Journal articles: 'Hellenistic religion'

1

Mellor, Ronald, and Jon D. Mikalson. "Religion in Hellenistic Athens." American Historical Review 104, no. 5 (December 1999): 1724. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649463.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Johnston, Sarah Iles, and Jon D. Mikalson. "Religion in Hellenistic Athens." Classical World 93, no. 2 (1999): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352403.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Harrington, J. Drew. "Religion in Hellenistic Athens." History: Reviews of New Books 27, no. 2 (January 1999): 86–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1999.10528349.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Rüpke, Jörg. "Hellenistic and Roman Empires and Euro-Mediterranean Religion." Journal of Religion in Europe 3, no. 2 (2010): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489210x501509.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis article argues that two important phenomena that are characteristic for the image and self-image of religions in and beyond Europe can be traced to Mediterranean antiquity in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. The first is the transformation of religious practices and beliefs that led to the formation of boundary-conscious and knowledge-based religious groups that could be called 'religions.' At the same time, however, religious individuality is shown to be much more important than is usually admitted in dealing with ancient pre-Christian religion. The first process is clearly gaining in momentum during the period analysed, as is shown by the history of several important terms and organisational developments; the second area does not allow a clear judgment on any progressive individualisation. The concept of axial ages is applied to stress the role of empire in these processes.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Martin, Luther. "Cognitive Science, Ritual, and the Hellenistic Mystery Religions." Religion and Theology 13, no. 3-4 (2006): 383–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430106779024644.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractMuch research in the cognitive science of religion has dealt with ritual. Two forms of ritual have been focused on, those characterised by repetition and routinisation, the characteristic most often attributed ritual, and the less noted forms in which ritual performance is infrequent and irregular but highly emotional and arousing. I hope, in this essay, to suggest the utility of cognitive theorising for the historical study of ritual with examples from the religions of the Roman Empire, especially, the Hellenistic Mystery Religions and the early Christianities, and to arouse interest in pursuing such studies further in the history of religions.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Lankila, Tuomo. "Post-Hellenistic Philosophy, Neoplatonism, and the Doxastic Turn in Religion: Continuities and Ruptures in Ancient Reflections on Religion." NUMEN 63, no. 2-3 (March 9, 2016): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341418.

Full text

Abstract:

This article is inspired by Peter Van Nuffelen’s comparison between post-Hellenistic philosophy and Neoplatonism. The article defends the thesis of a fundamental break between ancient religions and new universal religions which became prevalent at the end of late antiquity. This break concerns not only fundamental doctrines but also the principles of how religious communities were constituted. There was a shift from the world of practice-oriented and reciprocally recognizing cults to the world of exclusive theocracies whose mindset emphasizes doctrinal confession. Some seeds of such a “doxastic turn” are to be seen in the post-Hellenistic philosophy and especially in the dogmatic tendencies of Middle Platonism. Thus, there is an observable route from the post-Hellenistic thought towards late ancient universal religions.Neoplatonism’s role in this historical drama is not that of precursor but, rather, it represents a deviation from the main line.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Richardson, Peter. "Identity, Religion and Historiography: Studies in Hellenistic History." Journal of Jewish Studies 50, no. 2 (October 1, 1999): 319–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2211/jjs-1999.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Brovkin, Vladimir. "The critics of religion in early Hellenistic philosophy." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 13, no. 2 (2019): 637–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2019-13-2-637-647.

Full text

Abstract:

This article discusses the socio-historical conditions of the formation of criticism of religious representations in Greek philosophy in the period of early Hellenism. It is established that the formation of this criticism according to Epicurus, Theodorus, Bion and Euhemerus was influenced by the following factors. First, it is the rapid development of the cult of Hellenistic kings. Secondly, it is the emergence of new influential gods, the growing popularity of the Eastern gods in Greece, and religious syncretism. Thirdly, it is a gradual weakening of the traditional cult of the Olympian gods. Fourthly, it is the crisis of the polis, which contributed to the growth of individualism, weakening of religious and moral norms.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Forbes, Christopher. "Early Christian Inspired Speech and Hellenistic Popular Religion." Novum Testamentum 28, no. 3 (1986): 257–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853686x00156.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Anson, Edward M. "Religion and Alexander the Great." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 5 (December 15, 2022): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.94.

Full text

Abstract:

Alexander the Great was religiously both a man of his time and the catalyst for change in the pattern of Greek religious life. He accepted the ubiquity of divine presence in the world and participated actively in the practice of Greek paganism, but he was also imbued with his own importance which evolved over time into a belief in his own divinity. This belief and the desire for such recognition led to the worship of Hellenistic kings as mortal gods.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Touna, Vaia. "Manageable Self in the Early Hellenistic Era." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 39, no. 2 (May 11, 2010): 34–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.v39i2.009.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper argues that the rise of what is commonly termed "personal religion" during the Classic-Hellenistic period is not the result of an inner need or even quality of the self, as often argued by those who see in ancient Greece foreshadowing of Christianity, but rather was the result of social, economic, and political conditions that made it possible for Hellenistic Greeks to redefine the perception of the individual and its relationship to others.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Nel, M. "Die Hellenisties-Romeinse wêreld en die ontstaan van apokaliptiek en gnostisisme." Verbum et Ecclesia 23, no. 2 (August 7, 2002): 452–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v23i2.1214.

Full text

Abstract:

The Hellenistic and Roman world and the origin of the apocalypticism and gnosticism The world view and culture created by the oikoumene of the Hellenistic-Roman era (331 BC to early fourth century AD) was conducive to the rise of several philosphico-religious movements, like Mithraism and other mystery religions; Stoicism, Epicureanism and Middle Platonism; apocalypticism and wisdom literature in Hellenistic Judaism and Gnosticism. These movements have in common that they originated in a world defined by change and insecurity, leading to an attitude of alienation, despair and agony amongst many people. These people looked for a soter, and the philosophico-religious movements offered such soteria, salvation from an alien and evil world and entrance to a new world. Jewish apocalypticism flourished during the period from the third century BC to the first century AD, when orthodox rabbi’s started purifying Jewish religion from all foreign hellenistic elements like the dualistic views of apocalypticism. When this happened Christianity had already adopted the essence of Jewish apocalypticism. During the second century AD some Christians were disappointed that the parousia had not realised as expected imminently, and from their disappointment grew their involvement in gnostic Christian movements, centered around strong leaders (guru’s). Our age is also characterised by change and insecurity, just as the case was during the Hellenistic-Roman age, and the hypothesis of the article concludes with the assertion that the phenomenal growth in the New Age movement and neo-paganism can be explained in the same terms as apocalypticism and gnosticism.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Zweck, Dean. "The Exordium of the Areopagus Speech, Acts 17.22, 23." New Testament Studies 35, no. 1 (January 1989): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500024528.

Full text

Abstract:

Martin Dibelius long ago described the oration on the Areopagus as ‘… a hellenistic speech about the true knowledge of God’. In this paper it will be argued that the exordium of the Areopagus speech clearly conforms to conventions of hellenistic rhetoric in regard to exordia; secondly, that this exordium functions as an introduction to a deliberation on the topic of religion; and finally, that both the exordium and the speech as a whole bear witness to what Frederick Danker has aptly described as the author's ‘broadly ranging rhetorical competence’.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Goldenberg, Robert. "Identity, Religion and Historiography: Studies in Hellenistic History. Doron Mendels." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 316 (November 1999): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357508.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Duchesne, Ricardo. "Christianity is a Hellenistic Religion, and Western Civilization is Christian." Historically Speaking 7, no. 4 (2006): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hsp.2006.0056.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Zarmakoupi, Mantha. "Hellenistic & Roman Delos: the city & its emporion." Archaeological Reports 61 (November 2015): 115–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608415000125.

Full text

Abstract:

Much progress has been made in the study of the emporion of the port-city of Delos (Map 9) in recent years, with new excavations and preparations towards their publication, reassessments of previously excavated material as well as analyses of the history, religion, art and architecture of Delos in the Late Hellenistic and Roman periods. Home of the Sanctuary of Apollo since the Archaic period, Delos commanded a huge cult network that intertwined religious with economic and political activities due to its advantageous geographical position at the centre of the Aegean world. The latest research has focused on these religious, political and economic networks (for example Constantakopoulou 2007; Chankowski 2008; Collar 2013; Migeotte 2014; Raptopoulos 2014; Le Quéré 2015), while the important contribution of Véronique Chankowski on the economy of the island in the Hellenistic period awaits publication (see Chankowski 2011). Delos prospered in the Late Hellenistic period, when the Roman authorities granted the port of Delos duty-free status, and when the island reverted to Athenian control in 167 BC, turning it into a commercial base that connected the eastern and western Mediterranean. This report concentrates on recent developments in research on Hellenistic and Roman Delos.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Penella, Robert J., and Gail Paterson Corrington. "The "Divine Man": His Origin and Function in Hellenistic Popular Religion." Classical World 82, no. 2 (1988): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350318.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Naiden, F. S. "Recent Study of Greek Religion in the Archaic through Hellenistic Periods." Currents in Biblical Research 11, no. 3 (June 2013): 388–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x12461203.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Koutoupas, Athanasios. "Religion and Politics under the Ptolemies (300 BCE-215 BCE)." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 39, no. 2 (May 11, 2010): 27–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.v39i2.006.

Full text

Abstract:

The article examines the relation that is developed between the policy and the religion in Hellenistic Egypt during the period of the first four Ptolemies. It presents two levels of promotion of the practice of deification of the king: on the one hand the recognition of divine nature from the descendants of each king when he or she dies and on the other the recognition of divine nature from their subjects and the various civic communities during their life.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Eckhardt, Benedikt. "Vom Volk zur Stadt? Ethnos und Polis im hellenistischen Orient." Journal for the Study of Judaism 45, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 199–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-00000393.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract It is often stated in handbooks that in 175 b.c.e., Judaea (or Jerusalem) was transformed from an ethnos to a polis. This statement is based on received opinions about Hellenistic (and especially Seleucid) administrative categories that can no longer be maintained. A re-examination of the relevant literary and epigraphic evidence shows that ethnos was not used as an antonym to polis in Hellenistic sources. The article then tries to explain the emergence of a scholarly paradigm that took ethnos to be precisely that: the designation for oriental, non-urbanized communities that were inferior in important regards to the Greek polis. The main influence is argued to have been Aristotle’s peculiar use of the two terms. The scholarly concept of an ethnos/polis-divide can be traced back to nineteenth-century scholarship and its “orientalist” conceptions. This is important for appreciating recent discussions of the nature of Jewish identity in antiquity (“people” or “religion”), and for an increased awareness in Jewish studies of the discourses that have shaped common knowledge about the Hellenistic Orient in general and Judaism in particular.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Hurtado, Larry W. "“Ancient Jewish Monotheism” in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods." Journal of Ancient Judaism 4, no. 3 (May 14, 2013): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00403005.

Full text

Abstract:

Although “monotheism,” defined as affirmation that only one deity exists, is a dubious descriptor of ancient Jewish religion, there are distinguishing features of Jewish religious belief and practice (particularly in the late Hellenistic and early Roman period) that must be recognized, reflecting particularly a concern to distinguish the one biblical deity from all others. After engaging terminological debates, I propose that “ancient Jewish monotheism” can serve as a handy label for this concern. Then, I identify key features of this religious stance, which are evident in religious rhetoric and even more crucially cultic practice, particularly in the restriction of cultus to the one deity.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Mirón, Dolores. "Religion, Motherhood, and Politics in the Hellenistic World: Queen Apollonis at Teos." Phoenix 74, no. 3-4 (September 2020): 261–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2020.0039.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Betz, Hans Dieter. "The Birth of Christianity as a Hellenistic Religion: Three Theories of Origin." Journal of Religion 74, no. 1 (January 1994): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/489284.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Evlampiev, Igor I. "The Birth of Christianity from the Spirit of the Roman Empire. A Paradoxical View of the Religious Development of Europe in the Works of F.F. Zelinski." RUDN Journal of Philosophy 26, no. 1 (March 29, 2022): 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2302-2022-26-1-75-93.

Full text

Abstract:

The article analyzes the original concept of the development of ancient religions and the emergence of Christianity set out in the six-volume work of F.F. Zelinski History of Ancient Religions. Zelnski refutes the well-established idea of the origin of Christianity from Judaism and proves that it was based on the Hellenistic-Roman religion of the early Roman Empire. In this religion, a idea of monotheistic and pantheistic God was formed, which is the basis of all world processes and human actions, at the same time the idea arose of the possibility of a "particle" of God entering a separate human personality (the personality of the emperor). According to Zelinski, it was these ideas that became the basis of Christianity, which radically rethought them, but nevertheless left them close to the beliefs of the majority of the citizens of the Roman Empire; that is why early Christianity quickly spread throughout the empire. The article suggests that Zelinski's flight from Bolshevik Russia in the 1920s and his life in the Polish Catholic environment led to the fact that he refused to develop his ideas to their natural outcome, which could conflict with Catholic teaching. The article reconstructs the result that Zelnski should have come to with the consistent implementation of his ideas: he would have to admit that the teachings of Jesus Christ and early Christianity which arose from the Roman religion and not from Judaism coincides with that religious tradition which the Catholic Church has persecuted in a story called the Gnostic heresy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Sosin, Joshua D. "Unwelcome Dedications: Public Law and Private Religion in Hellenistic Laodicea by the Sea." Classical Quarterly 55, no. 1 (May 2005): 130–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/bmi009.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

GONZÁLEZ FERNÁNDEZ, Martín. "Nómos émpsychos. El tratado "De Iosepho" de Filón de Alejandría / Nómos émpsychos. The Treatise "De Iosepho" by Philo of Alexandria." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 15 (October 1, 2008): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v15i.6195.

Full text

Abstract:

Analysis of a capital text, De Iosepho (On Joseph), to understand the political philosophy of Philo of Alexandria. This autor, according to its religious creed (judaism) and its philosophy affinities (pythagoreanism, heracliteanism, platonism, aristotelianism, stoicism, pyrrhonism and neoplatonism), praises the monarchical state (the Theocracy of the Pentateuch would be the model, he hellenistic monarchies the copy), that reinterprets in terms of ethnos, religion and culture. The morarch should embody or to be the «Living Law» (Nomos Empsychos).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Brovkin, V. V. "Theodorus the Atheist and Ancient Atheism." Siberian Journal of Philosophy 17, no. 2 (2019): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2541-7517-2019-17-2-115-127.

Full text

Abstract:

It is established that Theodore’s anti-religious views were closely connected with his moral and ethical teaching. It is shown that all known ancient atheists, except Theodore, were inconsistent in their criticism of religious views. It is established that Theodore’s views on the gods and religion were formed in the conditions of the deepening crisis of the Greek polis and the formation of Hellenistic monarchies. It is concluded that Theodore was the most consistent and radical ancient atheist.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Kidd, Fiona J. "Rulership and Sovereignty at Akchakhan-kala in Chorasmia." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 24, no. 1-2 (November 5, 2018): 251–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341332.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractStarting from the fall of the Seleucid Empire, scholars have noted changes to the practice of kingship manifest in the emergence of what has been described as a ruler cult based on a blending of Iranian and Greek or Hellenistic practices. The mix of indigenous Iranian ideas of kingship and (“Zoroastrian”) religion with Greek and Hellenistic ideas is key to understanding the practice of Central Asian rulership after the arrival of Alexander the Great. Chorasmia has not traditionally been part of this conversation: here the issue of a post-Seleucid transformation of Iranian kingship is nuanced by the fact that Alexander never visited the region, and the remains of Hellenism are rather scant. Nevertheless, the most recent findings at the mid 1st century BC – mid 1st century AD Ceremonial Complex at Akchakhan-kala suggest new practices of rule also in this region. This paper examines these new ideas against the background of changing practices in kingship across eastern Iran, the Caucasus and Central Asia.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

DeMaris, Richard. "Demeter in Roman Corinth: Local Development in a Mediterranean Religion." Numen 42, no. 2 (1995): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527952598701.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis study constructs a history of Demeter worship in Corinth and its environs based on archaeological finds from the Demeter and Kore sanctuary on Acrocorinth and elsewhere in the Corinthia. These finds document the changing character of Demeter devotion from the Greek to Roman period. Demeter worship survived the Roman sacking of Corinth in 146 BCE, but the reemerging cult changed: Demeter's chthonic aspect became dominant in the Roman period. The earlier Greek emphasis on fertility, substantiated by votive pottery finds from the Classical and Hellenistic periods, gave way to funerary and underwold emphases. Evidence both from the Demeter and Kore sanctuary on Acrocorinth and from Isthmia attests to the growing importance of Persephone and Pluto, the rulers of the dead, and of snake symbols, whose funerary and chthonic affinities were deeply rooted in ancient Mediterranean culture.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Popov, A. A. "Culture of Hellenistic Bactria and the finds of inscriptions of the end of XX – beginning of XXI century." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg State University of Culture, no. 4 (45) (December 2020): 78–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.30725/2619-0303-2020-4-78-84.

Full text

Abstract:

The article is dedicated to the development of the modern researches of inscriptions which were found on the territory of Hellenistic Bactria (IV–I centuries BC). The emphasis is made on the texts discovered on clay and stone, as well as parchments. There are two important points in this work: the tax receipt on the parchment from the collection of Ashmolean Museum in Oxford and the contract with the Scythian detachment on the parchment, which was found in the Balkh region. The article tells about the dedication of Iromois to Oxus from Takhti-Sangin. The stone inscriptions from Kandahar take the important place: the first tells on behalf of some “son of Aristonax”, the second is the stele of a man named Sophytos son of Naratos. The written dedication to the goddess Hestia by Heliodotus discovered about Kuliab plays the main role. These documents illustrate a lot of cultural realities of Hellenistic Bactria. They touch upon the problems, connected with religion, education and literature and social, economic and political spheres.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Kormysheva, E. E. "Factors of formation and specific aspects of syncretic processes in Meroe religion." Orientalistica 3, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 921–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2020-3-4-921-937.

Full text

Abstract:

The author explores specific manifestations of the phenomenon of syncretism in theMeroereligion, as well as the factors, which did significantly contribute to it. She traces these factors on a wide time scale starting from the early archaeological cultures of theNileValleyto the Hellenistic time. The main subject of research is the cult of the gods, as well as the myths and rituals, which did accompany worship. The article deals with concepts of ‘unity and multitude’, which were instrumental for creation of local concepts of Egyptian deities. According to the author, this was the beginning of syncretism. Both the subsequent adaptation and acculturation can be seen in rethinking and creating images that retained many primordial Egyptian features. The Meroe ‘friend or foe’ concept could be traced on specific forms of adaptation of ‘enemy’ images to the Meroitic culture and the subsequent perception of them as “own” or “local”. One can identify this process as “inversion”, which run in two directions: the “alien”, i.e. Egyptian gods in fullness of time became “own” gods inMeroe, the gods ofKush, in their turn became part of the Egyptian pantheon. The results of the process, which culminated in creation of a syncretic culture can be seen in emergence of new hitherto unknown deities, which were distinguished by combination of various Greek, Egyptian and Meroitic features. The Hellenistic features ofMeroedeities came to this culture viaEgypt. The formation of the syncreticMeroereligion up to the beginning of the Christian era was marked by the mutual influence and coexistence of “borrowed” deities as well as those, which came into being in course of the process of “borrowing”. The phenomenon of syncretism was spread through many aspects of religious life covering not just individual images of deities or various ritual practices, but also the whole theological system ofEgypt. In the history of the world religions this was the first recorded spread of religious teaching beyond its historical borders and the subsequent adaptation to an “alien”, Sudanese culture.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Sassi, Nicolò. "Intertextuality, Isiac Features, and the Shaping of the Sacred Feminine in Trimorphic Protennoia (NHC XIII, 1)." Studia Orientalia Electronica 7 (April 25, 2019): 82–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.76643.

Full text

Abstract:

The aim of this paper is to bring to light through intertextual analysis some dimensions of continuity between the Hellenistic and Imperial theology of Isis and the figure of the Sacred Feminine as it appears in the Trimorphic Protennoia (NHC XIII 1). Instead of attempting to establish a diachronic (=historical) relationship of dependence between sources (e.g., borrowing, allusion, influence), this study establishes correspondences that can be traced on the literary level. Through a reception-oriented analysis, it will be possible to show the continuity between the Isiac religion and the late ancient mysticism of the Trimorphic Protennoia. A late ancient reader would have experienced the Nag Hammadi text in dialogue with Isiac traditions, and this literary dialogue with the Isiac religion would have nurtured and shaped their understanding of the sacred feminine described in the Trimorphic Protennoia.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Pavlenko, Pavlo Yuriyovych. "Judeo-Christianity as a Cultural-Religious Phenomenon in the Context of Early Christian Tradition and Modern Religion." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 43 (June 19, 2007): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2007.43.1866.

Full text

Abstract:

Even in the superficial reading of the New Testament, the fact that all the texts attributed to the Apostle Paul are too different not only in their creed, but also in their orientation to representatives of the Hellenistic world is striking. In contrast, the Gospels, the Epistles of James, Peter, John, Judas, and the Epistle to the Jews, and the Book of Revelation, are focused solely on the Jewish reader, have a clear, Jewish attitude. In one way or another, they constantly emphasize that Jesus of Nazareth is a Jewish Savior.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Papazarkadas, Nikolaos, and Jenny Wallensten. "Religion and family politics in Hellenistic Kalaureia. Three new inscriptions from the sanctuary of Poseidon." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 13 (November 2, 2020): 139–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-13-06.

Full text

Abstract:

This article presents three unpublished Hellenistic inscriptions from the sanctuary of Poseidon in Kalaureia (modern Poros): two found during archaeological excavations on the site and one recorded in a letter that was once part of Ioannis Kapodistrias’ official correspondence. All three inscriptions were dedicatory and carved on bases supporting portrait statues. Interestingly, they were offered to Poseidon by members of a single family already known from other documents in the Kalaureian epigraphic corpus. Remarkably, eight out of the 18 inscriptions discovered in Kalaureia make repeated references to men and women of this very family, which appears to have materially dominated Poseidon’s temenos and its environs during the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC through the careful placement of portraits of its members. Most of these statues were conspicuously placed by the entrance to the sanctuary, though at least one of them was erected inside of the god’s temple. In our article, we present in detail the three new inscriptions, one of them an epigram, and attempt an analysis of the religious behaviour of this prominent local family against the background of contemporary sociopolitical developments.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Moyer, Ian. "The Memphite Self-revelations of Isis and Egyptian Religion in the Hellenistic and Roman Aegean." Religion in the Roman Empire 3, no. 3 (2017): 318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/219944617x15014860816593.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Caneva, Stefano G., and Aurian Delli Pizzi. "GIVEN TO A DEITY? RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL REAPPRAISAL OF HUMAN CONSECRATIONS IN THE HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN EAST." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (April 2, 2015): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838814000676.

Full text

Abstract:

The adjective ἱερός is a central term in Greek religion and is used in various contexts. Generally translated ‘sacred’, it indicates that an object has been conceded to the gods and is now in relation with them (relation of belonging, protection, etc.). It appears frequently in Greek inscriptions in the expression τὰ ἱερά, to designate sacred objects or, in a more abstract meaning, sacred matters.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Porshnev, Valerij P. "Landscape gardening art of the Hellenistic states of Asia Minor." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg State University of Culture, no. 1 (46) (March 2021): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.30725/2619-0303-2021-1-112-120.

Full text

Abstract:

The article continues a cycle of publications of the author on Hellenustic landscape gardening art. The cultural region, which already in the most ancient times was a contact zone between the Greek world and the East is considered. The historical heritage of the Phrygian and Lydian kingdoms and the Persian Empire, which bequeathed to governors the Hellenistic era sacred groves, hunting reserves paradises and terrace parks with regular planning is traced. Special attention is devoted to parks of the Pontic kingdom of time of Mithridates VI Eupator’s government and parks of Pergamon. The country residence of Mithridates VI in Kabeira is interesting as a sample of the landscape park, the first in the history of the European landscape gardening art, at which there are motives characteristic for parks of time of Romanticism. Besides, parks in Kabeira and in Pergamon had unique collections poisonous and the herbs gathered by Mithridates VI and Attalus III. According to the author of article, these collections, besides utilitarian appointment, being raw materials for preparation of poisons and drugs, had aesthetic value, enriching park landscapes, and their natural qualities were intricately connected with mythology and religion of Greeks. Base of a research are the landscapes of the Black Sea coast of Turkey, the rich archaeological material saving up in one and a half centuries of excavations in Pergamon, and written sources, compositions of antique authors, among which are the works of poet and scientist 2nd century BC Nicander of Colophon not yet translated to Russian.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

BRENK, FREDERICK E. "Rethinking the Gods: Philosophical Readings of Religion in the Post-Hellenistic Period by Peter Van Nuffelen." Classical Journal 110, no. 2 (2014): 245–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcj.2014.0035.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Dirven, Lucinda. "The Author of De Dea Syria and his Cultural Heritage." Numen 44, no. 2 (1997): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527972629821.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe present contribution deals with the identity of the author of De Dea Syria, a second century work that claims to provide an accurate description of the religion in the Syrian city Hierapolis. Despite this assertion the information of DS has often been discredited. This is due to its presumed author, Lucian of Samosata. Since Lucian is known for his sceptical attitude towards religion, it is often concluded that the DS intents to ridicule the cult of Hierapolis. This assertion diminishes the reliability of the DS, since it implies that it contains fanciful and exaggerated information. It will be argued that the content of the DS provides no firm proof for Lucian's authorship. If the work was written by Lucian, he wrote in a style normally foreign to him. Apart from the wish to attribute this work to Lucian, there are no grounds to interpret the DS in the light of his oeuvre. Instead of starting from a preconceived idea about the author, this article aims to establish his identity by means of the contents of the work itself. Starting point is the allegation of the author that he is a Syrian who personally visited Hierapolis. The information provided by the DS on the Hierapolitan cult tallies with contemporary archaeological material and literary sources. It can therefore be concluded that the account is indeed based upon a personal visit. The author's self-identification as a Syrian is confirmed by the contents and the objective of the DS. On the basis of the contents of the DS its author is best described as a Hellenized Syrian who aimed to assimilate the Hierapolitan cult with Greek culture, while retaining its unique characteristics. As such his account intends to propagate the cult of the Syrian goddess in the Hellenistic world, in all probability especially in Hellenistic Syria.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Levin, Yigal. "The Religion of Idumea and Its Relationship to Early Judaism." Religions 11, no. 10 (September 24, 2020): 487. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11100487.

Full text

Abstract:

For several hundred years, from the late Iron Age to the end of the 2nd century BCE, the southern neighbor of Judea was “Idumea”, populated by descendants of Edomites, together with Qedarite and other Arabs and a mix of additional ethnicities. This paper examines the known data on the identity, especially religious identity, of these Idumeans, using a wide range of written sources and archaeological data. Within the Bible, “Edom” is presented as Israel’s twin and its harshest enemy, but there are hints that the Edomites worshipped the God of Israel. While the origins of the “Edomite deity” Qaus remain obscure, as does the process of their migration into southern Judah, the many inscriptions from the Persian period show that Qaus became the most widely worshipped deity in the area, even if other gods, including Yahweh, were also recognized. The Hellenistic period brought heightened Greek and Phoenician influence, but also the stabilization of “Idumea” as an administrative/ethnic unit. Some of the practices of this period, such as male circumcision, show an affinity to the Judaism of the time. This paper also discusses the outcome of the Hasmonean conquest of Idumea and the incorporation of its inhabitants into the Jewish nation.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Susila, Tirta, and Latupeirissa Risvan. "Recontructing the Formation of Israel's Religion in the context of Old Testament Biblical Text." Khazanah Theologia 4, no. 2 (August 28, 2022): 117–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/kt.v4i2.17024.

Full text

Abstract:

The Old Testament can be said to be an interpretation of life and beliefs at that time and period, namely in the world and beliefs of ancient Israel. In addition, the Old Testament is often considered the primary source for the history of religion and worship of ancient Israel. In the Old Testament found a presentation and description of the history of the ancestors of Israel as a nation until they entered the land of Canaan, and so on. This paper aims to reconstruct the history of Israel's religion in the context of the Old Testament world. To achieve this goal, the researcher uses a literature approach by analyzing the occurrence of the Old Testament canon, the context of the Old Testament, the history of the Israelites, and Israel's religion. The results of this study conclude that the religion of Israel occurred through the development process of the religious system that existed at that time. The claim that Israel's religion was imported from outside, then came into conflict with the Canaanite religious system basically has no religious historical basis. The emergence of varieties of monotheism that occurred in Israel around the 2nd century BC as recorded by Josephus was the culmination of an inclusive form of monotheism which gradually developed into exclusive monotheism during the Hellenistic period. This indicates that Israel's religious system in the era of the first temple was not monotheistic, but polytheistic which in practice often took the form of henotheism and monolatry. This research is expected to contribute to the study of theological topics, especially in the study of the formation of the nation and religion of Israel.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Moggach, Douglas. "Absolute Spirit and Universal Self-Consciousness: Bruno Bauer's Revolutionary Subjectivism." Dialogue 28, no. 2 (1989): 235–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300015742.

Full text

Abstract:

Recent literature on the Young Hegelians attests to a renewed appreciation of their philosophical and political significance. Important new studies have linked them to the literary and political currents of their time, traced the changing patterns of their relationships with early French socialism, and demonstrated the affinity of their thought with Hellenistic theories of self-consciousness. The conventional interpretative context, which focuses on the left-Hegelian critique of religion and the problem of the realisation of philosophy, has also been decisively challenged. Ingrid Pepperle emphasizes instead the centrality of practical philosophy, notably Hegel's dialectic of objectification, arguing that Bruno Bauer in particular derives from this a doctrine of autonomy with politically revolutionary implications.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Puzanov, Daniil V. "The “Abrahamic Metacivilization” of the 8th –13th Centuries." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 464 (2021): 143–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/464/17.

Full text

Abstract:

The article substantiates the expediency of considering the system of Christian and Islamic medieval civilizations as a single Abrahamic metacivilization. Heuristic possibilities of the term are revealed on the basis of research works on sociology, philosophy, world and domestic history. The features of the perception of civilizations and religions are analyzed from the point of view of the world-system perspective and global history. The definition of local civilization is being clarified. The definition of metacivilization is given. It is noted that, since the 8th century, on the territory of Asia Minor, North Africa and Europe, a system was forming whose unity was based on a combination of two universal cultures: the Hellenistic (science and law) one and the system of teachings of the Abrahamic religions. The expediency of designating this system as “Abrahamic metacivilization” is substantiated. It could not have arisen before the 7th–8th centuries. Along with the Arab conquests, the importance of religions in communications in the designated territories was growing, and the zone of influence of the Abrahamic religions was seriously expanding. The author proposes to leave open the question of the upper chronological framework of the phenomenon. The Abrahamic metacivilization disappears either in the 13th century (when its Hellenistic component begins to erode) or in the 15th century (with the formation of the capitalist worldsystem). Like world-systems, the Abrahamic civilization had a hierarchical structure, which depended on the degree of political power centralization and the completeness of the state ideology formation. The metacivilization center was represented by Byzantium and the empires of Islam. It seems promising to use the term to study some aspects of the legal, cultural, social and economic history of medieval states with an official Abrahamic religion, including the study of interfaith transactions. It seems promising to study from such positions the early history of Eastern Europe, whose many regions still preserved the tribal structure. The possibility of using the term “Abrahamic metacivilization” in historical ethnography (for example, based on some provisions of R. Redfield’s theory, in which the mechanisms of globalization and global processes were for the first time considered from the standpoint of social anthropology) is also substantiated. An advantage of the term is its specific territorial-chronological reference. It is noted that the term “Abrahamic metacivilization” can be used in studies with different methodological bases.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

van der Ven, Johannes A. "Religion’s Political Role in Rawlsian Key." Religion & Theology 19, no. 1-2 (2012): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430112x650357.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractIn Political Liberalism, expanded edition, Rawls repeatedly wants religions to accept liberal democracy for intrinsic reasons from their own religious premises, not as a modus vivendi. This article is to be considered an exploration in that field. In the first part the narrative of the St. Paul’s speech before the Areopagus in Athens by Luke is hermeneutically analyzed, as it tries to find common ground with Hellenistic philosophy and to do so by using deliberative rhetoric. In the second part these two characteristics of the Lukean story are considered the building blocks for the intrinsic acceptance of liberal democracy, albeit not in a substantive, but a formal key. The common ground Luke explored then was religious in nature, whereas in our days, at least in North-Western Europe, religion belongs to a cognitive minority. Moreover philosophy does not provide a common ground either, as there is a pluralism of competing schools nowadays. But intercontextual hermeneutics metaphorically permits to draw the following quadratic equation: as Lukean Paul related the Christian message to his philosophical context in order to find common ground, so we are to relate it to our context, the common ground of which is not philosophical, but political, which refers to the context of public reason. This article argues for accepting Rawls’ concept of using a bilingual language game for religion to present its religious convictions into the public debate and in due course translate them in terms of public reason. Such a translation requires a deliberative argumentation, that corresponds to the rules of logics and epistemology in practical reason.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Klooster, Jacqueline. "Harder, M.A., Regtuit, R.F., Wakker, G.C. (eds.) 2012. Gods and Religion in Hellenistic Poetry (Hellenistica Groningana 16). Leuven, Peeters. x, 402 pp. Pr. €57.00. ISBN 9789042924840." Mnemosyne 66, no. 3 (2013): 497–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341431.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 63, no. 1 (March 29, 2016): 129–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383515000303.

Full text

Abstract:

Epigraphic studies are usually addressed to specialists and are often timid in terms of asking big questions about their evidence. This review includes four brilliant recent studies, which use primarily Hellenistic inscriptions in order to discuss some major issues of Greek history from new perspectives. The first two books focus on politics and political institutions, while the other two raise similar issues from the point of view of Greek religion. All of them are fruitful applications of novel approaches to Greek communities which move beyond traditional approaches to the polis as a static and self-enclosed entity in favour of new approaches that stress the variability of Greek politics and the historical processes that involved regions and networks of which they formed part.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Park, Monica. "Textualization and Archive in Callimachus’ Hymn to Delos." Classical Antiquity 40, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 283–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2021.40.2.283.

Full text

Abstract:

This article argues for a new way of reading Hellenistic “literary” hymns, one that situates them in contemporary religious and cultural discourse through the notions of “textualization” and the “cultural archive.” I apply this framework to Callimachus’ Hymn to Delos and show how this hymn became an important part of the articulation of Ptolemaic religion in the context of ritual politics in the third-century Aegean, as well as how it had a lasting impact on the way that the ritual geography of the Cyclades was imagined. Specifically, the analysis spotlights how the hymn successfully links historical and contemporary theoric choral activity with the etymologization of the Cyclades; how it textualizes the island of Kos within the ritual nexus of Delos; and, finally, how it becomes an important part of Greek cultural memory about Delos.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Buchsenschutz, Olivier, Katherine Gruel, and Thierry Lejars. "The Golden Age of the Celtic Aristocracy in the Fourth and Third Centuries BC." Annales (English ed.) 67, no. 02 (June 2012): 185–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568200000649.

Full text

Abstract:

The greatest period of Celtic expansion occurred between the fourth and third centuries BC, with the conquest of new territories on the margins of the Hellenistic and Roman worlds. Historians often underemphasize this period: while the barbarian raids and the rise of mercenary service in the fourth century BC are stressed, colonization is neglected. In addition, Celtic society at that time was radically different from those found in coeval Mediterranean cultures. Imports from the south were much less common than in previous centuries, and attempts at urbanization were abandoned. Celtic society became distinctly rural, with its craft industries, settlement, and sanctuaries dispersed throughout the countryside. Although there were local variations, art and religion assumed original and consistent characteristics. Celtic society was composed of peasants and warriors and dominated by large aristocratic families.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Pilipovic, Sanja. "The triad Zeus, Herakles and Dionysos a contribution to the study of ancient cults in upper Moesia." Balcanica, no. 39 (2008): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0839059p.

Full text

Abstract:

The triad Zeus, Herakles and Dionysos has been attested in Upper Moesia by the relief from the village of Bukovo near Negotin, eastern Serbia. The Roman supreme god was frequently shown in association with other deities but the presence of Bacchus and Hercules in such associations is Greek rather than Roman in origin. The association of Liber and Hercules was promoted by the emperor Septimius Severus, a native of the city of Leptis Magna whose patron gods were concurrently Liber and Hercules. Septimius even granted the dii patrii a sort of official recognition as patrons of the dynasty he founded. The village of Bukovo where the relief was found had not been known as an archaeological site. There is no specific evidence for the worship of Jupiter in that area, while the worship of Herakles is attested on the sites of Rovine and Tamnic near Negotin. The relief is close to north-Macedonian reliefs in style, and reflects Hellenistic and Thracian influence in associating the cults of Dionysos and Herakles. The depicted deities are compatible and close to Septimius Severus? official religion. The central position of the supreme god indicates his importance as well as the fact that the other two deities are associated to him, as his children patrons of nature and fertility in the underground and aboveground worlds. It is also important to note that the relief confirms Hellenistic religious influences in the area of the Upper Moesian limes.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Muñiz Grijalvo, Elena. "Elites and Religious Change in Roman Athens." Numen 52, no. 2 (2005): 255–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527054024713.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractEpigraphy tells about a deeply conservative Athens in Roman times. However, the civic religious life was not identical to that of earlier periods. This article is based on two main ideas. First, continuity is never mere survival; when surrounded by a new context, it may be interpreted as change. The interaction between the Roman empire and the Athenian elites provided such a new context: both Rome and local elites were interested in fostering continuity of religious forms. Secondly, notwithstanding this, epigraphy does indeed document some changes within the civic religion of Roman Athens. One of the most evident is the increasing oligarchization of religious power. It is my contention that this development had a deep impact on religiosity too.From Hellenistic times onwards, the ties between the demos and civic religion were progressively fading away. By Roman times, the democratic fiction did not need to be maintained anymore, as the changes in the management of civic religion show. The increasing religious power of the elite is one of the factors which contributed to create a new framework of meaning. Among other things, the success of certain gods, such as Asklepios, Isis, or Zeus Hypsistos, may also be explained within this new context. Reversely, the growing power of these gods may also account for the option taken by those members of the elite who chose the cult of Asklepios or Isis as a stage on which to display their generosity and improve their social prestige. It seems only fair to conclude that changes in civic religion should also be explained by the changing attitudes of the elites.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Journal articles on the topic 'Hellenistic religion'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles