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1

Boral, Leonard, Paul D. Mintz, and Charles Rouault. "John Bernard Henry, MD (1928–2009)." American Journal of Clinical Pathology 132, no. 5 (November 2009): 801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1309/ajcpz5el9yfbhfvj.

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Brighton, Trevor, and Brian Sprakes. "Medieval and Georgian Stained Glass in Oxford and Yorkshire. The Work of Thomas of Oxford (1385–1427) and William Peckitt of York (1731–95) in New College Chapel, York Minster and St James, High Melton." Antiquaries Journal 70, no. 2 (September 1990): 380–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500070840.

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In the story of the survival and revival of glass-painting in post-Reformation England, York and Oxford play a significant part. York was especially important because it supported three important artists who helped to maintain the city as a major glass-painting centre, namely Bernard Dinninckhoff (fl. 1585-c. 1620), Henry Gyles (1645–1709), and William Peckitt (1731–95). Oxford's part lay in its patronage of glass-painters. Various colleges patronized foreign and native artists, in particular Abraham and Bernard van Linge, Henry Gyles, William Price and William Peckitt.
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Weintraub, Rodelle. "Bernard Shaw's Henry Higgins: A Classic Aspergen." English Literature in Transition, 1880-1920 49, no. 4 (2006): 388–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2487/h076-6835-013g-52r4.

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Norton, Christopher. "Bernard, Suger, and Henry I's Crown Jewels." Gesta 45, no. 1 (January 2006): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25067123.

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Boral, Leonard, Paul D. Mintz, and Charles Rouault. "OBITUARY: John Bernard Henry, MD: 1928-2009." Transfusion 49, no. 12 (December 1, 2009): 2779–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1537-2995.2009.02506.x.

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6

Prickett, Stephen. "Bernard Dive, John Henry Newman and the Imagination." Theology 122, no. 3 (May 2019): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x19826181m.

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7

Magala, Slawomir. "Book Reviews : Bernard-Henry Levy: Eloge des intellectuels." Organization Studies 10, no. 3 (July 1989): 429–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/017084068901000309.

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8

Clare, David. "Bernard Shaw, Henry Higgins, and the Irish Diaspora." New Hibernia Review 18, no. 1 (2014): 93–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nhr.2014.0002.

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9

Schwartzman, Jack. "Henry George and George Bernard Shaw: Comparison and Contrast." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 49, no. 1 (January 1990): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1536-7150.1990.tb02266.x.

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10

Muller, Matthew. "John Henry Newman and the Imagination by Bernard Dive." Newman Studies Journal 16, no. 2 (2019): 113–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nsj.2019.0029.

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11

Rex, Richard, and C. D. C. Armstrong. "Henry VIII's ecclesiastical and collegiate foundations." Historical Research 75, no. 190 (November 1, 2002): 390–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.t01-1-00157.

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Abstract This article investigates Henry VIII's ecclesiastical foundations in order to assess their significance and to see what they can tell us about the king's personal religious convictions—a relatively under–explored area. After sketching the medieval background, the article catalogues Henry's foundations, and then explores their perceived and stated purposes, and their implications for the general course of the Reformation under Henry VIII. The main original sources are the patent rolls (here referred to mainly via the calendar of Letters and Papers of Henry VIII). Henry's choices about the dedications of his foundations are found to cast interesting new light on his devotional tastes and development. More broadly, the history of his foundations illustrates his hesitancy in breaking with traditional religion, and leads the authors to take issue with interpretations of Henry VIII's religious development advanced by G. W. Bernard.
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12

Lonergan, Bernard J. F. "Letter of Bernard Lonergan to the Reverend Henry Keane, S.J." Method: Journal of Lonergan Studies 28, no. 2 (2014): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/method2014522.

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13

Larochelle, Gilbert. "Michel HENRY : La barbarie, Paris, Bernard Grasset, 1987, 247 p." Anthropologie et Sociétés 11, no. 3 (1987): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/006449ar.

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14

McLaughlin, Brett. "Book Review: Dive, Bernard: John Henry Newman and the Imagination." Theological Studies 80, no. 2 (May 7, 2019): 457–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040563919836248e.

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15

Jensen, Michael P. "Book Review: Bernard Dive, John Henry Newman and the Imagination." Studies in Christian Ethics 33, no. 4 (August 13, 2020): 572–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0953946820942731b.

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16

İlham qızı Əliyeva, Aygün. "Secular and ever-modern challenges in the work of great Azerbaijani poet and thinker Nizami Ganjavi." SCIENTIFIC WORK 68, no. 07 (July 22, 2021): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/68/32-38.

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The article deals with the reasons for the need of studing creativity of Nizami Ganjavi on a global scale, analyzes the ideas and thoughts that cover all areas of life, that are relevant for all periods in his poems. Beginning from the first information described in the work of “Oriental Library”, which was written by Bartelemy d`Herbelo in the XVII century, the author investigated and analyzed the researches and works related to Nizami Ganjavi`s creativity such as translation of “Seven Beauties” by Clerombl in 1741, Silvestr de Sasi in the XIX century, Lucien Buva, Alfons Russo, Henry Masse, Louis Aragon in the XX century and commented on their studies. Key words: Nizami Ganjavi “Khamsa”, Definition of the Prophet, The Miraj of the Prophet Muhammed, Voltaire, Henri Masse, P. L.Krua, François- Bernard Charmoy
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17

Paradis, André. "Bernard-Henry Levy : le mal radical ou la philosophie du désespoir." Articles 10, no. 1 (January 13, 2007): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/203210ar.

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Résumé La Barbarie à visage humain de Bernard-Henri Lévy traduit le désenchantement d'une génération de jeunes intellectuels français aussi bien face au marxisme, à son enseignement théorique, à ses crédos politiques, à ses prétentions de révolutionner les rapports sociaux que face au capitalisme, fut-il répressivement tentaculaire et « rationnel » ou tout simplement énergumène. En rupture de ban avec ses « doctes maîtres », Althusser, Poulantzas, Deleuze ou Lyotard, Lévy pose que toute action politique militante, de gauche ou de droite, conduit irrémédiablement, par delà ses mots d'ordre de libération et de progrès, à la reproduction du Prince, du Pouvoir, tout pouvoir par essence tendant à l'absolu et au totalitarisme. La Maîtrise est la loi de ce monde et toute théorie socio-politique, tout projet de société ne peuvent être que des masques truculents de promesses dont il faut bien s'affubler pour que s'opère dans l'espoir la circularité répétitive (ré-volution) de cette Maîtrise. L'histoire à cet égard ne fait que tourner en rond et notre siècle n'est que l'ultime achèvement en extension, mais à « visage » humain cette fois, d'une barbarie plusieurs fois millénaire. Que reste-t-il au nouveau philosophe sinon de proclamer à tout jamais le divorce de l'Éthique et de la Politique, de la candeur et de l'imposture, du fond de sa retraite solipsiste et libertaire?
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Gugelot, Frédéric. "Henry Donneaud, Augustin Laffay, Bernard Montagnes, La Province dominicaine de Toulouse (." Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no. 180 (December 1, 2017): 332–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.33689.

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19

Morris, Kevin L. "Kenelm Henry Digby and English Catholicism." Recusant History 20, no. 3 (May 1991): 361–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200005471.

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Though Kenelm Henry Digby, a romantic convert, is a minor figure within the story of the development of nineteenth-century English Catholicism, his name is recalled in passing in many of the text books; and so, perhaps, some seventy years after Bernard Holland’s sketchy biography of him, there is room for a reassessment of his place within Victorian Catholicism, in which milieu his name was well-known, his books widely read, and his person much-loved. In W. G. Roe’s estimate, his writings ‘made a considerable contribution, if not to the thought, at least to the atmosphere of the Catholic revival.’ He was interesting as the first man to use the widespread fascination with the Middle Ages for the purpose of Catholic apologetic. When so distinguished a figure as Lord Acton noted his influence, and a contributor to the Dublin Review suggested in 1843 that Digby’s writings had helped to reduce anti-Catholic prejudice, it is of interest to reconstruct his views on, and his contribution to, English Catholicism. The task is difficult, for he was and remains an elusive figure, somewhat isolated, uncontroversial, obsessively restless and given to writing numerous volumes of poor prose and terrible meditative poetry, which, despite their autobiographical nature, are frustratingly unrevealing.
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20

Sen, Amartya. "Property and Hunger." Economics and Philosophy 4, no. 1 (April 1988): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026626710000033x.

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In an interesting letter to Anna George, the daughter of Henry George, Bernard Shaw wrote: “Your father found me a literary dilettante and militant rationalist in religion, and a barren rascal at that. By turning my mind to economics he made a man of me” (George, 1979, p. xiii). I am not able to determine what making a man of Bernard Shaw would exactly consist of, but it is clear that the kind of moral and social problems with which Shaw was deeply concerned could not be sensibly pursued without examining their economic aspects. For example, the claims of property rights, which some would defend and some (including Shaw) would dispute, are not just matters of basic moral belief that could not possibly be influenced one way or the other by any empirical arguments. They call for sensitive moral analysis responsive to empirical realities, including economic ones.
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21

Carlson, David R. "Erasmus and the War-Poets in 1513." Erasmus Studies 34, no. 1 (2014): 5–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18749275-03401004.

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During Erasmus’ English residence 1509–1514, Henry viii invaded France, as part of the “Holy League,” and, in the English king’s absence, England was attacked by Scotland. The events engendered a great quantity of poetry, as well as other writing: analyzed herein particularly are the verse contributions of Erasmus himself, his amicus Andrea Ammonio, Pietro Carmeliano, Camillo Paleotti, and Bernard André (the poems of these last two being edited and translated in appendices). This poetry in its context of events, both literary and political, influenced the anti-war writings that Erasmus was conceiving at the time, though he only published them later.
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22

Matthew, L., and A. B. Edwards. "From Bench to Bedside: Claude Bernard, Henry K. Beecher, MD, and Science in Anesthesia." Bulletin of Anesthesia History 31, no. 1 (April 2013): 9–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1522-8649(13)50004-7.

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23

Foster, Stewart. "‘Dismal Johnny’: A Companion of Newman Recalled." Recusant History 21, no. 1 (May 1992): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001515.

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Among the companions of John Henry Newman at Littlemore at the time of his reception into communion with Rome in October 1845, perhaps the least remembered is John Walker. Indeed, Ambrose St. John, Richard Stanton, and Bernard Dalgairns followed Newman to the Oratory, yet Walker could never bring himself to do likewise. Often confused with Canon John Walker of Scarborough (one of Newman’s subsequent theological correspondents), ‘Dismal Johnny’, as he was dubbed by Manuel Johnson, the Radcliffe Observer, enjoyed a less than happy relationship with Newman. To recall the life of Walker is to shed some further light upon Newman’s own character, and to witness a reconciliation of estranged companions in old age.
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24

Brown, Beverly Louise. "The Letters between Bernard Berenson and Charles Henry Coster.Giles Constable , Elizabeth H. Beatson , Luca Dainelli." Speculum 69, no. 4 (October 1994): 1142–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2865626.

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25

Pichot, Daniel. "Henry, Cyprien, Qhaghebeur, Joëlle, Tanguy, Bernard (présenté et introduit par), Cartulaire de Sainte-Croix de." Annales de Bretagne et des pays de l'Ouest, no. 122-2 (June 30, 2015): 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/abpo.3081.

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26

Abdalla, Daniel Ibrahim. "“Heredity, Heredity!”: Recovering Henry James’s The Reprobate in Its Scientific and Theatrical Contexts." Modern Drama 64, no. 1 (March 2021): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/md.64.1.1122.

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The reception of Henry James’s plays has long been scripted by his fiction, overshadowing James’s broad engagement with the concerns of fin-de-siècle drama. This article offers a different approach, reading his play The Reprobate (1895) within its theatrical context and emphasizing its relations with the genre of “Ibsen parodies” – in particular, those produced by authors such as J.M. Barrie and Robert Williams Buchanan. Attention to the play’s humorous treatment of heredity – in the midst of a theatrical scene engaging with the paradigm of degeneration – reveals James as surprisingly in step with dramatic developments informed by contemporary evolutionary paradigms, ideas about gender, and comedic genres. The Reprobate’s clear relationship to works by Ibsen, Barrie, and others – as well as the intellectual framework it shares with plays by George Bernard Shaw – suggests the need to reconsider the entrenched view of James’s output in this period, especially as a playwright.
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27

Marshall, Peter. "The Rood of Boxley, the Blood of Hailes and the Defence of the Henrician Church." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 46, no. 4 (October 1995): 689–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900080490.

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Recent research has rendered untenable the glib characterisation of the Henrician Reformation as ‘Catholicism without the Pope’, but the essential nature of the motives and achievements of Henry vra and his ministers in the 1530s and 1540s remains a controversial issue. To J. K. McConica, the polity created in the 1530s was an ‘Erasmian’ one, with the views of the great humanist on such matters as vernacular Scripture, superstitious pilgrimage and religious instruction providing a consensual nexus to bind together all but the most extreme shades of religious opinion. More recently, Glyn Redworth has similarly argued that the Henrician Reform was from the first ‘an intellectually coherent and satisfying movement’, and that it had positive and distinctive religious aspirations, seeking to use the techniques of ‘Protestant’ evangelism to transmit a purged but none the less essentially Catholic doctrine. G. W. Bernard has, by contrast, characterised the direction of religious policy after the break with Rome as ‘deliberately ambiguous’, and sees Henry as a ruler who held together an unwieldy coalition of interests by employing the rhetoric of continental Protestantism while inhibiting the implementation of any fundamental change.
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Ian Doyle, Anthony. "Gallican and Anglican: Henry Holden and John Cosin." Recusant History 30, no. 1 (May 2010): 67–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200012644.

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The late lamented Antony F. Allison published in Recusant History, May 1995, a characteristically richly researched article, ‘An English Gallican: Henry Holden, (1596/7–1662), Part I (to 1648)’, but alas did not live to produce the sequel which he planned, a draft of which does not seem to have survived. Shortly after the appearance of the article I wrote to congratulate him on the recent publication of the second (multilingual) edition of what is now commonly called A&R2, and to tell him that the Articles proposed to the Catholics of England, signed T. H., Paris, 2 April 1648, of which the authorship he convincingly attributed to Holden, said by the latter to have been printed by 13 September 1648, and extant in a single imperfect copy dated by George Thomason 2 April, otherwise only known from contemporaneous manuscript and later printed summaries, had been re-published in 1946, without identification of the author, by the late Professor C. E. Whiting of Durham University. Whiting reported that the manuscript he copied was from the library of the late Canon Whitley of Bedlington (Northumberland) and had been made available to him by Major J. D. Cowen, F.S.A. In 1947 Cowen gave it to Ushaw College Library, as coming from his late aunt, Miss A. J. Thompson of Whickham (Co. Durham). In the 1950s or 1960s I was shown it by the then Librarian of Ushaw, Fr. Bernard Payne, and recognised an inscription at the beginning as in the distinctive hand of John Cosin, the eminent Anglican divine who, after being a canon of Durham Cathedral, Master of Peterhouse, Cambridge, Dean of Peterborough, and exile in France 1644–60, finally became Bishop of Durham, 1660–72.
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Guy, Roger. "Jean-Bernard Robichaud et Claude Quiviger, Des communautés actives, Montréal, Éditions Michel Henry, 1990, 236 p." Nouvelles pratiques sociales 4, no. 1 (1991): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/301131ar.

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30

Paddock, John. "Bernard Basset, Newman at Littlemore; Guy Nicholls, Unearthly Beauty: The Aesthetic of St John Henry Newman." Theology 123, no. 3 (May 2020): 223–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x20910716j.

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31

Beaumont, Phillip. "Bargaining with Multinationals Henry Bernard Loewendahl, Palgrave, Houndmills, 2001, ISBN 0-333-94813-0 pp. 431." European Management Journal 20, no. 6 (December 2002): 710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0263-2373(02)00125-1.

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32

KESSELRING, K. J. "The King's Reformation: Henry VIII and the Remaking of the English Church By G. W. Bernard." History 91, no. 304 (October 2006): 625–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2006.379_53.x.

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33

Swanson, R. N. "The King's Reformation: Henry VIII and the Remaking of the English Church. By G. W. Bernard." Heythrop Journal 48, no. 2 (March 2007): 302–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2007.00318_23.x.

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34

Whitehead, John. "A Grain of Sand: Ellen Terry's Letters to Amey Stansfield." Theatre Research International 13, no. 3 (1988): 191–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300005782.

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Ellen Terry's letters to Amey Stansfield were written between 1892 the first and several later ones cannot be precisely dated because the envelopes are missing – and 31 August 1907, a period covering the last decade of her association with Henry Irving at the Lyceum Theatre and also the peak years of her correspondence with Bernard Shaw, who called her ‘one of the greatest letter-writers who ever lived’. There are thirtythree of them, and although sometimes a long interval elapses between letters – only one for each of the years 1902 and 1907, and none at all for 1895, 1896, 1898, 1900, 1901 and 1904 – the inference need not be drawn that the collection is incomplete, for Amey carefully preserved them. Her own letters to Ellen Terry have not survived.
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Damião de Medeiros, Pilar, and Paulo Vitorino Fontes. "Medo: o novo mal-estar da humanidade." Griot : Revista de Filosofia 21, no. 2 (June 2, 2021): 191–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31977/grirfi.v21i2.2384.

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Incerteza, insegurança e vulnerabilidade tornaram-se lugares comuns nas sociedades contemporâneas. Este artigo pretende uma reflexão interdisciplinar sobre a construção social e política do medo na modernidade líquida. Zygmunt Bauman, Leonidas Donskis, Martha Nussbaum, Hannah Arendt, Ulrich Beck, Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Bernard Henry-Levy e Umberto Eco são alguns dos autores que iremos colocar em diálogo para melhor compreender as múltiplas narrativas do medo numa era profundamente marcada pela destruição das certezas sociais, pelo agravamento das desigualdades sociais, pelas lógicas de um capitalismo predador, pelo ressurgimento de nacionalismos de exclusão, bem como de particularismos étnico-culturais, que se movem a partir de discursos xenófobos e racistas e, por fim, pelos novos riscos, como a degradação ecológica e como a pandemia COVID19, que atualmente assola as sociedades contemporâneas e domestica os comportamentos sociais.
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Christian. "“A Doll’s House Conquered Europe”: Ibsen, His English Parodists, and the Debate over World Drama." Humanities 8, no. 2 (April 22, 2019): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8020082.

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The London premieres of Henrik Ibsen’s plays in the late 1880s and 1890s sparked strong reactions both of admiration and disgust. This controversy, I suggest, was largely focused on national identity and artistic cosmopolitanism. While Ibsen’s English supporters viewed him as a leader of a new international theatrical movement, detractors dismissed him as an obscure writer from a primitive, marginal nation. This essay examines the ways in which these competing assessments were reflected in the English adaptations, parodies, and sequels of Ibsen’s plays that were written and published during the final decades of the nineteenth century, texts by Henry Herman and Henry Arthur Jones, Walter Besant, Bernard Shaw, Eleanor Marx and Israel Zangwill, and F. Anstey (Thomas Anstey Guthrie). These rewritings tended to respond to Ibsen’s foreignness in one of three ways: Either to assimilate the plays’ settings, characters, and values into normative Englishness; to exaggerate their exoticism (generally in combination with a suggestion of moral danger); or to keep their Norwegian settings and depict those settings (along with characters and ideas) as ordinary and familiar. Through their varying responses to Ibsen’s Norwegian origin, I suggest, these adaptations offered a uniquely practical and concrete medium for articulating ideas about the ways in which art shapes both national identity and the international community.
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Kane, Paula M. "‘The Willing Captive of Home?’: The English Catholic Women's League, 1906–1920." Church History 60, no. 3 (September 1991): 331–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167471.

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Henry Cardinal Manning wrote in 1863 that he wanted English Catholics to be “downright, masculine, and decided Catholics—more Roman than Rome, and more ultramontane than the Pope himself.” Given this uncompromising call for militant, masculine Roman Catholicism in Protestant Victorian England, frequently cited by scholars, it may seem surprising that a laywomen's movement would have emerged in Great Britain. In 1906, however, a national Catholic Women's League (CWL), linked closely to Rome, to the English clergy, and to lay social action, emerged in step with the aggressive Catholicism outlined by Manning 40 years earlier. The Catholic Women's League was led by a coterie of noblewomen, middle-class professionals, and clergy, many of them former Anglicans. The founder, Margaret Fletcher (1862–1943), and the league's foremost members were converts; the spiritual advisor, Rev. Bernard Vaughan, was the son of a convert. A short list of the clergy affiliated with the CWL reveals an impressive Who's Who in the Catholic hierarchy and in social work in the early twentieth century: Francis Cardinal Bourne (Archbishop of Westminster from 1903 to 1935), Monsignor Robert Hugh Benson (a convert and well-known author), and influential Jesuits Bernard Vaughan, Charles Plater, Cyril Martindale, Joseph Keating, Leo O'Hea and Joseph Rickaby. The CWL was born from a joining of convert zeal and episcopal-clerical support to a tradition of lay initiative among English Catholics.
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Hendrickson, Ken, and W. D. King. "Henry Irving's Waterloo: Theatrical Engagements with Arthur Conan Doyle, George Bernard Shaw,...Assorted Ghosts...War, and History." Journal of Military History 59, no. 1 (January 1995): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944382.

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39

Braun, Elena D. "IMAGES OF ANTIQUITY IN ENGLISH RENAISSACE HISTORIOGRAPHY (ON THE EXAMPLE OF BERNARD ANDRE’S “HISTORY OF HENRY VII”)." History and Archives, no. 1 (2020): 75–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2020-1-75-85.

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40

Gendron, Jean-Louis. "Des communautés actives, par Jean-Bernard Robichaud et Claude Quiviger, Moncton, Michel Henry, éditeur, 1990, 236 pages." Service social 39, no. 2 (1990): 238. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/706489ar.

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41

Carlson, David R. "The ‘Opicius’ Poems (British Library, Cotton Vespasian B.iv) and the Humanist Anti-Literature in Early Tudor England." Renaissance Quarterly 55, no. 3 (2002): 869–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1261559.

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Following the format of a catalogue manuscript description, this study analyses the design and contents of a manuscript presented to king Henry VII of England about 1492-93. Featuring an epic account of the 1492 English invasion of France and a pastoral dialogue praising the domestic peace imposed by the Tudor regime, the five poems are the work of a little-known Italian writer “Johannes Opicius, “ in a stylishly written and decorated copy. Like other contemporary presentations, especially the works of the early Tudor laureate Bernard Andre”, the verse is as classicizing as the design is Italianate and humanist, innovative features for English literary culture. Like other cognate products, however, Opicius’ performance lacks properties usually associated with literature. The work was not for reading nor for recirculation, owing its inspiration solely to a wish to gratify the monarch. The presentation was chiefly a matter of performing the magnificence of the king.
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Harris, Jimmy G., and Jack Windsor Lewis. "In Memoriam: John Cunnison ‘Ian’ Catford and Stanley Ellis." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 40, no. 1 (March 15, 2010): 131–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100309990314.

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JOHN CUNNISON ‘IAN’ CATFORD, IPA Council member and one of the great phoneticians, died peacefully on 6 October 2009. Catford was not only one of the best phoneticians; he was also a good, kind, honest human being. He always gave credit where and when credit was due. Catford first became seriously interested in phonetics when, at age 14, his parents took him to see a stage performance of George Bernard Shaw's Pygmalion. From that time until his death, he maintained a professional interest in phonetics and linguistics. Soon after seeing Pygmalion, he found a copy of A Primer of Phonetics by Henry Sweet in a second-hand bookstore in Edinburgh. It became his ‘bible’, and over the next two years he read every book on phonetics and linguistics he found in the Edinburgh Public Library. About the same time, he started keeping notebooks on his ideas and phonetic observations.
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43

Sánchez-Martí, Jordi. "A Newly Discovered Edition of the English Palmerin D'oliva." Library 21, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 226–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/library/21.2.226.

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Abstract This note examines the fragments of the English Palmerin d'Oliva discovered in the library of Christ Church, Oxford, in 2017. First, it briefly discusses the course the Castilian Palmerín de Olivia followed on the Continent until it crossed to England, where Anthony Munday's translation appeared in 1588. After explaining how the fragments were located, their placement, nature and contents are described. The text in the Christ Church fragments is collated with the other editions of the English Palmerin d'Oliva. The ESTC conjecturally states that the newly discovered edition was printed c. 1600 by Thomas Creede and Bernard Alsop. This article, however, argues that the available textual, typographical and bibliographical evidence suggests that this edition must have been printed c. 1609 by Creede, without the participation of Alsop. Finally, note is taken of the presence on the pages of the handwriting of Henry Aldrich, the seventeenth-century dean of Christ Church.
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44

Rowell, Geoffrey. "‘Remember Lot’s Wife’— Manning’s Anglican Sermons." Recusant History 21, no. 2 (October 1992): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001564.

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Between 1845 and 1850 Manning, as Archdeacon of Chichester, published four volumes of collected sermons. They are not his only published sermons as an Anglican, but they are the ones with which this article will be concerned. They were published by the firm of William Pickering, whose list included the liturgical works of the Revd. William Maskell, chaplain to the High Church Henry Phillpotts, Bishop of Exeter, sermons by Manning’S nephew, W. H. Anderdon, and reprints of Bishop Wilson’s Sacra Privata and Lancelot Andrewes’ Preces Privatae, as well as Jeremy Taylor, George Herbert and Henry Vaughan. In 1882 as a Catholic Manning claimed that he had never been concerned that his Anglican sermons should be re-issued. ‘£250 was offered to me for an edition of the four volumes of Sermons. But I always refused. I wished my past, while I was in the twilight, to lie dead to me, and I to it.’ Yet, as Purcell points out, in 1865 he had consulted Dr. Bernard Smith in Rome about their re-issue. Smith’s verdict was negative. ‘These were the works of Dr. Manning, a Protestant. They were the fruits of the Anglican not of the Catholic Church.’ He was, nonetheless, impressed. ‘What I admired most in the perusal of these volumes was not the many strong Catholic truths I met with, but that almost Catholic unction of a St. Francis de Sales, or of a St. Teresa, that breathes through them all.’
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45

Novak, Michael. "Liberal Ideology, An Eternal No; Liberal Institutions, A Temporal Yes? And Further Questions." Review of Politics 60, no. 4 (1998): 765–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500050889.

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Michael Baxter's long review provides an outline of David Schindler's useful first book; concentrates on its treatment of John Courtney Murray; gives a free pass to its lengthy ontological and theological speculations; and calls attention to its impracticality. Like Baxter, I share de Lubac's view of grace and nature (mediated to me by three Jesuits, Henry Bouillard, Juan Alfaro, and Bernard Lonergan), although I draw from it practical applications quite different from those of Schindler and Baxter. Further, I agree with the main thrust of Baxter's criticism: just where one wants to test Schindler's grand hypotheses about how grace ought to work in a “civilization of love,” particularly with regard to politics and economics, Schindler has almost nothing practical to say, and such few gestures as he offers seem lamely indistinguishable from those he criticizes, for example Murray (on the First Amendment) and Richard John Neuhaus (on the public square). His reading of my own work, too, is excessively polemical.
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46

Hawgood, Barbara J. "Sir Michael Foster MD FRS (1836–1907): the rise of the British school of physiology." Journal of Medical Biography 16, no. 4 (November 2008): 221–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/jmb.2008.008009.

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In 1867 William Sharpey (1802–80), Professor of General Anatomy and Physiology at University College, London, appointed Michael Foster to the unique post of Teacher of Practical Physiology; in Britain the study of experimental physiology was dormant. In 1870 Foster accepted a Praelectorship in Physiology at Trinity College, Cambridge, and soon established a school of physiology. He was the first Cambridge Professor of Physiology (1883–1903). Foster, a great teacher, had a remarkable ability to attract talented students and to inspire them to undertake research. He himself took inspiration from the scientific philosophy of Thomas Henry Huxley (1825–95) and of Claude Bernard (1813–78). Foster was active in the foundation of the Physiological Society (1876), and founded and edited the Journal of Physiology (1878). He was interested in the scientific training of medical students and wrote a highly lauded Text Book of Physiology (1877). Physiology became a profession in its own right and British physiologists were in the vanguard of research.
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Kundnani, Arun. "Islamism and the roots of liberal rage." Race & Class 50, no. 2 (October 2008): 40–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396808096393.

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As the neoconservative idea of a clash of civilisations is increasingly challenged, a number of liberal writers — Paul Berman, Nick Cohen, Martin Amis, Andrew Anthony, Bernard Henry-Lévy and Christopher Hitchens — are rethinking the `war on terror' as a cold war against Islamism, defined as a totalitarian political movement analogous to fascism or Stalinism. Europe is the new front line in this battle for the `hearts and minds' of Muslims and, it is argued, violations of certain human rights are necessary in the name of defending liberal freedoms. Yet such an analysis fails to comprehend the complex dynamics of Islamism in Europe. Members of a new generation of European Muslims are creating a globalised Islamic identity that is distanced from the ethnic cultures of their parents — a process that is more likely to lead to new forms of democratic activism than to political violence unless diverted from this course by counter-productive policies.
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48

Ryan, Kathy L. "APS at 125: a look back at the founding of the American Physiological Society." Advances in Physiology Education 37, no. 1 (March 2013): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/advan.00143.2012.

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Early efforts in physiological research in the United States were produced by lone investigators working in laboratories funded by their own medical practices. In Europe, however, Claude Bernard and Carl Ludwig produced a new model of scientific research laboratories funded by the state that sought to develop the pursuit of biomedical research as an occupation. American physicians such as Henry Pickering Bowditch and S. Weir Mitchell were exposed to this new “research ethic” during their international studies and brought this new perspective home to America. Along with H. Newell Martin, these men began training professional physiologists who would assume new research positions in academic institutions. In 1887, Bowditch, Mitchell, and H. Newell Martin proposed the formation of a new society for these professional physiologists, the American Physiological Society (APS). Seventeen of the original twenty-eight members met on December 30, 1887, in New York City, NY, to establish APS. From these humble beginnings, APS evolved to become a force for change in American biomedical science.
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49

Dunn, Viviane, and Bernard Rajben. "Double, dédoublement, redoublement dans The Jolly Corner de Henry James (1907), nouvellement traduit par Viviane Dunn et Bernard Rajben." Palimpsestes, no. 6 (January 1, 1993): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/palimpsestes.756.

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50

McCoog, Thomas M. "Richard Langhorne and the ‘Nevills of Nevill Holt’: A Note." Recusant History 20, no. 3 (May 1991): 358–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003419320000546x.

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In a recent article Richard Langhorne’s disclosures to the Privy Council in July of 1679 and the Government’s subsequent failure to act on this information were discussed. One person named in this testimony was a Colonel Neville, who was accused of holding some money that belonged to the Society of Jesus. According to Langhorne, the Jesuit William Gilbert had deposited £100 with the colonel. Although Langhorne did not mention it, presumably the Society either received annual rents or held a mortgage as a security for the sum. A few months after Langhorne’s discovery on 12 November 1679, the Government issued a proclamation that offered a moiety to anyone who provided information that would lead to the discovery and confiscation of hidden resources of the Jesuits. The proclamation enumerated the estates both real and personal about which the Government already had information and against which legal action had been initiated. Among the personal estates was a £2500 mortgage charged upon the estate of a Henry Neville, Esq. In the article it was wondered if Henry Neville and Colonel Neville were the same man and if the amount specified by Langhorne was but a small portion of the total amount that he owed the Society of Jesus. Shortly after completion of the article, I rediscovered Bernard Elliott’s ‘A Leicestershire Recusant Family: The Nevills of Nevili Holt,’ an important study that I had inadvertently overlooked as I researched the topic. That work renewed my interest in the subject and prompted my return to the archives.
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