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1

Falivene, M. Rosaria, and G. O. Hutchinson. "Hellenistic Poetry." Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica 35, no. 2 (1990): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20547056.

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Schade, Gerson. "Hellenistic mimetic poetry." Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae 27, no. 1 (June 15, 2016): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sppgl.2017.xxvii.1.1.

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3

Goldhill, Simon. "Framing and polyphony: readings in Hellenistic poetry." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 32 (1986): 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500004818.

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‘Then babble, babble words, like the solitary child who turns himself into children, two, three…” Beckett.In this paper, I intend to discuss three central Hellenistic poems: Callimachus' Hymn to Zeus, Theocritus' Idyll 11 and Idyll 7. Each of these poems holds a privileged position in the discussion of the Hellenistic era as well as in each poet's corpus. I am certainly not offering here what could be called complete or exhaustive readings of these works – that would be far beyond the scope of a paper of this length; rather, I want to focus on a key point of interpretation in each poem. In the Hymn to Zeus, I am going to investigate the language of truth; in Idyll 11, the poem's structure of frame and song; and in Idyll 7, the poem's programmatic force. There are two aims in this strategy: the first is to investigate the topic of the ‘poet's voice’ in Hellenistic poetry. The three poems and the three topics of my discussion are linked in the concern for how a poet places himself within his poetry – ‘Who speaks?’, as Roland Barthes put it. The interest in poetry and how a poet relates to his poetry is a constant and fascinating theme through these works, and each of the topics I have chosen to discuss will illuminate this interest from a different aspect. Secondly, through a consideration of these three key moments of interpretation, I shall be arguing for an increased awareness of the complexity and subtlety of Hellenistic poetry. I intend to show how critics' approaches and decisions with regard to these nodes of interpretation, which may be regarded as paradigmatic, have led to a worrying oversimplification of Hellenistic poetry. I hope to show in some measure how the intellectual complexity which makes these poems so hard to read and to criticize, can also be a source of their continuing interest and delight for us.
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Clack, Jerry, and Barbara Hughes Fowler. "Hellenistic Poetry: An Anthology." Classical World 85, no. 2 (1991): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351056.

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Barbantani, Silvia. "HELLENISTIC POETRY AND PROPAGANDA." Classical Review 53, no. 2 (October 2003): 312–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/53.2.312.

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Volk, Katharina. "‘HELLENISTIC POETRY FOR GROWN-UPS’." Classical Review 53, no. 1 (April 2003): 28–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/53.1.28.

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7

Kayachev, Boris. "CATALEPTON 9 AND HELLENISTIC POETRY." Classical Quarterly 66, no. 1 (March 31, 2016): 180–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838816000070.

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The dating of Catalepton 9 has been the central issue of scholarship on that poem. The more particular questions of the poem's authorship, the identity of the addressee, and its chronological relation to other texts, both depend on and contribute to ascertaining the date of composition. The clearest exposition of the problem remains that by Richmond. Evidence provided by Catalepton 9 falls into two categories: literary and historical. Literary evidence encompasses two kinds of data: various formal features of the text and intertextual links with other poetry. While the poem's metre, language and style suggest a relatively early date of composition (before the Eclogues), the close textual parallels with the Eclogues, interpreted as borrowings from rather than sources of Virgil's poetry, point in the opposite direction. Historical indications are likewise ambivalent. On the one hand, it seems likely that the addressee is M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus (cos. 31 b.c.) and, further, that the occasion of composition is his (only) triumph in 27 b.c. (Catalepton 9.3 uictor adest, magni magnum decus ecce triumphi). On the other hand, the allusions to his military achievements (4–5, 41–54) are both too vague and exaggerated, and, if taken literally, do not fit well our Messalla at any particular point of his career (nor any other known member of the family). Richmond, following Birt and followed by Schoonhoven, believed that at least some of the historical references are ‘intended to be prophetic’. More recently, Peirano has attempted to explain this lack of precision by arguing that Catalepton 9 is not a real-life panegyric but a later biographical fiction, the real focus of which ‘is to be found […] in the relationship that the poem constructs between Virgil and his patron’.
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Bowman, Laurel. "Nossis, Sappho and Hellenistic Poetry." Ramus 27, no. 1 (1998): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00001934.

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Nossis 11 (AP 7.718)Stranger, if you're sailing towards Mitylene of the beautiful dancesto draw inspiration from the flower of the graces of Sappho,say that I was dear to the Muses, and that the Locrian land bore me, and once you know that my name was Nossis, go.Reading is a difficult art. We read best, that is, not only with most sensitivity but with greatest pleasure, those texts which we have been taught to read well. Learning to read a new author, or in a new genre, is a great effort, the more difficult if it must be self-taught. Few readers are equipped to make the attempt wholly unaided. A new poet who wishes to become well-known does well to attempt visibly to attach her work to that of a canonical predecessor, to indicate how she wants her work to be read, and that it can be read with the critical tools already in the reader's possession.
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9

Mitchell, Bruce W. "Hellenistic Poetry - G. O. Hutchinson: Hellenistic Poetry. Pp. xii + 374. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988. £40." Classical Review 40, no. 1 (April 1990): 52–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00252098.

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Greene, Robin J. "Post-Classical Greek Elegy and Lyric Poetry." Brill Research Perspectives in Classical Poetry 2, no. 2 (June 17, 2021): 1–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25892649-12340004.

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Abstract This volume traces the development of Greek elegy and lyric in the hands of Hellenistic and Roman-era poets, from literary superstars such as Callimachus and Theocritus to more obscure, often anonymous authors. Designed as a guide for advanced students and scholars working in adjacent fields, this volume introduces and explores the diverse body of surviving later Greek elegy and lyric, contextualizes it within Hellenistic and Roman culture and politics, and surveys contemporary critical interpretations, methodological approaches, and avenues for future study.
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11

Bulloch, Anthony. "Commentary: Difference and Dissonance in Hellenistic Poetry." Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-) 122 (1992): 331. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/284377.

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Klooster, Jacqueline J. H. "The New Posidippus, a Hellenistic Poetry Book." Mnemosyne 60, no. 2 (April 1, 2007): 297–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852507x194845.

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Nelson, Thomas J. "Attalid aesthetics: the Pergamene ‘baroque’ reconsidered." Journal of Hellenic Studies 140 (November 2020): 176–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426920000087.

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Abstract:In this paper, I explore the literary aesthetics of Attalid Pergamon, one of the Ptolemies’ fiercest cultural rivals in the Hellenistic period. Traditionally, scholars have reconstructed Pergamene poetry from the city’s grand and monumental sculptural programme, hypothesizing an underlying aesthetic dichotomy between the two kingdoms: Alexandrian ‘refinement’ versus the Pergamene ‘baroque’. In this paper, I critically reassess this view by exploring surviving scraps of Pergamene poetry: an inscribed encomiastic epigram celebrating the Olympic victory of a certain Attalus (IvP I.10) and an inscribed dedicatory epigram featuring a speaking Satyr (SGO I.06/02/05). By examining these poems’ sophisticated engagements with the literary past and contemporary scholarship, I challenge the idea of a simple opposition between the two kingdoms. In reality, the art and literature of both political centres display a similar capacity to embrace both the refined and the baroque. In conclusion, I ask how this analysis affects our interpretation of the broader aesthetic landscape of the Hellenistic era and suggest that the literature of both capitals belongs to a larger system of elite poetry which stretched far and wide across the Hellenistic world.
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Gross, Nicolas, and Wendell Clausen. "Virgil's Aeneid and the Tradition of Hellenistic Poetry." Classical World 82, no. 4 (1989): 325. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350404.

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Galinsky, Karl, Wendell Clausen, David O. Ross, and R. O. A. M. Lyne. "Virgil's Aeneid and the Tradition of Hellenistic Poetry." American Journal of Philology 110, no. 1 (1989): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294963.

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16

Walsh, George B. "Surprised by Self: Audible Thought in Hellenistic Poetry." Classical Philology 85, no. 1 (January 1990): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/367171.

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De Stefani, Claudio. "The New Posidippus: A Hellenistic Poetry Book (review)." Classical World 100, no. 3 (2007): 316–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2007.0036.

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18

Colesanti, Giulio. "La psilosi nel coliambo ellenistico." AION (filol.) Annali dell’Università degli Studi di Napoli “L’Orientale” 41, no. 1 (December 20, 2019): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17246172-40010024.

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Abstract Deductive reasoning (as Hipponax composed choliambic verses in a psilotic Ionic, his Hellenistic imitators must also have reproduced psilosis in their choliambic works), the comparison with Theoc. Idyllls 28–31 (where he imitated the psilotic Aeolic dialect of Alcaeus) and above all the attested psilotic words in the verses of Phoenix of Colophon, Herodas and Callimachus suggest that the entire Hellenistic choliambic poetry was written in an Ionic characterised by psilosis.
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19

Kelly, Adrian. "HELLENISTIC ARMING IN THEBATRACHOMYOMACHIA." Classical Quarterly 64, no. 1 (April 16, 2014): 410–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838813000840.

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Scholarship has long argued that theBatrachomyomachia(BM) is to be dated to the Hellenistic period or later, but the question of its literary affiliations in this context has only recently been addressed. Usually considered an example of παρωιδία, the poem is a unique example of that genre in several respects, including the extent to which it develops its own formularity rather than merely mirroring the Homeric exemplar with minimal change, and the fact that it was passed off as the work of Homer himself instead of being self-consciously distanced from the parodied author. It is therefore fitting that theBMis also unusual for ancient parody in dealing with the scholarly discourse surrounding its primary exemplar. This note offers, as an(other) example of this tendency, theBM's engagement with the Homeric arming scene, and its reception in Hellenistic poetry and scholarship.
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20

Lightfoot, J. L. "Catalogue Technique in Dionysius Periegetes." Ramus 37, no. 1-2 (2008): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00004884.

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Dionysios gehört zu den interessantesten Problemen der griechischen Literaturgeschichte.Knaack (1905) 916.34f.Within the general context of increasing interest in Greek literature in the Roman period, interest in Dionysius the Periegete is certainly on the rise. Our knowledge of his extensive textual tradition is still expanding, and further editions are under way; the ideologies that structure his work have been explored in a series of publications by Christian Jacob (1990, 1991); and the welcome increase in the volume of publications over the last five years or so includes a collection of essays which is especially geared to one of my themes in this essay, Dionysius' relations with Hellenistic poetry and poets. Yet there are some basic aspects of his poetics that remain un-, or under-, studied. At the heart of the matter, I suggest, are two major backgrounds that need to be explored further.The first is the reception of Hellenistic poetry in the imperial period. Dionysius is a neo-Hellenistic poet. Indeed, he is so convincing a neo-Hellenistic poet that a critic as astute as Tycho Mommsen placed him in the first century BCE on the basis of a whole array of stylistic and metrical and other sorts of linguistic criteria. Dionysius' true date has been known for a century and a quarter; but we are really none the wiser about what it was that gave rise to this extraordinarily competent and convincing Hellenistic imitation. It is not only that he imitates Apollonius, Callimachus, Nicander, Aratus and others in purple passages of his own, but that so many of his techniques of composition and allusion, and—as this paper will demonstrate—his formal evocation of certain styles of writing, are thoroughly Hellenistic. So the first thing that is needed is an exploration of the various ways in which imperial writers respond to the masters of the high Hellenistic period, and their successors: is Dionysius a representative of a special and distinctive strain in imperial poetics, or is he a particular instance of something more multiform and complex?
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Sistakou, Evina. "χὠς ἴδον, ὣς ἐμάνην. Space, Desire and the Female Gaze in Hellenistic Poetry." Trends in Classics 16, no. 1 (July 1, 2024): 124–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2024-0005.

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Abstract This paper studies the female gaze at the intersection of space, genre and gender in three Hellenistic poets who have explored the female viewpoint in their works, namely Apollonius of Rhodes, Theocritus and Herodas. The female gaze covers all the stages of desire from erotic fantasy to sexual fulfillment, and is contingent on both aesthetic factors and the sociocultural background of gender roles. It reflects the power dynamics between male and female and also becomes a means of subverting male authority by the gazing female. In Hellenistic poetry, the various degrees of female liberation through the control of the gaze vary depending on the spaces occupied by women. I argue that women, initially confined in the oikos according to the conventions of epic poetry, are represented as being gradually liberated in natural and urban spaces, the emblematic spaces of the neoteric genres of the bucolic idyll and the mime; this shift in gender dynamics is conveyed through the illustration of the female gaze in distinct genres of poetry and their respective symbolic spaces, namely the house, the natural landscape, and the city.
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22

Leitmeir, Florian. "Locusts, Grasshoppers and Cicadas as Muses." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 5, no. 2 (August 10, 2017): 219–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341302.

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The music of the τέττιξ and the ἀκρίς is a prominent topos in ancient literature, especially in Hellenistic poetry. However, the musical ability of these insects is also depicted in ancient art and could be distinguished in three categories: first, artists realistically represent the stridulatio; second, they show the juxtaposition of animal and instrument, and third, the anthropomorphized insects playing instruments like human musicians. The last option in particular reminds one of the equation of the cicada with both the Muses and the Hellenistic poet himself.
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Kwon, JiSeong James, and Matthias Brütsch. "Das Hohelied als jüdische Version der Liebesdichtung innerhalb eines gemeinsamen intellektuellen Hintergrundes in der hellenistischen Zeit." Journal of Ancient Judaism 12, no. 2 (June 2, 2021): 149–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-bja10010.

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Abstract This essay is intended to demonstrate that the Song of Songs (Canticles) is a product of a Hellenistic and Jewish intellectual background. It takes up motifs from Egypt, Mesopotamia, and is based on the Hellenistic poetry from Greece–Sicily–Alexandria. Its basic literary forms (Paraklausithyron, runaway love, descriptive songs of man and woman) were derived from the Hellenism of Alexandria, e.g. Theocritus and Moschus or its predecessors as an amalgam of these cultures. This conclusion is further supported by the manuscript evidence for the Songs of Songs found among the Dead Sea Scrolls.
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Elsner, Jas. "Modes of Viewing in Hellenistic Poetry and Art (review)." American Journal of Philology 126, no. 3 (2005): 461–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2005.0041.

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John B. Van Sickle. "Tradition and Innovation in Hellenistic Poetry (review)." Classical World 102, no. 1 (2008): 88–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.0.0041.

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de Bakker, Mathieu, Niels Koopman, Paul van Uum, and Saskia Willigers. "Poëzie op steen in Athene." Lampas 54, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 11–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2021.1.003.bakk.

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Abstract This contribution discusses a selection of remarkable verse inscriptions from the city of Athens. Such inscriptions should not be evaluated as subliterary pieces of poetry exclusively relevant within their local, spatial context. Instead, we argue that it makes sense to compare them with other poetry known from antiquity. We point at formal and thematic relationships between poems known from stones and via manuscripts, and also analyse a few Athenian verse inscriptions from Roman times that clearly reflect literary developments known from Hellenistic and Second Sophistic periods.
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Riaz, Sana, Ayaz Ahmad Aryan, and Marina Khan. "Analyzing Hellenistic Elements in Keats’s Poetry- with Special Reference to His Tales in Verse." Global Social Sciences Review VII, no. I (March 30, 2022): 455–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2022(vii-i).42.

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This study incorporates elements of myths and feministic beauty in inter-contextual structure in John Keats' poetry. This research is majorly concerned with the use of ancient Greek mythology and the elements of feminine beauty in Keats' mythological poetry. The study investigates Keats's search for truthfulness and beauty, his identification of love for poetry and his creation of his poetic genius with special reference to feminine beauty in his poetic works. The research is descriptive and qualitative in nature the framework is established by reviewing related poems and previous literature. Thus the data is generated from two main sources, the primary source which includes the selected poetry of John Keats and the secondary source which includes reviews of previous literary work. The Textual Analysis Method of Research is followed as the theoretical framework of Hellenism that comprehends a certificate for the conclusion of research problems.
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Hall, Alexander E. W. ""And Cytherea Smiled": Sappho, Hellenistic Poetry, and Virgil's Allusive Mechanics." American Journal of Philology 132, no. 4 (2011): 615–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2011.0037.

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Prioux, Évelyne. "Graham Zanker: Modes of Viewing in Hellenistic Poetry and Art." Gnomon 79, no. 6 (2007): 492–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2007_6_492.

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Hardie, P. R. "Virgil's "Aeneid" and the Tradition of Hellenistic Poetry. Wendell Clausen." Classical Philology 84, no. 4 (October 1989): 354–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/606080.

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31

Hunter, Richard. "The Periegesis of Dionysius and the traditions of hellenistic poetry." Revue des Études Anciennes 106, no. 1 (2004): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rea.2004.6422.

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Cette étude examine certaines des manières utilisées par Denys pour exploiter la poésie du IIIe s. av. J.-C. Pour Denys le plus grand poète après Homère est Apollonios de Rhodes dont les Argonautiques offrent un modèle de voyage autour du monde et un exposé géographique poétique. Denys utilise aussi la tradition hellénistique de la poésie didactique, connue grâce à Aratos et Nicandre mais qui remonte en fait à Hésiode et au “Catalogue des vaisseaux” d'Homère. Toutefois, il se peut que ce soit la voix de Callimaque dans les Aitia qui influe principalement sur le ton de la Périégèse. La façon dont Denys tire parti de ces traditions est un excellent exemple pour expliquer comment les poètes “didactiques” composant en hexamètre trouvèrent leur place malgré les prétentions de la prose savante.
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Klavan, Spencer A. "SUNG POEMS AND POETIC SONGS: HELLENISTIC DEFINITIONS OF POETRY, MUSIC AND THE SPACES IN BETWEEN." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 2 (December 2019): 597–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000075.

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Simply by formulating a question about the nature of ancient Greek poetry or music, any modern English speaker is already risking anachronism. In recent years especially, scholars have reminded one another that the words ‘music’ and ‘poetry’ denote concepts with no easy counterpart in Greek. μουσική in its broadest sense evokes not only innumerable kinds of structured movement and sound but also the political, psychological and cosmic order of which song, verse and dance are supposed to be perceptible manifestations. Likewise, ποίησις and the ποιητικὴ τέχνη can encompass all kinds of ‘making’, from the assembly of a table to the construction of a rhetorical argument. Of course, there were specifically artistic usages of these terms—according to Plato, ‘musical and metrical production’ was the default meaning of ποίησις in everyday speech. But even in discussions which restrict themselves to the sphere of human art, we find nothing like the neat compartmentalization of harmonized rhythmic melody on the one hand, and stylized verbal composition on the other, which is often casually implied or expressly formulated in modern comparisons of ‘music’ with ‘poetry’. For many ancient theorists the City Dionysia, a dithyrambic festival and a recitation of Homer all featured different versions of one and the same form of composition, a μουσική or ποιητική to which λόγοι, γράμματα and συλλαβαί were just as essential as ἁρμονία, φθόγγοι, ῥυθμός and χρόνοι.
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Najman, Hindy, and Tobias Reinhardt. "Exemplarity and Its Discontents: Hellenistic Jewish Wisdom Texts and Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry." Journal for the Study of Judaism 50, no. 4-5 (November 6, 2019): 460–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-15051303.

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AbstractThis article sets up a dialogue between two bodies of ancient texts, i.e. Jewish wisdom literature and Greco-Roman didactic of the Hellenistic period, with an awareness of the scholarly and interpretive communities that have studied, taught and transformed these bodies of texts from antiquity until the present. The article does not claim direct influence or cross-pollination across intellectual, religious or social communities in the Hellenistic period. Instead, the article suggests four discrete frameworks for thinking about comparative antiquity: creation, the law, the sage and literary form. The comparative model proposed here intends to create the conditions for noticing parallels and kindred concepts. However, the article resists the temptation to repeat earlier scholarly arguments for dependency or priority of influence. Instead, the essay demonstrates remarkable alignments, suggestively similar developments, and synergies. Perhaps, the ideal first reader for this article is none other than Philo of Alexandria.
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Klooster, Jacqueline. "Between (unbearable) Lightness and Darkness: Trends in Scholarship on Hellenistic Poetry." L'antiquité classique 83, no. 1 (2014): 159–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.2014.3856.

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Manakidou, Flora P. "Arion's Lyre: Archaic Lyric into Hellenistic Poetry. By Benjamin Acosta-Hughes." European Legacy 17, no. 4 (July 2012): 550–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2012.686975.

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Schmitz, Thomas A. "A. D. Morrison: The narrator in archaic Greek and Hellenistic poetry." Gnomon 82, no. 3 (2010): 211–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2010_3_211.

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Faulkner, Andrew. "Arion’s Lyre: Archaic Lyric into Hellenistic Poetry by Acosta-Hughes, Benjamin." Mouseion: Journal of the Classical Association of Canada 10, no. 3 (2010): 442–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mou.2010.0069.

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Clay, Jenny Strauss. "Arion's Lyre: Archaic Lyric into Hellenistic Poetry - By Benjamin Acosta-Hughes." Religious Studies Review 36, no. 4 (December 2010): 290. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2010.01465_1.x.

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39

Baumann, Helge. "Adrian Gramps: The Fiction of Occasion in Hellenistic and Roman Poetry." Gnomon 95, no. 2 (2023): 113–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417-2023-2-113.

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40

Mason, H. C. "Jason’s Cloak and the Shield of Heracles." Mnemosyne 69, no. 2 (February 4, 2016): 183–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341830.

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This article discusses the relationship between Apollonius Rhodius and pseudo-Hesiod. It argues that the ecphrasis on Jason’s cloak (Arg. 1.721-767) alludes extensively to the Shield of Heracles and to other Hesiodic poetry. Although some of the parallels in question have been noted before, many have been underplayed or overlooked. Apollonius’ references to ‘Hesiod’ should direct the audience’s reading of the Argonautica: the echoes of the Shield of Heracles focus attention on Heracles, who functions as a foil to Jason throughout the Argonautica, and invite comparison and contrast between the two heroes. The recognition of these allusions also has implications for certain problems in Hellenistic poetry.
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Rick, Evelyn Patrick. "CICERO BELTS ARATUS: THE BILINGUAL ACROSTIC AT ARATEA 317–20." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 1 (March 21, 2019): 222–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000235.

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That Cicero as a young didactic poet embraced the traditions of Hellenistic hexameter poetry is well recognized. Those traditions encompass various forms of wordplay, one of which is the acrostic. Cicero's engagement with this tradition, in the form of an unusual Greek-Latin acrostic at Aratea 317–20, prompts inquiry regarding both the use of the acrostic technique as textual commentary and Cicero's lifelong concerns regarding translation.
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Makhlouf, Peter, and Jay Reed. "Ad Astra : Imperial Mythology from Egypt to Rome." Helios 50, no. 1 (March 2023): 17–49. https://doi.org/10.1353/hel.2023.a948542.

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Abstract: The apotheoses in Augustan poetry, which range from tropes of a leader’s fame reaching the stars to full-blown catasterisms, participate in a Roman appropriation, contestation, and management of Hellenistic monarchical discourse that is as old as Rome’s claims to inherit global rule from the East. The present paper studies texts from Ennius to Lucan, with the greatest attention given to Virgil’s, Horace’s and Ovid’s transculturations of Ptolemaic encomium for the new Caesar-ean dynasts. As Roman leaders approximate Hellenistic rulers, Latin encomium stages an assimilation between poet and leader, both engaged in a contest over authenticity that depends on a closer imitation/emulation of Hellenism. In consequence, legitimating tropes of teleology and singular merit, resolved into poetic discourse, undergo the destabilizing polyphony native to intertextuality and interculturalism.
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43

Kearey, Talitha. "TWO ACROSTICS IN HORACE'S SATIRES (1.9.24–8, 2.1.7–10)." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 2 (December 2019): 734–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819001009.

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Hunters of acrostics have had little luck with Horace. Despite his manifest love of complex wordplay, virtuoso metrical tricks and even alphabet games, acrostics seem largely absent from Horace's poetry. The few that have been sniffed out in recent years are, with one notable exception, either fractured and incomplete—the postulated PINN- in Carm. 4.2.1–4 (pinnis? Pindarus?)—or disappointingly low-stakes; suggestions of acrostics are largely confined to the Odes alone. Besides diverging from the long-standing Roman obsession with literary acrostics, Horace's apparent lack of interest is especially surprising given that Virgil, his contemporary, friend and ‘poetic pace-maker’, was at the time conducting what seems to be a systematic adaptation of Hellenistic acrostic-poetics into Latin poetry.
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44

Lowe, Dunstan. "A STICHOMETRIC ALLUSION TO CATULLUS 64 IN THE CULEX." Classical Quarterly 64, no. 2 (November 20, 2014): 862–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881400024x.

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In a recent note, I collected instances of ‘stichometric allusion’, the technique in which poets allude, in one or more of their own verses, to source verses with corresponding line numbers. The technique existed in Hellenistic Greek poetry, but seems more prevalent (or at least, detectable) among the Latin poets of the Augustan era, who applied it to Greek and Latin predecessors alike, as well as internally to their own work. New illustrations of each type may be added here to those previously brought to light. Further examples, detected in an unsystematic fashion, no doubt lie dormant in published discussions and commentaries. Callimachus is still the only known Greek practitioner; perhaps his Roman successors considered the technique not merely Hellenistic but Callimachean. Authors of later ages employ the same techniques in equally haphazard fashion, although this does not mean that they had necessarily noticed examples from antiquity.
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45

O’Connell, Peter A. "Homer and his Legacy in Gregory of Nazianzus’ ‘On his own Affairs’." Journal of Hellenic Studies 139 (September 20, 2019): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426919000673.

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AbstractThis paper investigates how Gregory of Nazianzus imitates and responds to the Greek literary tradition in the autobiographical poem ‘On his own affairs’ (2.1.1). Through six case studies, it contributes to the ongoing re-evaluation of Gregory’s literary merit. With learning, wit, subtle humour and faith, Gregory adapts and reinvents earlier poetry to express Christian themes. Imitation is at the heart of his poetic technique, but his imitations are never straight-forward. They include imitating both Homer and other poets’ imitations of Homer, learned word-play and combining references to non-Christian literature and the Septuagint. Gregory’s references add nuance to ‘On his own affairs’ and give pleasure to readers trained to judge poetry by comparing it to earlier poetry, especially the Homeric epics. They also demonstrate the breadth of his scholarship, which extends to Homeric variants, Platonic epigrams and the entirety of the New Testament and Septuagint. Above all, Gregory insists that he is a rightful participant in a living poetic tradition. He writes Greek poetry for the fourth century AD, just as Oppian did in the second century and Apollonius and Callimachus did in the Hellenistic period.
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46

Sens, Alexander. "Hellenistic reference in the proem of Theocritus, Idyll 22." Classical Quarterly 44, no. 1 (May 1994): 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800017225.

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Theocritus' twenty-second idyll is cast in the form of a hymn to the Dioscuri, who are addressed in the proem as saviours of men, horses, and ships. This opening section of the idyll is modelled loosely on the short thirty-third Homeric hymn, and like that hymn contains an expanded account of the twins' rescue of ships about to be lost in a storm. As is hardly surprising, Theocritus in reworking the Homeric hymn draws on other literary antecedents as well, and like other Alexandrian poets makes prominent use of diction borrowed and adapted from the Homeric epics. At the same time, the proem also shares several points of contact, largely overlooked or disputed by previous scholarship, with the poetry of Theocritus' own contemporaries. In the present paper, I shall suggest that in the storm scene of the proem references to Aratus' Phaenomena and Apollonius Rhodius' Argonautica occur in a carefully arranged pattern with potentially significant implications for our understanding of the proem and the idyll as a whole.
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47

Skarbek-Kazanecki, Jan. "When poetry becomes autobiography: anecdote as an interpretative tool in the Greek classical epoch." Tekstualia 2, no. 61 (August 15, 2020): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.3810.

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The article discusses the role of biography in the reception of archaic poetry in the classical period. As it is illustrated by a fragment of Critias (295W), in the fi fth century B.C. the archaic poetic traditions, previously transmitted orally through performance, began to be interpreted from a biographical perspective: fi rst-person statements were mostly associated with the poets themselves and treated as a source of biographical information; in other words, archaic poetry came to be seen as a kind of autobiography. Anecdotes about poets were used to interpret the same poems which had provided the basis for these false stories: as an interpretative tool, they simplifi ed old compositions, not always clear for the reader. Until the 1980s, classical philologists often relied on false testimonies from the classical and Hellenistic era, limited by their attachment to the biographical perspective.
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48

Hunter, Richard. "(G. O.) Hutchinson Hellenistic poetry. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988. Pp. xii + 374. £40.00." Journal of Hellenic Studies 110 (November 1990): 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631772.

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49

Dobre, Angela Anca. "The Destiny in the Tomitan Funerary Poetry." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 8 (November 27, 2009): 257–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2009.12.

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The destiny is a favorite topic in the Greek and Latin mythology, which defines it as a divine independent body, superior to all deities of the Panthenon, „dictating” the facts even to Zeus. The Greek theatre illustrates the best the relationship between destiny and the individual freedom (to see the Greek drama authors: Eschil, Sophocle, Euripide). The Romans believed as well in Destiny seeing him as a personal genius, supreme judge of everyone’s life. The Greek colony and then the metropolis of the Left Pont, Tomis was perfectly framed into the Greek philosophical-religious system, Hellenistic, and then into the Roman one. We see how people of Tomis were „related” to the Destiny from the numerous funerary epigrams still preserved. All talk about the implacable destiny, about the existence of life after death reflecting the philosophical ideas was processed by the folk reflection of those who conceived them. The most impressive are those written for those dead too early and expressed the parents’ grief and helplessness in front of the faith. The funerary epigrams are inestimable sources for understanding the way of thinking, the philosophical and religious ideas of the ancient Tomis inhabitants.
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50

Rhu, Lawrence. "Other Minds and a Mind of One's Own." Conversations: The Journal of Cavellian Studies, no. 7 (March 23, 2020): 158–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/cjcs.vi7.4635.

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In an early round of the famous competition between poetry and philosophy, reason claims the upper hand against emotion. Though Plato achieves nothing like absolute victory for philosophy in this regard, Stanley Cavell rightly discerns that the stakes in this contest are high: nothing less than the soul. Not long after Plato, however, Aristotle ably defends poetry as an art that intends to work beneficially upon the passions to bring about positive results in both the soul and the commonwealth. Later, as Christian culture begins to supersede Hellenistic and Roman alternatives, St. Paul’s resonant prioritizing of charity over eloquence (both human and angelic) starts to carry the day. Early in the third century, Tertulian asks, “What has Athens to do with Jerusalem?” and memorably crystalizes the distinction St. Paul suggests by contrasting light with darkness, Christ with Belial, and idols with the temple of God.
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