Academic literature on the topic 'Henry France Navarre (Kingdom)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Henry France Navarre (Kingdom)"
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Raspa, Anthony. "Donne's Model: Henry IV." Renaissance and Reformation 29, no. 4 (January 20, 2009): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v29i4.11445.
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Donne's Pseudo-Martyr is his first major published work and the longest that he ever wrote. As he argues in it about the relationship of the state and religion to each other, he establishes Henry IV of Navarre, king of France, as one of his models of a competent and tolerant king. Henry's credentials for the title are his moderation, his steadfastness and fearlessness amid religious conflicts between Catholics and Protestants in his own country, and in the face of the power of the papacy. In the pages of Pseudo-Martyr, Donne calls upon the English Catholics to swear allegiance to James I as a political leader, in the same manner in which French Catholics and Protestants swore allegiance to Henry.
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Snyder, Susan. "Guilty Sisters: Marguerite de Navarre, Elizabeth of England, and the Miroir de l'âme pécheresse." Renaissance Quarterly 50, no. 2 (1997): 443–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3039186.
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Le Miroir de l'âme pécheresse, a volume of devotional verse named for its principal poem, was published in Alençon in 1531 and in Paris two years later. The Paris edition identifies its author as “Marguerite de France, Soeur Vnicque du Roy,” and later as “Royne de Navarre.” Some eleven years later, the daughter of Henry VIII translated the Miroir as a gift for her latest stepmother, Queen Katherine Parr. The poem has thus a doubly unusual status. In an age when literature was overwhelmingly male in its origins, the agencies of genesis and transmission for this work were female. And in an age when most writers came from the middle class, the agents of its production and reproduction were of high birth, members of royal families.
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DAVIES, C. S. L. "TOURNAI AND THE ENGLISH CROWN, 1513–1519." Historical Journal 41, no. 1 (March 1998): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007620.
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The English occupation of Tournai has recently generated far-reaching claims about its importance; allegedly Tournai provided a foretaste of certain developments of the Henrician Reformation. This article argues that Tournai was treated as an integral part of Henry VIII's ‘kingdom of France’ and its status consistently distinguished from that of the English kingdom. It was not, as has been suggested, granted representation in the English parliament. The argument that advanced ideas of ‘sovereignty’ derived from fifteenth-century French thought entered into English political discourse through Tournai is also countered. Important jurisdictional points were raised, notably over the administration of the bishopric, involving three powers, England, France, and the Habsburg government of Flanders. But Henry's insistence on his rights as a sovereign prince were directed against France, not, as has been claimed, against the papacy. Nothing in Henry's dealings with Tournai transcended well-established English doctrine and practice about the relationship between the political authority and the church. Nor did Henry's treatment of the conquered town evoke novel doctrines of royal power; it followed closely precedents set by Henry V. The conquest of Tournai increased the self-confidence of Henry VIII's government in both domestic and international affairs; but largely through Henry's belief that he was successfully emulating the military achievement of Henry V, not through any input of novel political doctrine.
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Patterson, W. B. "Pierre du Moulin’s Quest for Protestant Unity, 1613-18." Studies in Church History 32 (1996): 235–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015436.
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Pierre Du Moulin was the leading intellectual in the French Reformed Church in the early seventeenth century. His influence within French Protestantism rivalled and complemented that of Philippe Duplessis-Mornay, the prominent nobleman, soldier, and adviser to Henry of Navarre, the Huguenot leader who became Henry IV of France. If Duplessis-Mornay was, as he is sometimes called, the ‘Huguenot Pope’, Du Moulin, the pastor of the congregation of Protestants in Paris, was the chief cardinal. A prolific writer and a skilful speaker, Du Moulin became noted for his success as a polemicist. Yet during a period of five years, 1613–18, Du Moulin was also the chief spokesman for a plan which would unite the English, Calvinist, and Lutheran Churches. The rather startling final point of the plan called for the reunited Protestants to make a fresh approach to Rome. Du Moulin’s volte-face in 1613-18 — his sudden emergence as an irenicist — has never been satisfactorily explained.
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Nuzhdin, Oleg I. "How Can Money Conquer France? On the Question about the Monetary Policy of King Henry V in 1415–1422." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 22, no. 4 (202) (2020): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2020.22.4.065.
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This article studies the peculiarities of the monetary policy of English king Henry V in the territories of the Kingdom of France occupied by him between 1415 and 1422. The purpose of the study is to establish its influence on the state of finance in France and, first of all, on the sharp depreciation of silver money following the defeat. Within the framework of English politics, two stages can be clearly traced: the first one lasted from 1415 to 1420, when monetary policy was indirect in nature, influencing the French economy by the fact of conquest and becoming an additional factor in the aggravation of the domestic political struggle, and the other one lasted from 1420 to 1422 and was connected with the intention of Henry V as regent of the Kingdom of France, to bring the financial system into relative order. The author refers to French and English chronicles, The Diary of a Parisian Citizen, as well as the ordinances of the kings of France, which reflected the peculiarities of the monetary policy, more particularly, changes in the exchange rate and weight of silver coins and attempts to carry out reforms. The study carried out makes it possible to find out that the depreciation of the French silver coin was associated with the beginning of the British conquest of Normandy and the transfer of mints located there. A sharp drop in the money rate occurred after the transfer of Paris into the hands of the Burgundians and the formation in the fall of 1418 of an independent financial administration in the south of France under the control of the dauphin. On the contrary, some stabilisation followed the conclusion of the Treaty of Troyes, and the General States adopted a course towards reforms in December 1420. The author determines the stages of the reform and the reasons for its delay. These include: the lack of control over all the mints of the kingdom, the lack of coin metal and the required number of qualified personnel. Finally, the premature death of Henry V in the summer of 1422 did not allow the completion of the monetary reform.
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Crouzet, Denis, and Jonathan Good. "Circa 1533: Anxieties, Desires, and Dreams." Journal of Early Modern History 5, no. 1 (2001): 24–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006501x00023.
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AbstractIn Italy, the Holy Roman Empire, and France, one can discern in the last decades of the fifteenth century and the early years of the sixteenth a powerful anguish about the future, taking one of two forms: either the vision of an imminent Last Judgment, or a great rupture in time, announcing the dawn of a new Covenant. In France, one of the peculiar features of this historical process was the tension that built up around the year 1533, one thousand five hundred years after the death of Christ. This tension could explain the offensive launched individually or collectively by the men who stood behind Marguerite de Navarre-men of faith who hoped to bring the kingdom into the evangelical sphere of the Word of God, given to each and to all. Their defeat, following the inaugural address of Nicholas Cop, and the two Affairs of the Placards, left the way open for the emergence of a sharp division between, on the one hand, a "popery" proclaiming that the End of Time had come, and, on the other, a Calvinism seeking to "de-eschatologize" the human understanding of time.
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van der Linden, David. "Memorializing the Wars of Religion in Early Seventeenth-Century French Picture Galleries: Protestants and Catholics Painting the Contested Past." Renaissance Quarterly 70, no. 1 (2017): 132–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/691832.
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AbstractThis article examines how Protestant and Catholic elites in early seventeenth-century France memorialized the Wars of Religion in purpose-built picture galleries. Postwar France remained a divided nation, and portrait galleries offered a sectarian memory of the conflict, glorifying party heroes. Historical picture galleries, on the other hand, promoted a shared memory of the wars, focusing on King Henry IV’s successful campaign against the Catholic League to unite the kingdom. This article argues that postwar elites made a sincere effort to manage religious tensions by allowing partisan memories to circulate in private while promoting a consensual memory in public.
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KOSIOR, KATARZYNA. "HENRY VALOIS'S COURT AND ELECTIVE KINGSHIP IN THE POLISH–LITHUANIAN COMMONWEALTH, 1573–1574." Historical Journal 64, no. 4 (February 10, 2021): 865–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x20000618.
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AbstractHenry Valois (1551–89) was elected king of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1573 and arrived in Poland in January 1574. After five months, Henry fled Poland–Lithuania upon inheriting the French throne from his brother, Charles IX. As Henry III of France, he was branded a violent tyrant, who allowed his mignons to run the kingdom and isolated himself from his subjects. Historians have done much to rehabilitate Henry's reputation, but his first experience of kingship in the Commonwealth has been neglected in these reassessments. This article uses the previously unstudied treasury accounts of Henry's Polish court to re-examine his experience of the Polish–Lithuanian elective, parliamentary monarchy as crucial to the development of his characteristic style of kingship and court. Some of these practices were a response to the challenges posed by the Polish political system to a newly elected king. This allows us to recover a lost political connection between Poland and France. Secondly, the article demonstrates Henry's active engagement in the Polish–Lithuanian politics, challenging the narrative that he was a passive king anticipating his return to Paris. Instead, Henry planned to cement his rule in Poland by mounting his own faction and pursuing a bold diplomatic agenda.
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Le Gall, Jean-Marie. "La tolérance polonaise à travers le prisme de l'intolérance française au XVIe siècle." Renaissance and Reformation 39, no. 4 (January 1, 2003): 53–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v39i4.8919.
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This article analyses the reception in France of the Warsaw Confederation (1573) which established religious tolerance in Poland as Henry of Valois ascended the throne, leaving behind the Kingdom of France rent by civil war. In France, some contemporary accounts prefer not to mention such tolerance and cast a veil of silence over confessional diversity in this part of Christendom. Other writers, equally Catholic but more intransigent, assert that this tolerance is illegal, effectively constituting an oath against the king. Protestants, for their part, are unwilling to promote this model of religious peace, which they do not seek, favouring negotiations between the Valois and the Polish Diet to obtain concessions for French Protestants. Finally, for the crown, what is key in Poland is not so much religious tolerance as the goodwill of the nobility and fidelity to the king.
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Gómez, Marcos. "La represión del protestantismo en el tribunal inquisitorial de Calahorra-Logroño (1550-1610)." Príncipe de Viana, no. 276 (October 20, 2020): 47–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35462/pv.276.2.
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RESUMEN La reforma religiosa surgida a partir de 1517 no fue ajena a ningún estado europeo. Sus ecos también llegaron a la Monarquía Hispánica, que intentó erradicarla de sus fronteras a través de la Santa Inquisición. El objetivo del trabajo es ver (a través de las relaciones de causas de fe inquisitoriales que se encuentran en el Archivo Histórico Nacional) cómo dicha institución la represalió en el tribunal de Calahorra-Logroño entre 1550 y 1610, cuya jurisdicción compartía frontera natural con la Francia de las guerras de religión. Fue la situación en dicho país la que marcó el rumbo de la represión de la herejía en estos territorios, sobre todo a partir de la subida de Enrique de Navarra al trono francés. LABURPENA 1517tik aurrera sortutako erreforma erlijiosoa ez zen batere zerikusirik Europako Estatuetatik. Bere oihartzunak Monarkia Hispanikora ere iritsi ziren, Inkisizio Santuaren bidez mugetatik desagerrarazi zuena. Lanaren helburua da (Agiritegi Historiko Nazionalean dauden inkisitorialen akten bidez) erakunde horrek Calahorra-Logroñoko auzitegian 1550 eta 1610 urteen artean errepresalatu zuen, eta horren jurisdikzioa muga naturala zen erlijio-gerren Frantziarekin. Herrialde horretako egoera izan zen lurralde horietan heresiaren errepresioaren norabidea markatu zuena, batez ere, Nafarroako Enrike igoeratik aurrera. ABSTRACT The religious reform emerged after 1517 was not alien to any European state. Its echoes also reached the Hispanic Monarchy, which tried to eradicate it from its borders with the inquisitorial action. The purpose of the work is to see (through the inquisitorial records found in the National Historical Archive) how this institution retaliated in the tribunal of Calahorra-Logroño between 1550 and 1610, whose jurisdiction shared a natural frontier with the France of the Wars of religion. It was the situation in that country that marked the course of the repression of heresy in these places, especially from the rise of Henry of Navarre to the throne of France.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Henry France Navarre (Kingdom)"
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Humpert, Edward M. "Richard I: Securing an Inheritance and Preparing a Crusade, 1189-1191." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1275598926.
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Nardeux, Bruno. "Une "forêt" royale au Moyen Age : Le pays de Lyons, en Normandie (vers 1100 - vers 1450)." Thesis, Normandie, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017NORMR086.
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Alors que la forêt de Lyons est souvent assimilée à une simple forêt-frontière, dix années d’enquête nous obligent à modifier radicalement cette définition géo-historique. Il faut dire qu’entre temps, il a fallu reconsidérer la notion même de forêt qui désignait au haut Moyen Âge, non pas de grandes étendues boisées, mais tout au contraire un espace fortement humanisé où coexistent futaies et taillis, landes et prairies, champs et villages. De cette grande forêt médiévale de Lyons – la plus importante de Normandie avec ses 30 000 ha – entièrement dévolue à l’usage et aux besoins de son détenteur ducal ou royal se dégage alors un pays, lui-même fruit de la sédimentation de quatre espaces nettement identifiés, entre 1100 et 1450. Des multiples séjours des Plantagenêts puis des Capétiens, attestés par plus de 500 chartes signées en forêt de Lyons entre 1100 et 1400 et justifiées soit par la chasse (espace résidentiel), soit par la guerre (espace militaire) résultent en effet un espace politique qui explique la fortune étonnante d’au moins deux favoris issus du pays de Lyons : Guillaume de Longchamps, chancelier d’Angleterre sous Richard Cœur de Lion et Enguerrand de Marigny, le familier de Philippe le Bel. S’ajoutent à cela tous les revenus qu’un espace économique comme la forêt de Lyons procure à son détenteur, en se rappelant l’importance prise par le bois dans l’économie médiévale. En définitive, l’on découvre ainsi que ce pays a fini par produire un véritable écosystème d’une résilience à toute épreuve jusqu’à ce que les années sombres de la fin de la Guerre de cent ans finissent par avoir raison de cet âge d’or qu’a représenté le Moyen Âge pour la forêt de LyonsAlthough the forest of Lyons is often defined simply as a border forest, ten years of research has enabled me to make a radical change to this old geographical definition. My reconsideration of even the concept of “forest,” shows that, in the High Middle Ages, the word meant not large stretches of woodlands but, instead, a well-developed space, where timberlands, thickets, heaths, pastures, cultivated fields, and villages coexisted. The medieval forest of Lyons, the most important in all Normandy with its 30,000 hectares, was entirely devoted to the use and necessities of its ducal or royal title-holder, and it emerged as a pays formed by the coalescence of four distinct spaces between 1100 and 1450. The many sojourns of the Plantagenets and then the Capetians — due to hunting (residential space) and various wars (military space) — are documented by more than 500 acts signed in the forest of Lyons between 1100 and 1400. These sojourns produced a political space that explains the stunning careers of at least two royal favorites, natives of the pays of Lyons: William Longchamp, chancellor under Richard the Lionheart, and Enguerrand de Marigny, chief minister of Philip the Fair. Since wood was a necessity in medieval times, the forest of Lyons was also an important economic space because it earned significant revenue for its title-holder. All things considered, it is clear that the pays of Lyons produced a true ecosystem able to survive all hardships until the dark, final period of the Hundred Years War put an end to the Golden Age that the Middle Ages had brought to the forest of Lyons
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Lemieux, François. "L'application du traité de Troyes, 21 mai 1420 : au-delà de l'échec, dix années de tentatives et d'efforts au royaume de France." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/19101.
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Les termes du traité de paix entre Charles VI et Henri V qui est ratifié par les deux souverains à Troyes en mai 1420 sont plutôt clairs et paraissent aisément applicables : l’unique héritier de Charles VI, le dauphin Charles, est déshérité; Henri V, par le mariage qui l’unit à la fille du roi de France, Catherine, devient le nouveau successeur légitime de Charles VI et, lorsque celui-ci mourra, règnera sur le France et l’Angleterre sans toutefois unir les deux royaumes; le traité scelle aussi l’alliance entre la Bourgogne, l’Angleterre et la moitié nord de la France dans la guerre contre le parti armagnac que dirigie le dauphin Charles et qui contrôle la moitie sud, le royaume de Bourges.
Toutefois, lorsque la cérémonie de la cathédrale Saint-Pierre-et-Saint-Paul de Troyes se termine, la théorie du document se heurte à une réalité bien différente. Alors que le traité prévoit une adhésion totale de la moitié nord de la France à la paix et la disparition politique du parti armagnac du dauphin Charles, c’est tout le contraire qui se produit : des mouvements d’opposition ou de résistance au traité et à l’autorité qu’il confère à Henri V comme héritier et régent de France surgissent de toute part et le parti du dauphin, bien loin de disparaître, tient tête à la « coalition » anglo-franco-bourguignonne. À tout cela vient s’ajouter le décès prématuré, en août 1422, d’Henri V qui, lorsque Charles VI le suit dans la tombe en octobre de la même année, laisse les royaumes de France et d’Angleterre entre les mains d’un roi qui n’a pas encore un an.
Tous ces faits semblent bien signifier l’échec de la paix et les responsables chargés de l’appliquer en sont tout à fait conscients. Il n’en demeure pas moins que la décennie qui suit la ratification du traité, malgré tout ce qui s’y oppose, est le théâtre d’une véritable tentative d’application de la paix de Troyes ou, du moins, des articles et des éléments de celui-ci que l’ont peut réellement mettre en pratique.The terms of the peace ratified by Charles VI and Henry V in Troyes in May 1420 are pretty clear and seem easy to apply : the dauphin Charles, sole heir of king Charles VI, is disinheritaded; Henry V, by wedding the daughter of the king of France, Catherine, becomes the new legitimate heir of Charles VI and, when the latter is to die, will reign over France and England without, however, unifying the two kingdoms; the treaty of Troyes also seals the alliance between Burgundy, England and the northern half of France in the war against the armagnac party of the dauphin Charles which controls the southern part of France, the kingdom of Bourges. Yet, when the peace ceremony of the cathedral of Saint Peter and Saint Paul of Troyes is over, the theory of the treaty comes up against a completely different reality. While the treaty plans a total adherence to the peace from the northern half of France and the politic death of the armagnac party and of the dauphin Charles, what occurs is quite the opposite : aresistance movements to the treaty itself and to the authority that it gives to Henry V as heir and regent of France arise from everywhere and the dauphin’s party, far from disapearing, holds fast against the « coalition » formed by England, France and Burgundy. Last but not least comes the untimely death of Henry V in August 1422 wich, once Charles VI follows him in death in the following October, leaves the kingdoms of Fance and England in the hands of a less than one year hold baby-king. All those facts seem to imply a quick failure of the peace and the people in charge of applying it know it too well. Nevertheless, the ten years following the ratification of the treaty and despite every difficulties against it are the withnesses to a genuine attempt to properly apply the peace of Troyes or, at least, of some of its clauses and elements that really can be putted into practice.
Books on the topic "Henry France Navarre (Kingdom)"
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King's sister--queen of dissent: Marguerite of Navarre (1492-1549) and her evangelical network. Leiden: Brill, 2009.
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(Pau), France Parlement. Un testament politique de l'Ancien Régime: Les remontrances du parlement de Navarre, 26 juin 1788. Pau: Cairn, 1999.
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Bryson, David. Queen Jeanne and the Promised Land: Dynasty, homeland, religion, and violence in sixteenth-century France. Leiden: Brill, 1999.
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Willert, P. F. Henry Of Navarre And The Hugenots In France. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007.
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Willert, P. F. Henry Of Navarre And The Hugenots In France. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2006.
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Abbott, John S. C. History of Henry the Fourth, King of France and Navarre. HardPress, 2020.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Henry France Navarre (Kingdom)"
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Lake, Peter, and Michael Questier. "The Appellant Agitation and the Kingdom of France." In All Hail to the Archpriest, 224–27. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198840343.003.0016.
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A significant section of the English Catholic community had traditionally looked to the French court and the French national Church for patronage and intellectual validation. During the wars of religion some English Catholics empathized with and drew upon the evolution of resistance theory among the Catholics of the Holy League. Once Henry of Navarre had converted to Rome and had taken the crown, that game was over. Although King Henry offered his protection to the Society of Jesus, the appellant clergy looked to the French court to endorse their programme and to give them diplomatic protection at Rome.
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Carpenter, David. "Defeat: Poitou and Gascony 1242–1243." In Henry III, 245–72. Yale University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300238358.003.0005.
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This chapter looks at the battle for Poitou and the battle for Gascony. On December 14, 1241, King Henry III summoned his magnates to London at the end of January ‘to discuss arduous affairs specially touching our state and that of our kingdom’. His aim was to explain a project to which he was already passionately committed, namely an expedition to Poitou to recover the province lost to the king of France back in 1224. Far more than in 1230, this project was to be Henry's own. There was no longer Hubert de Burgh beside him to guide policy and counsel caution. Nor was there any other mentor of the stature of Peter des Roches, William, bishop-elect of Valence, or the legate Otto. Success or failure would be Henry's alone.
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GRIFFITHS, RALPH A. "After Glyn Dŵr: An Age of Reconciliation?" In Proceedings of the British Academy, Volume 117. British Academy, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197262795.003.0004.
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During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, following Edward I's final conquest, the inhabitants of the whole of Wales were adjusting to the fact that they were a cosmopolitan people of diverse origins. Their communities were interleaved, in varying measure, with migrants from England and Ireland, France and the Low Countries, and from elsewhere in Wales, and this process was unlikely to be reversed. In particular, contacts between English and Welsh multiplied, and relationships between them deepened. The revolt of Owain Glyn Dŵr in the first decade of the fifteenth century, the most serious of the challenges that faced the unsteady Lancastrian king, Henry IV, threatened for a time to disrupt this process. The gradual defeat of Glyn Dŵr's supporters and allies in the decade after 1406 posed large and pressing questions: how to ensure security for the English kingdom in the west thenceforward; how to restore peace and stability to the commonwealth; and how to achieve reconciliation among the peoples of Wales and with the king's subjects in England. This chapter examines the aftermath of Glyn Dŵr's revolt, particularly the relationship between English and Welsh in the borderland.