a monetary point of view Bulgaria proves to be surprisingly rich. In the full statistics by countries for Roman hoards Bulgaria comes in fifth position (out of 34) with one hoard for every 130 sq. km. The mid-3rd century is truly the summit of non-recovered deposits in Bulgaria. No less than three quarters (600 out of 800) of all Roman coin hoards found in Bulgaria were buried during the 3rd century. Looking at hoards buried in Bulgaria during Greek times (Fig. 5), one finds two peaks: one during the 4th century BCE, but actually concentrated at the end of the century, which may be linked with the return of Thracian auxiliaries having served in the army of Alexander the Great, and a second one, more spectacular, at the end of the 2nd century and the first half of the 1st century, which may be linked with the return of Thracian auxiliaries having served primarily in the Roman Republican army. With more than 150 hoards in a few decades, the last third of the 4th century BCE is thus the first massive phenomenon of hoarding in Bulgaria. It came with Alexander the Great, first through his northern campaign but much more through the Thracian auxiliaries which came back in their homelands at the end of their services. For the last part of the 4th century BCE, Bulgaria and Romania absorbed nearly one half (44%) of all the occurrences for gold Alexander the Great’s coin hoards, more than three times what could be found for Macedonia or continental Greece. Thracian auxiliaries at that time preferred gold with the two Hellespontic mints of Abydus and Lampsacus favouring the production of staters while the mints of Asia Minor concentrated on drachms. The second moment of major flow of monetized precious metals into Bulgaria came two centuries later with a peak during the last decade of the 2nd century and the three first decades of the 1st century BCE. It includes a variety of coinages: the explicitly Roman tetradrachms of the First Meris of Macedonia and those in the name of Aesillas, the civic tetradrachms of Thasos and Maroneia, the drachms of Dyrrachion and Apollonia, the Athenian stephanephoroi. The circulation pattern differs from one coinage to another: the tetradrachms of the First Meris of Macedonia were found in the western north as the Roman Republican denarii (Vratsa Province) while the tetradrachms in the name of the Thasians were massively found in the provinces of Shumen and Stara Zagora. None is concentrated on the seashore. To sum up, modern Bulgaria is this area which has three times produced an accumulation of coin deposits like no other region at the same time and for which a military cause can each time be clearly identified. These three massive burials have been caused by: 1) the return of Thracian auxiliaries having served under Alexander the Great and later on — the Diadochi; 2) the return of Thracian auxiliaries having served the Roman Republican army, and 3) the unrest of the 240s culminating in the battle of Abritus in 251 CE. These coinages have been extensively studied and we do have a die-study for most of them (Table 1). This allows to settle the original number of obverse dies, how much it makes in talents for an average productivity of 20,000 coins per obverse die, and the yearly average in talents. Thereafter, some estimations of the size of the inflow of monetized precious metals brought by Thracian auxiliaries could be suggested: ca. 50,000 talents of Attic silver reached the area in the early Hellenistic times (Fig. 11), and for the late Hellenistic, as a working hypothesis, ca. 15,000 talents, adding the Roman Republican denarii and the drachms of Apollonia (Fig. 12).
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Smirnov, Svyatoslav V. "Coins of the Cappadocian Kingdom from the Collection of the Historical State Museum." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 6 (2022): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080020988-3.
Full textAbstract:
The present paper is a publication of a collection of the coins of Hellenistic Cappadocia held by the State Historical Museum (Moscow). This collection consists of 37 items: 36 drachms and a tetradrachm, including rare and unique specimens. The coins under investigation relates to the coinage of Ariarates IV, Ariarates V, Ariarates VI, Ariarates IX, Ariobarzanes I, Ariobarzanes III and Ariarates X. A great part of these items derives from the acquisitions of the late XIX – early XX centuries. Unfortunately, the precise information about its provenance is unavailable. Ten pieces were received by SHM after 1945 and come from private collections of various collectors. 24 items out of 37 belong to the reign of Ariobarzanes I and represent coins of the same denomination – drachm. A relatively chronologically representative sample made it possible to analyze the surface composition of the metal alloy of coins by X-ray fluorescence analysis. The results show that by the end of reign of Ariobarzanes I the percentage of silver in the coin decreases while the proportion of copper increases. The correlation analysis demonstrates a very high level of inverse correlation between silver and copper, which means that the &quot;spoilage&quot; of the coin took place precisely due to an increase in the proportion of copper, and the trace impurities of other metals found in the metal were not included in this process. It could be assumed that such a decrease of proportion of silver in the coins of Ariobarzan I was caused by the difficult financial situation of Cappadocia at the end of the Third Mithridatic War.
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Taylor, Lloyd Walter Hart. "A Philip III Tetradrachm Die Pair Recycled by Seleukos I." Koinon The International Journal of Classical Numismatic Studies I (October 1, 2018): 39–46. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3880663.
Full textAbstract:
A newly identified Alexandrine tetradrachm type struck from a recycled pair of Philip III dies, recut to include the anchor insignia and name of Seleukos, is to be added to the corpus of Babylonia Uncertain Mint 6A (Opis). It represents a new series in the mint's output, Series V(a), that is closely allied to, but preceding Series V in the name of Seleukos. It is distinguished from the latter by the presence of the anchor symbol and the archaized depiction of Zeus. It precedes the decision to eliminate the anchor insignia from coinage of Uncertain Mint 6A and thus must be amongst the first, if not the first coin type to bear the name of Seleukos, die linked as it is to the last of the issues in the name Philip III Arrhidaios, the last of the Macedonian pure blood Argead line. Considered in the context of other die links between different series in the corpus of Babylonian Uncertain Mint 6A, this die link has a ritual character, in effect a numismatic statement of the legitimacy of Seleukos as the successor to Philip III Arrhidaios.
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Taylor, Lloyd Walter Hart. "Sidon to Tyre: the Macedonian administration and relative chronology." KOINON The International Journal of Classical Numismatic Studies Volume III (2020) (June 4, 2020): 43–53. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4312520.
Full textAbstract:
This essay summarizes the chronology of the dated Alexander tetradrachms of Sidon and Tyre (Ake of Newell and Price), including the implications of recent analysis of the Achaemenid dating era applicable to Tyre. It details a newly identified die link between the first issue of each mint, one that sheds light on the approach of the Macedonians to the establishment of a mint at Tyre following the successful siege of the city. Read the complete paper in the attached KOINON III (2020) open access sampler.
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Psoma, Selene E. "Unity versus Diversity in the Hellenistic Period." Classica et Mediaevalia, no. 1 (May 10, 2024): 159–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.vi1.145233.
Full textAbstract:
This paper offers a full description of the koinon hellenikon nomisma of the Hellenistic period and of almost all other coinages of the same period. The koinon hellenikon nomisma was issued on the Attic standard, while all other coinages were struck with different standards: Milesian, Aeginetan and reduced Aeginetan, Corinthian, Corcyrean, Persian, Nesiotic, Chian, the standard of Rhodes, that of the cities of Apollonia and Dyrrachium in Illyria, and of the kistophoroi. The use of these different standards pointed to previous monetary backgrounds of the cities and koina in question. It aimed, as was the case during the Archaic and the Classical periods, mainly to create different monetary zones, thus revealing, through the local circulation of coinages struck on the same standard, a sort of regional unity. This was not the case of the many Attic weight standard coinages. Alexanders, Antigonid, Seleucid, Attalid and other royal coinages, as well as coinages of cities minted with civic types and on the Attic standard, could circulate all around the vast Hellenistic world. The choice of kings and cities to mint on this standard and hoard evidence reveal that this was in fact the koinon hellenikon nomisma of the period. Epigraphic evidence supports this view: Alexanders – and other Attic weight coinages – served various military needs such as the payment of siteresia, the repair of walls, the payment of ransom to free prisoners, travel funds for theoroi and ambassadors, money for public subscriptions (epidoseis), and funds for various religious and other obligations. These were the needs that the koinon hellenikon nomisma of the Platonic Laws (742a-e) was supposed to fulfil. Thus, the Attic standard coinages refer to unity, while all others to diversity.
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Woytek, Bernhard. "Heads and Busts on Roman Coins. Some Remarks on the Morphology of Numismatic Portraiture." Revue Numismatique 171 (2014) (October 18, 2014): 45–71. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8020409.
Full textAbstract:
Portraits were the standard obverse types of Roman imperial coins. Up to the mid-1st century AD, gender-specific morphological differences in the numismatic portraiture of emperors and their family members are in evidence. There were invariably portrait heads for the rulers, but draped portrait busts for imperial ladies. In this paper, the differences are analysed in detail and possible explanations are discussed. The imperial bust types are set in the context not only of Hellenistic royal coinages, but also of the heads and busts of gods and mortals appearing on Roman Republican coins – a tradition hitherto underexplored in scholarship.