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1
Bosworth, Lucy. "A thirteenth-century genealogy of heresy." Studies in Church History 33 (1997): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840001322x.
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How did the medieval Church cope with the existence, both in its past and its present, of dissent and heresy within its own body? The churchmen who were engaged in writing anti-heretical treatises in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries did not view the Church’s doctrinal history as a process of interplay between new, and possibly heterodox, ideas which defined and refined those ‘orthodox’ doctrines which became acceptable to the Church. Still less did they conceive of it in terms of Bauer’s ‘competing orthodoxies’, one of which eventually became dominant. For these polemicists, the Pauline injunction – Oportet et haereses esse in its Vulgate form (I Corinthians 11.9) – was interpreted as meaning that there must always be heresies among them. Heresy had existed as a separate entity from the inception of the Church; indeed, it was viewed almost as God-given, part of God’s scheme and the natural life of the Church, one of the four temptations sent to test and mould her. Moreover, although the heresies which had troubled the Church at various times sometimes seemed to be only distinctly related, polemicists held firmly to the conviction that all of these apparently distinct heresies were in fact offshoots of the one heresy. Their understanding of the Church’s doctrinal history, therefore, was of the intermittent manifestation, in a variety of guises, of this ‘heresy’ and its subsequent detection and repulsion by the Church. In looking back on this long history, polemicists were able to use past heresies to identify contemporary sects as heretical. At this level retrospection offered a means of combating the appeal of the ascetic and evangelical groups which were springing up during this period, many of which displayed an alarming potential to evade the control of the institutional Church. The retrospective example of the great heresies – the Arians and the Manicheans, for instance – thus provided a simple but effective method of warning the laity away from groups which the clerical and episcopal hierarchies found suspicious or threatening.
2
Keith, Zachary M. "John of Damascus: rewriting the division of heresy and schism." Vox Patrum 68 (December 16, 2018): 501–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3378.
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St. John Damascene’s writings on heresies – specifically those texts against Nestorianism and Monophysitism – demonstrate a careful consideration of how thin the line is between schism and heresy. In the texts on heresies, Damascenus endeavors to reread the separation of certain Churches as an ecclesial problem and not only a theological problem. His writings blur the lines between heresy, normally a theological concern, and schism, an ecclesiastical term normally reserved for the separation of Christian Churches. St. John Damascene’s teachings against heresies fit well within the culture of florilegia and compilations. John’s goal, particularly in the De haeresibus, seems to have been to contribute scholarly to the growing world of anti-heretical texts. His texts add to the already large list of known heresies, registering heresies that arose after the council of Chalcedon. Yet John’s texts against heresies are not meant simply to combat false teachings. In some cases, particularly Monophysitism, Damascenus contends that the terms used by orthodox (pro-Chalcedonian) Christians and Monophysite Christians mean the same thing. We must read the Liber de haeresibus in the context of his other writings (e.g. Contra Jacobitas or Contra Nestorianos) in order to determine his true purpose. These definitions aim not to divide Christians based only on teachings, but to show the common understanding present in Christology in spite of different vocabulary. With a proper understanding of heresy, John of Damascus is able to provide a more complete description of the schisms in the Church of his time.
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McMullen, W. Cary. "Villainy, Humor, and Heresy." Theology Today 46, no. 3 (October 1989): 283–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057368904600305.
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“Robertson Davies' The Rebel Angels and Umberto Eco's The Name of the Rose, written within a year of each other, present a striking pair of books on the theme of heresies—ideas considered beyond the pale…. The modern university and the medieval monastery are able, in these writers' hands, to show us ourselves and our intellectual heritage.”
4
Bagchi, David. "Defining Heresies: Catholic Heresiologies, 1520–50." Studies in Church History 43 (2007): 241–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003247.
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Few historians nowadays would endorse a simple causal connection between the Reformation and the rise of toleration. Indeed, reformations Protestant and Catholic have become almost synonymous with ‘confessionalization’ and ‘social disciplining’. Nonetheless, the transition from the persecuting society of the Middle Ages to something approaching a pluralist society was an early modern phenomenon which has attracted renewed attention in recent years. This transition was facilitated by the breakdown of the traditional understanding of heresy. The role of Protestantism in de-stabilizing the heresy discourse of mid-seventeenth century England has been expertly delineated by Ann Hughes in her study of Thomas Edwards’s Gangraena and the responses to it. But it would be a mistake to suppose that the Catholic understanding of heresy was entirely stable during this period. As I hope to show in this survey of Catholic heresiologies from the period 1520 to 15 50, controversialists encountered difficulties when they tried to conscript patristic and medieval heresy discourses into the sixteenth-century conflict. An instability at the heart of the traditional definition of heresy – over whether heresy is primarily a doctrinal error or a moral failing – seemed at first to provide a solution to these difficulties. Ultimately and ironically, however, it made their case vulnerable to a Protestant charge of subjectivism.
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Grigorova, Margreta. "Discourse of heresy in Polish post-WWII literature Herling’s and Herbert’s heretics." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica 55, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 451–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.55.21.
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The present text explores the theme of heresies and their persecution in the works of a group of writers, survivors of World War II and of the two dictatorships of the century – Gustaw Herling-Grudziński, Zbigniew Herbert, Czesław Miłosz, Andrzej Szczypiorski, Jerzy Andrzejewski. An artistic-documentary reconstruction of medieval processes and executions of heretics, as well as striving for protection and rehabilitation are observed in a series of their works. Deep allusions to the dictatorships of the 20th century are made. Particular attention is being paid to Herbert’s essays, connected with heresies and to a heretic image of Christ in the short story Drugie przyjście by Herling-Grudzinski.
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Gilhus, Ingvild Sælid. "The Construction of Heresy and the Creation of Identity: Epiphanius of Salamis and His Medicine-Chest against Heretics." Numen 62, no. 2-3 (March 16, 2015): 152–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341361.
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The article is about Epiphanius’ use of metaphors in thePanarionto create boundaries between acceptable and non-acceptable religion. The stress is on how the various inventors of so-called heresies were made similar to different species of harmful animals, and how a comparative system of serpents and other animals was applied metaphorically. This explanatory model has multiple references to biblical texts. The article shows the persuasive power and emotional impact of the use of animals to describe heresies.
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Goudriaan, Aza. "The Concept of Heresy and the Debates on Descartes’s Philosophy." Church History and Religious Culture 100, no. 2-3 (September 3, 2020): 172–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-10002001.
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Abstract This article explores connotations of ‘heresy’ in theological traditions before and during Descartes’s life. Lutheran and Reformed Protestants, themselves considered heretics by the Church of Rome, adopted the patristic heresiology while designating sixteenth-century antitrinitarian and Anabaptist teachings as heresies. Francisco Suárez and Gisbertus Voetius knew the late medieval conceptuality (e.g., Council of Konstanz, 1418). Voetius possibly thought of Descartes when describing certain philosophical views as “smacking of heresy.” This was not, however, an outright charge of heresy. In fact, Descartes’s readiness to be corrected contradicted the traditional heretical quality of “stubbornness.” Plempius’s expression “Cartesian heresy” seems to have been rare. For anti-Cartesians, the rich vocabulary of error made the complex term ‘heresy’ easily avoidable.
8
Sadowski, Sydney. "A Critical Look and Evaluation of Augustine’s De haeresibus." Augustinianum 55, no. 2 (2015): 461–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201555230.
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Today’s scholarship has paid little attention to the work of St. Augustine titled De Haeresibus ad Quodvultdeum. The following article will discuss the work itself in a couple of ways, first, by deciphering the sources used by Augustine and his definition of heresy; secondly, by categorizing the heresies in a way that is both understandable to the modern mind and consistent with current Catholic terminology, so that the language of the current century can be employed to describe and categorize heresies from the fifth century.
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Wolski, Jan Mikołaj. "Autoproscoptae, Bogomils and Messalians in the 14th Century Bulgaria." Studia Ceranea 4 (December 30, 2014): 233–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.04.15.
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This paper discusses the use of the names of heresies: bogomilism, messalianism and the heresy of autoproscoptae in 14th century Bulgarian sources. The author underlines that the names of bogomilism and messalianism do not always refer to dualism. Two wider unknown examples of such use of the name “messalinism” are recalled. In the Pseudo-Zonaras Nomocanon (CIAI 1160), the name “messalianism” is treated as being equal to the “heresy of autoproscoptae”. In the Rule for hermits, messalians are presented not as heretics, but as monks disregarding their rules.
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Valabregue, Sandra. "Philosophy, Heresy, and Kabbalah's Counter-Theology." Harvard Theological Review 109, no. 2 (April 2016): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816016000043.
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The role philosophy played in the rise of new Jewish esoteric traditions in the Middle Ages has always been a critical question for kabbalah scholarship. Many scholars have contributed to our understanding of kabbalah's relationship to Greek, Christian, and Jewish philosophy, Neoplatonic and Neo-Aristotelian traditions alike. In this article I wish to contribute to this vast scholarly discussion by enlightening some aspects of theosophical kabbalah's innovation in light of its dialogue with philosophical ideas. This dialogue is complex, and the extent of kabbalah's interaction with philosophy is difficult to evaluate. My assumption in the following is that such a dialogue is best apprehended where conflict can be detected. Consequently I will study different cases of theological conflict between theosophical and philosophical conceptions—cases of heresy, where a theological tension can be identified. These tensions will help us to evaluate the nature of the theosophical innovation in question. The framework of this article rests on the assumption that theosophical kabbalah shares with different philosophical traditions some important theological structures but also that it maintains important conceptual differences. In order to evaluate the theological tensions involved I will analyze different cases of theological heresies, both philosophical and theosophical. I hope with this analysis to clarify theosophical kabbalah in light of its theological renewal, a renewal that was not merely the result of the acceptance of or resistance to philosophical ideas but also of the emerging of what I propose to call counter-theology.
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Klein, Julie R. "Steven Nadler. Spinoza's Heresy: Immortality and the Jewish Mind. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2001. 236 pp." AJS Review 29, no. 1 (April 2005): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405330091.
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On July 27, 1656, the Jewish community of Amsterdam expelled Baruch de Espinoza. As Josef Kaplan's work has shown, the community used ḥerem as a standard disciplinary instrument, usually on a temporary basis. In Spinoza's case, however, the Amsterdammers issued a fierce and permanent denunciation on grounds of “abominable heresies” and “monstrous deeds.” Speaking for the community, the rabbis “excommunicate, expel, curse and damn” him with formidable intensity. In addition to forbidding contact with Spinoza himself, the ḥerem concludes with a prohibition against reading “any treatise composed or written by him.” What were these heresies and deeds, and why was the ḥerem so harsh? Only twenty-three years of age, Spinoza had not yet, so far as we know, begun to write the philosophical works—the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus (1670) and the Ethica (1677), the former published anonymously, the latter only posthumously—that would to make him notorious well beyond the domain of the Portuguese Jews. Looking at the later texts, it is not difficult to imagine the cause of the outrage: Spinoza denies creation and divine providence, individual or personal immortality (together with the doctrine of eternal reward and punishment), and the truth of the Torah. But what exactly was Spinoza doing in the mid-1650s, and why were his ideas and actions so offensive to the community?
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Tinambunan, Edison R. L. "PROPHETESSES MAXIMILLA AND PRISCILLA WOMEN’S HERESIES IN THE PATRISTIC PERIOD." Studia Philosophica et Theologica 18, no. 1 (December 7, 2019): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35312/spet.v18i1.20.
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On his journey, the Church faces many heresies which try to deviate the orthodoxy teaching. One of these heresies was founded by Montanus and his teaching is known as Montanism. Montanus together with Maximilla and Priscilla claimed that they were filled by Holy Spirit and called themselves as a prophet and prophetesses who had to be followed and heard. The main teaching of this heresy is the promise of the second coming of Jesus Christ, and the promise of the end of the world. This theme is always interested by many people. The reason people attracted to the teaching of this heresy is the establishment of the coming of Jesus Christ which was promised by himself. Many of their followers became disappointed, because though the promised date had passed, Jesus Christ did not come yet. The other teaching of Montanism is about prophecy of the future which actually blinded the followers. If the prophecy failed to happen, it was because of the fault of the followers who lived less ascetic life and did many sins. The Prophets of Montanism had enthusiasm given by the Holy Spirit. It made them have to be obeyed and heard. They even claimed that the absolute truth was on their hand. Therefore, the hierarchy of the Church had to submit themselves to their teaching. Maximilla and Priscilla are two false prophetesses who had great influence in the Montanism period. In this heresy time, the Church had to work hard to fight Montanism teaching and prophecy, especially to defend its orthodoxy teaching of the Church from the false prophetesses.
Sepanjang perjalanan, Gereja menghadapi banyak eresi yang berusaha mendefiasikan ajaran resmi. Salah satu di antara eresi yang banyak itu dikembangkan oleh Montanus yang alirannya dikenal dengan Montanisme. Ia bersama dengan Maximilla dan Priscilla mengaku kepenuhan Roh Kudus dan menyebut diri mereka sebagai Nabi yang harus diikuti dan didengarkan. Ajaran pokok mereka adalah menjanjikan kedatangan Kristus yang mau tidak mau juga menjanjikan akhir dunia yang biasanya diminati oleh banyak orang. Salah satu alasan ketertarikan orang lebih akan ajaran eresi ini adalah penetapan kedatangan Kristus yang dijanjika-Nya, walau akhirnya banyak orang menjadi kecewa, karena waktu yang ditetapkan tidak kunjung datang. Ajaran mereka lainnya adalah ramalan masa yang akan datang yang berusaha mengelabui pengikutnya. Jika ramalan tidak terpenuhi atau tidak kunjung datang, maka kesalahan berdada di tangan para pemohon karena kurang askese dan disposisi diri tidak baik. Para nabi ini memiliki sikap antusiasme berlebihan yang menekankan peran Roh Kudus yang mereka terima. Dengan alasan ini, mereka harus ditaati dan didengarkan. Bahkan kebenaran absolut berada di tangan mereka, bahkan pemimpin Gereja sendiri harus tunduk pada pengajaran mereka ini. Maximilla dan Priscilla adalah dua nabi perempuan yang sesat. Mereka sangat berpengarauh pada periode Montanisme. Gereja harus berjuang keras pada periode mereka untuk meluruskan ajaran dan ramalan Montanisme, terlebih membela ortodox Gereja dari nabi perempuan yang palsu tersebut.
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Prelipcean, Alexandru. "Does the Great Canon of Andrew of Crete speak about the heresies and their combating? Brief Remarks." Vox Patrum 68 (December 16, 2018): 523–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3380.
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It is known that the fundamental work of Andrew of Crete, probably written in the early of the eighth century, is penitential one, indicating continuing human need for repentance. Beyond a systematic exposition of Holy Scripture and its models (negative and positive), the Great Canon calls for deep meditation about life and its transience. Even the Byzantine author herself testifies this fact, saying: “Where shall I begin to lament the deeds of my wretched life? How shall I begin, O Christ, to relieve my present tears? But as Thou art deeply compassionate, grant me forgiveness of sins” (Ode 1, 1). But can we speak in the text of the Great Canon about polemical intentions against heresies? Can we find passages to develop the theological opinion against various heresies arisen within the Church over the eight centuries? If so, which ones and what heresy combat? This essay is at stake we want to present it.
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Szram, Mariusz. "Kobiety a ruchy heretyckie według "Diversarum hereseon liber" Filastriusza z Brescii." Vox Patrum 66 (December 15, 2016): 127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3444.
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The article discusses two issues related to the role of women in heretical movements on the basis of Philastrius’ of Brescia Diversarum hereseon liber (written between 380 and 388): the place and the importance of the feminine in the doctrinal teaching of the heretics, along women’s participation in setting up and functioning of the various heresies. In the Jewish movements false-beliefs were associated with the figures of pagan goddesses, which some groups worshiped in different periods of the history of Israel. Contrary to the widespread in the ancient culture belief of the relationship of the male element in human person with the intellectual sphere, in the early Christian Gnosticism it was thought that the feminine was the personification of intellect. An example of this phenomenon on the doctrinal plane was the eon “Wisdom” (sapientia), and on the historical one – Helena accompanying Simon Magus, the precursor of all Christian heresy. Among the female characters of biblical inspiration for erroneous views, resulting from improper, sometimes mythologizing exegesis was especially the mother of mankind Eve. However, the creators of heresies didn’t stress clearly her feminine qualities as that might encourage the emergence of their heterodox doctrines. The known names of women – the members of Jewish and early Christian misbelief movements – appear in Philastrius’ index much less often than men. These are individual cases: Helena accompanying Simon Magus, Priscilla and Maximilla – the co-founders of Montanism heresy.
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Czyżewski, Bogdan. "Herezje wczesnochrześcijańskie – zagadnienia wprowadzające." Vox Patrum 68 (December 23, 2018): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3327.
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In the times of the Church Fathers the notion of heresy was related to the false doctrine what became the cause of derogations from the unity of the Church. It was a false tenet about God, hence the Fathers of the Church tried to define not only mistakes created within the Church, but also to develop orthodox doctrine. Due to the vastness of the this subject authors and texts defining heresies were selected. Firstly, attention was drawn on the Greek term a†resij contained in pagan literature and the writings of the New Testament, which allowed to see what was the impact, especially the biblical definition of heresy, on the understanding of the early Christian writers, especially before the first Council of Nice in 325. It was also necessary to ask about the origin of heresy and its characteristics. Fathers affirmed unequivocally that their creation were associated mainly with making the wrong choices. The result of this were incorrect relations of heretics to the truth and to the Church, wrong image of God and abiding in stubbornness. Fathers also attempted to define more precisely the scope of meaning of schism and heresy, which are concepts often used as synonyms.
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D'ALTON, CRAIG W. "The Suppression of Lutheran Heretics in England, 1526–1529." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 54, no. 2 (April 2003): 228–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046902005675.
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This article examines responses to the spread of Lutheranism and related heresies in England during the final years of the ascendancy of Cardinal Thomas Wolsey. It demonstrates that the preferred method for dealing with scholars and others toying with the New Learning was to attempt to convince them of the error of their ways rather than to punish them. The small number of Lutheran heresy trials in the 1520s is shown to be evidence not of a ‘soft’ approach to the growing problem of Lutheran infiltration, but of a successful policy of humanist reform.
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Szram, Mariusz. "Geneza herezji wczesnochrześcijańskich w ujęciu Filastriusza z Brescii." Vox Patrum 65 (July 15, 2016): 631–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3524.
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The original Latin catalogue of heresies, produced by Saint Philastrius of Brescia in the second half of IVth century, encompasses several observations regarding the source of early Christian heterodox movements. These views are dispersed and interwoven into the analysis of particular heresies, and as such do not constitute an integral and standalone teaching on the nature of unorthodoxy and its genesis. The present work attempts at enucleating this standpoint and summarising it in a comprehensive and complementary manner. Regarding the issue of the foundation of heresy, Philastrius proposed his own point of view based on the following threefold argumentation: the theological (Satan is the father of all the world’s heterodoxy – comprehended as a lapse form God’s truth), the moral (heresies rise due to one’s pride), and historical and cultural (errors in early Christian doctrine derive from the Judaic sects or else from the counterfactual views of the ancient Greek philosophers). Philastrius’ perspective refers back to an extensive and modestly younger work Panarion by Epiphanius of Salamis, in which the topic of Jewish-deriving deviations from the doctrine was treated even more at length. The Bishop of Brescia’s index has been the inspiration for the later catalogues of unorthodoxy by St. Augustine (narrow in the topic of Judaic origins of heretical movements and rather focused on influences from the ancient philosophical schools) and Isidore of Seville (intermingling both sources of early heretical movements – i.e. Judaic and Greek – withholding the determination which of them has in fact more influenced the uprising of heterodoxy and the doctrine itself).
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Musawar, Musawar. "BID'AH IN HIGHLIGHTS OF FIQH." Al-IHKAM: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga Jurusan Ahwal al-Syakhshiyyah Fakultas Syariah IAIN Mataram 11, no. 1 (June 17, 2019): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/alihkam.v11i1.2113.
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This paper seeks to analyze the term "Bid'ah" which at this time is always used as a basis for justifying an act, whether the act appears good, whether it is included in customary culture, and so on. Therefore, social divisions often occur which have a negative impact in the midst of community life. Even because of the importance of this discussion, some scholars' included it in theological issues (aqidah). This means that knowledge about heresy is in line with the problem of faith that must be known by someone and this results in many people blaming each other, even people who disbelieve each other when someone does an act of "heresy". Therefore, knowing which actions and when are called "heresies" becomes important so that one will be careful in doing an act, because a person who commits heresy, then he has tried to oppose Shari'a. However, an important thing to note is understanding comprehensively about the concept of bid'ah, so that people are not trapped in the concept because if a person is trapped he becomes supported in it. This will result in a tight shari'ah. Instead, people feel free and separated from the concept of heresy, then they have ignored the signs of the heresy concept itself. From this, a complete understanding of bid'ah becomes urgency. The author tries to write it with a library research approach by collecting data related to the term "bid'ah".
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Szram, Mariusz. "“Varii errores qui ab origine mundi emerserunt”. The semantic scope of the term “heresy” in Philastrius’ of Brescia Diversarum hereseon liber." Vox Patrum 68 (December 16, 2018): 315–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3358.
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The bishop of Brescia, Philastrius, author of the first Latin catalogue of heresies, written between 380 and 388, presented in his treaty an extremely large number of heterodox movements: 28 within Judaism and 128 in early Christianity. This comes as a result of a wide understanding of the term heresis. For Philastrius this term was synonymous with the term error, recognized as any deviation from the universal truth in the history of the world, inspired by Satan as “the father of lies”, ocurring primarily in Judaism and Christianity. Among the early Christian views defined by the bishop of Brescia as heresy five groups can be distinguished. The first group includes mainly the erroneous views on fundamental theological questions contained in the rule of faith, such as the concept of a creator God and saviour Jesus Christ. The second set of heresies, closely related with the previous one, contains the erroneous doctrines of anthropology, such as questioning the resurrection of the human body or the view of the materiality of the human soul. The third group includes the views related to the misinterpretation of Scripture, especially exaggerated literal interpretations of the texts of the Old Testament, as well as the cosmological views which do not agree with descriptions contained within the Bible. The fourth group contains the moral issues related to the based on laxism or rigorism way of life, as well as to the attitude of lack of deference to the laws of the Church, but non-threatening the primary truths of the Christian faith. The fifth group of heresies includes the movements defined by the authors of the late patristic period as a schizm, while the term schisma is not at all used by the bishop of Brescia in his work. The semantic scope of the term heresis in Philastrius’ treaty went beyond the noncompliance with the regula fidei. According to the bishop of Brescia each offense – whether in doctrinal teaching or practice of life, as well as with regard to the understanding of the text of Scripture – is a heresy because it offends God and the Church. Therefore, in Philastrius opinion one should not differentiate between superior and minor error, but equally condemn them as attitudes directed against God as the Father of Truth.
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CARNIELLO, BRIAN R. "Gerardo Segarelli as the Anti-Francis: Mendicant Rivalry and Heresy in Medieval Italy, 1260–1300." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 57, no. 2 (March 30, 2006): 226–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690500624x.
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Scholars generally associate the Order of Apostles, founded around 1260 by Gerardo Segarelli in Parma, Italy, with medieval heresies. This article analyses the leading source for the first three decades of the Apostles, the chronicle of the Franciscan Salimbene de Adam of Parma, and casts Segarelli and the Apostle friars instead as thirteenth-century mendicants who rivalled the Franciscans in the Emilia, the Romagna and the March of Ancona. Salimbene's depiction of Gerardo Segarelli focuses on the chronicler's desire to recreate his rival as an inversion of Francis of Assisi and Franciscan ideals. Gerardo Segarelli emerges in the account as an anti-Francis. Yet only after 1274, when the Second Council of Lyons ordered a general suppression of all religious movements founded after Fourth Lateran in 1215, did the situation change slowly for Segarelli's followers as opponents began to question their obedience to papal authority. Gerardo Segarelli and the Apostle friars ultimately faced condemnation as heretics, but not before the 1290s. Salimbene's chronicle, written in the 1280s, should not be taken as a source for a ‘Segarellian heresy’ launched by a ‘heresiarch’ in the Joachite year 1260, but as a source for mendicant rivalry in the thirteenth century that was deeply passionate in its rhetoric and invective.
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Human, Elizabeth. "‘Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner?’." Moreana 45 (Number 175), no. 3 (December 2008): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2008.45.3.6.
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This paper argues that More, in his Dialogue Concerning Heresies, establishes his domestic space as a site of political and religious discussion, and in doing so inescapably complicates its claim to privacy. More’s choice of dialogue form certainly facilitates readerly access, but in so doing it also subjects the author to the risks involved in textual self-presentation. By cloaking theological debate in first-person narrative, More juxtaposes the investigation of heresy with his own family life. The Dialogue is punctuated by and indeed structured around communal meals; all but the second book end with a call for supper, and by the last few lines of the text, the religious and the domestic are thoroughly intermingled.
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Sajovic, Miran. "“Sermo eorum sicut cancer serpit”. Chromatius of Aquileia against heresies." Vox Patrum 68 (December 16, 2018): 443–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3369.
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Bishop Chromatius (in office from 388 to 407), whose episcopal see was a cosmopolitan trade-center at the north end of the Adriatic Sea with the name of Aquileia, was one of the most prominent bishops in the period. He is acquainted with notable figures such as Ambrosius, Hieronymus, Rufinus, and Ioannes Chrysostomus and forth. Before being created a bishop, he was the secretary of bishop Valerianus and in the occasion of Council of Aquileia in 381, he had spoken against Arians. This Council was presided by Ambrosius and with its scale it could almost be considered as an ecumenical one. As shown in some of the Chromatius’ sermons, which are unearthed in the 20th century, he opposed not only to the ideas of Arians but also to the teaching of Fotinus, bishop of Sirmium. Chromatius was a very zealous fighter and he practically succeeded to uproot all heretical ideas in his diocese. The academia usually sees him as an anti-Arian theologian. After the Council of Constantinople (381), the Arian heresy seemed to be abated, but Chromatius said in one of his Tractatus, “Cuius (sc. Arii) discipuli hodieque oues Dei fallere ac decipere conantur per aliquantas ecclesias, sed iamdudum, magistro perfidiae prodito, discipuli latere non possunt”; it is evident that, the followers of Arius could still be found (with the mentioning of “hodie”, i.e. today) in the area of Aquileia, meanwhile one must not neglect the presence of the followers of Fotinus of Sirmium. The first part of my conference paper would be a general presentation of the religious situation in Aquileia at the time where Chromatius served as the local bishop; thus I will proceed with an in-depth reading on several passages of the Aquilerian bishop’s sermons (Sermones and Tractatus), in order to show the impact of the those heresies on his works and to identity his theological arguments against them. Among those teachings, there is the “unconquerable faith (invicta fide)”, which led to the surmounting (suppression) of heresies.
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Berzon, Todd S. "“O, Foolish Galatians”: Imagining Pauline Community in Late Antiquity." Church History 85, no. 3 (September 2016): 435–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640716000433.
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This essay analyzes how late antique commentators on Paul's epistle to the Galatians used the issue of theological disobedience to elaborate the precise meaning of Christian kinship and community in their own times. Paul's anger and frustration at the Galatians, in particular, provided a convenient rhetorical platform for theorizing the nature of and impediments to Christian community in late antiquity. While most Pauline exegetes of the fourth and fifth centuries read the Galatians’ disobedience as a conscious choice born of ignorance, misunderstanding, and weak-mindedness, Jerome located the source of this indiscipline in the Galatians’ ethnic or national disposition. For him, the Galatians were an ethno-theological object—a template upon which he could propose a correlation between Christian error or heresy, on the one hand, and ethnic disposition, on the other. The differences and factions that Paul described in his letters were reimagined in late antiquity as both exemplars of Christian heresy and as heresies of ethnological origin. Ultimately, however, the process of transforming Paul into a heresiologist served only to emphasize the complexity of interpretive maneuvers deployed to define the terms of Christian community vis-à-vis other types of social, political, and ethnic affiliation.
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Smith, Maurice. "Book Review: Heresies: The Image of Christ in the Mirror of Heresy and Orthodoxy from the Apostles to the Present." Missiology: An International Review 17, no. 2 (April 1989): 229–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182968901700225.
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Galvin, John P. "Book Review: Heresies: The Image of Christ in the Mirror of Heresy and Orthodoxy from the Apostles to the Present." Theological Studies 46, no. 1 (March 1985): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056398504600117.
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Colodrero, Andrés Jiménez. "Theology and Politics in Thomas Hobbes's Trinitarian Theory." Hobbes Studies 24, no. 1 (2011): 62–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502511x563844.
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AbstractThis article intends to analyse the Hobbesian version of the Christian dogma of the Trinity as it is observed in the corresponding sections of Leviathan, De Cive and Heresy, and alluded to in other texts (controversy with Bramhall). It shall be important to specify: (a) As a starting point, the exact place of such concept within the general problem expressed by the difference between "political theology" and "theologico-political problem" (C. Altini); (b) The main items of the philosopher's Trinitarian exposition as well as his intention while writing it, according to the "secularist", "theistic" and "Divine Omnipotence" interpretations. (J. Overhoff, A. Martinich, P. Springborg, L. Foisneau, F. Lessay, G. Wright); (c) His relationship with the contemporary orthodox currents (Trinitarian) and heterodox currents (antitrinitarian), as well as with the elements from ancient antitrinitarian heresies (subordinationism, modalism, sabellianism).
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Szram, Mariusz. "Egzegeza literalna Starego Testamentu jako źródło herezji. Stanowisko Filastriusza z Brescii." Vox Patrum 67 (December 16, 2018): 619–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3418.
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In the last part of the treatise Diversarum hereseon liber (from chapter 128 to 156), Filastrius of Brescia presents heresies based on the erroneous exegesis of the various biblical texts of the Old Testament. The author of the article discusses several examples of the exegesis considered by Filastrius to be heretical, and wonders whether they indeed had signs of heresy and whether they could pose a significant threat to ecclesiastical orthodoxy. In the light of the examined texts, the Bishop of Brescia appears as a follower of the allegorical exegesis. As for the whole of the Alexandrian tradition from Origen, the overriding criterion of orthodox interpretation of the Scriptures was a spiritual advantage (utilitas spiritalis, scientia caelestis, scientia salutaris). If the proposed interpretation of the biblical text not carried out for such spiritual benefit, it was designated by the Bishop of Brescia as heretical, even if it did not materially harm the doctrinal truths contained in the Rule of the Church’s faith.
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Mishan, E. J. "Consistency in the Valuation of Life: a Wild Goose Chase?" Social Philosophy and Policy 2, no. 2 (1985): 152–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500003253.
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As Sir Thomas Browne solemnly observed in his Religio Medici, “Heresies perish not with their authors but, like the river Arethusa, though they have lost their currents in one place, they rise up in another.” So too with the economist's valuation of life, the heresy being that–without seriously challenging the current concept of subjective valuation of changes in risk–economists have regressed to the once-persistent belief that it bears some quantitative relation, if not to expected earnings, at least to the utility of expected earnings or capital or consumption. This old-tyme recipe for estimating the value of a human life – notwithstanding the ornate convolutions and occasional intellectual effronteries to be found in the more recent versions–is much like that for calculating the value of a two-week honeymoon for a loving couple by reference to their anticipated outlays (including foregone earnings) plus perhaps an allowance for the probability of non-consummation owing to frigidity in either.
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Faiz Zainudin and Arif Hariyanto. "MEMAHAMI KAIDAH USHULIYAH LUGHAWIYAH PERSPEKTIF TIORI AHNAF." LISAN AL-HAL: Jurnal Pengembangan Pemikiran dan Kebudayaan 14, no. 1 (June 25, 2020): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.35316/lisanalhal.v14i1.761.
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The problem of innovation is a trigger factor in the religious disharmony, claims of truth occurs only on one side, and regard the other with false accusations and even accused as infidels. Heresy at the time still not Resolved, justruh become even more tapered and-so. They had perverted heretical propaganda through mass media like radio, fatwa commission, salebaran, and other writings, such accusations Surprisingly more precisely lead to the Expert Sunnah Wal Jama'ah. For that, it should be with the polemics of this kind needs be no specific response to concerns relating to issues that have been merasahkan and disrupt the comfort and harmony of religions, especially Islam in terms of legal analysis. The goal is that these problems can be solved by the decision of the best and can provide solutions that can diajalankan by the public, and can eliminate the unilateral truth of the allegations. Furthermore, to provide the best solution on the claims of heresy heresy, in society, the author gives an explanation which is very comprehensive in answering the issues around innovation with the proposition that qhat'i berlandasankan and accountable, in the form of al-Quran and Hadith-Hadith sahih, but it is also the author gives a real understanding of what it is heresy and Islamic attitudes in response to this polemic. Because the moment is now so easy to claim someone on charges of heresy that ultimately leads to infidelity.
The design of the study is a research library research (literature study) using the method of qualitative analysis with deductive and descriptive way of thinking. The results of this study, is to assert that not all innovations are prohibited, senayampang heresy has qhat'i cornerstone arguments. Even the heretics also be recommended by the Sunnah of the Prophet. In addition to the understanding of the hadith also straighten often used as a reference by those who say all heresies heresy, as well as provide an understanding of how to determine the proper position on the hadith, as well as introducing a method to determine the hadith in order to understand haidits with true understanding. Based on the results of this study, recommended for groups who claim to truth as Islamic fundamentalist and liberal Islam should not only understand the hadith of the literal aspect dhahirnya alone or, if a hadith is understood from the aspects dhahirnya will certainly experience a fatal error kerana pemahamn like it was just owned by someone who have an interest or based on lust.
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Hinson, E. Glenn. "Book Review: II. Historical-Theological: Heresies: The Image of Christ in the Mirror of Heresy and Orthodoxy from the Apostles to the Present." Review & Expositor 86, no. 4 (December 1989): 631–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463738908600425.
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Simon, Elliott M. "Thomas More’s Humor in his Religious Polemics." Moreana 53 (Number 203-, no. 1-2 (June 2016): 7–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2016.53.1-2.3.
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Thomas More’s humor was influenced by his studies of Greek Old and New Comedy and Lucian’s Dialogues. He was fascinated by the multiple ways human follies could be exposed to provoke laughter. Although aware of the “anti-laughter” tradition of the Early Church Fathers, he asserted that the intellectual, moral, and spiritual superiority of “the man who laughed” justified using humor to provoke “critical laughter” as an effective rhetorical strategy to ridicule the comic incongruities and corruption of “the inferior man who was laughed at.” In his religious polemics: Responsio ad Lutherum, Supplication of Souls, Dialogue Concerning Heresies, and Confutation of Tyndale’s Answer, More enjoyed using invectives, lampoons, and scholastic parody to denigrate Lutherans and their heretical doctrines. He considered laughter an appropriate response to heresy, and his vituperative humor provided a rhetorical punishment of derision as an alternative to the horrifying physical punishment of execution proscribed for heretics. More’s humor was intended to discourage his readers from accepting Lutheran doctrines, but it also invited them to share his joyful superior affirmation of faith in the tenets of the Catholic Church that will lead them to “the eternal merriment of heaven.”
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Eleff, Zev, and Seth Farber. "Antimodernism and Orthodox Judaism's Heretical Imperative: An American Religious Counterpoint." Religion and American Culture 30, no. 2 (2020): 237–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2020.8.
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AbstractThis article argues that the case of religious authority within Orthodox Judaism is an important counterexample to the broader and understudied developments in American religion during the final decades of the twentieth century. Using an array of untapped primary sources and drawing on themes addressed by scholars of American religious history and modern Jewish history, this article demonstrates how Orthodox Jewish elites used “approximational heresies” to police their faith community. In so doing, Orthodox leaders furnished “indicators” of apostasy that were unknown in previous epochs and served to stand in for traditional types that proved otherwise insufficient to counteract new trends in modern life and culture. Orthodox Jewish “antimodernism” was animated by a need to demonstrate what was “in” and what was “out” of bounds as well as by the emergence of a triumphalism that was unique among American faiths. Likewise, the rank-and-file abided because they either agreed with these measures or feared becoming “outsiders.” This outlook contrasts with the attitudes of other religious groups—on the “left” and the “right”—that absorbed a spirit of “inclusiveness” and, therefore, eschewed heresy hunting and the boldness evinced by Orthodox elites during this period. The article concludes that the pervasiveness of this counterculture among the Orthodox Jewish community was so powerful that it, counterintuitively, introduced the strategies of the antimodernists to the American-acculturated, so-called Modern Orthodox community.
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Schminck, Andreas. "Subsiciva Byzantina." Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 83, no. 1-2 (May 31, 2015): 126–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08312p07.
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I Zur ‘constitutio’ Βασιλικῆς – The Greek translation ‘Βασιλικῆς’ of the Latin constitutio Imperatoriam introducing Justinian’s Institutiones was not written in the 6th century but in the eighties of the 9th century. The translator could have been the grammarian Theognostos. II Συμβόλαιον – The importance of the term συμβόλαιον in the proem and title 13 of the Eisagoge of 886 is not due to a scholion of the 6th century but to patriarch Photios’ definition of the word in compiling the Eisagoge. III Καινοτομία – The term ‘kainotomia’ (originally ‘opening of new mines’ and then, metaphorically, ‘innovation’) had no particular juristic meaning in the 6th century, whereas from the end of the 9th century almost all Byzantine law books contained a specific title about ‘kainotomiai’. The author suggests that the patriarch Photios, when composing the proem of the Eisagoge and mentioning there the ‘sinful kainotomiai’, thought of the theological meaning of the term, namely ‘heresy’. His collaborator however, probably Stylianos Zaoutzes, did not fulfil Photios’ ideas in compiling a list of heresies, but created a new extremely vague juristic term stemming from the ‘opus novum’ in the Corpus iuris civilis. This sheds light on the codification process in the last year of the emperor Basil I († August 28th, 886): When Photios wrote the preface to the Eisagoge in 885 or 886, its text was not yet finished; otherwise such a ‘misunderstanding’ would be unexplainable.
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Gayuk, I. "Studies in Armenian Christianity: New Methodological Approaches." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 24 (November 26, 2002): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2002.24.1368.
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The emergence of features of Armenian Christianity, the transformation of the Armenian Church in Ukrainian lands is an interesting and unexplored topic in Ukraine that is closely related to the unresolved and nowadays problems of split Christianity and the emergence of different currents in it. Turning to the historiographical analysis of the sources devoted to this problem, the researcher of the Armenian Church is faced with the need to take a new approach to the study of this phenomenon, to evaluate in a modern way the fact of the appearance of monophysitism. This is due to the fact that the vast majority of works on the Armenian Church are of a partial and, for the most part, historical nature, and also have a significant confessional color. First of all, we are talking about the criteria for analyzing and defining the research framework. A characteristic feature of the available sources is the avoidance of the Chalcedon problem and, accordingly, questions about the essence of monophysitism, which a priori recognize heresy. The conceptual basis of these works is certain postulates, on the basis of which the system of analysis is built, namely: to the V century. there was a single catholic Christian Church from which various schisms and heresies began to break away from various non-Orthodox, non-Catholic, erroneous movements and organizations; the decisions of the Ecumenical Councils are true in the last instance and the documents approved by them are not subject to discussion.
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Ramelli, Ilaria L. E. "Origen in Augustine: A Paradoxical Reception." Numen 60, no. 2-3 (2013): 280–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341266.
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Abstract I argue that, paradoxically, Augustine embraced much of Origen’s system, especially in his anti-Manichaean polemic, exactly when he was convinced that he did not know his thought. The most remarkable point in his initial adherence to Origen’s ideas regards the apokatastasis doctrine, which he later condemned as heretical and felt the need to recant in his Retractationes (Second Thoughts). I point out many other elements of contact concerning philosophical arguments and Biblical exegesis, which the early Augustine drew from Origen and have escaped scholars who have investigated the Origen-Augustine relationship. With this I shall hopefully add an important piece to the study of Origen’s influence on Western Patristics. I thus explain how Augustine used Origen’s thought in defense of Christian orthodoxy against the Manichaean “heresy,” whereas, after he was informed about Origen’s thought by Horosius and Jerome, he began to find it heretical and condemned it, especially in De civitate Dei (The City of God) and De haeresibus (On Heresies), where he shows that he was misinformed about it. A remarkable role in this transformation was played by Augustine’s anti-Pelagian polemic: several of his expressions of blame directed against Origen’s ideas are found in his anti-Pelagian works. Another notable factor was Augustine’s ignorance of the important semantic distinction between αἰώνιος and ἀΐδιος, which got lost in the translation of both with aeternus. Moreover, I endeavor to clarify the ways and sources through which Augustine came to know Origen’s true thought when he did adhere to it, probably without being aware that it was Origen’s.
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Senina, Tatyana. "“Not Flogged for Christ”: Representation of Anti-Iconoclastic Resistance in the Lives of St. Ioannikios the Great and St. Peter of Atroa." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (February 2021): 231–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.6.18.
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Introduction. The article examines the representation of anti-iconoclastic resistance in the Lives of St. Ioannikios the Great and St. Peter of Atroa and its relation to the debate between the Bithynian monks and the Studites on the issue of Christian life and opposition to heresy. Methods. The methods employed in this article are source research, information analysis, comparative historical research. The sources on the subject include two Lives of St. Ioannikios, two versions of the Life of St. Peter of Atroa, the Live and Works of St. Theodore the Studite, and the Life of St. Eustratios of Agauron. Analysis. During the second iconoclastic period divergent views on Christian life emerged among the Orthodox opposition, namely the Bithynian monks and the Studites. Iconophiles such as Theodore the Studite believed that during periods of prevalence of heresy it was the duty of every Orthodox believer to openly resist it and endure persecutions; no one should stay silent out of fear or enter into agreements with heretics, even out of a desire to preserve monasteries and churches. Many Bithynian monks, however, chose to live quietly in remote monasteries and hermitages avoiding open conflicts with Iconoclasts. For instance, Ioannikios the Great, an influential Bithynian hermit, did not suffer any persecution for the icons, maintained contacts with Iconoclasts and was indulgent towards priest Joseph, who split Orthodox opposition during the persecutions of 815–820. Furthermore, Eustratios of Agauron, Ioannikios’ confidante, would have been stained with the statement given to Iconoclasts, and hermit Theoktistos, an acquaintance of Ioannikios, was accused of heresies and caused embarrassment among believers. All these things aroused doubts among Iconophiles concerning Ioannikios’ Orthodoxy. Theodore the Studite criticized Ioannikios and others like him for avoiding persecution and blamed Eustratios and Theoktistos; this position caused antipathy to the Bithynian monks, including Peter, the author of the first Life of Ioannikios. Hagiographers glorified Ioannikios first of all as a great ascetic, prophet and miracle-worker, but they also tried to describe him as an active participant in the resistance to heresy and to remove all possible doubts about his faith; they told about his antiiconoclastic prophecies and denunciations of heretics, attributed a lengthy confession of faith to him, and depicted him as an adviser to Patriarch-Confessor Methodios. Monk Sabas, the author of the second Life of Ioannikios, removed Peters attacks on the Studites from the narrative. He also wrote two Lives of Peter of Atroa which presented a more nuanced model of Orthodox behaviour. He depicted the saint as a great ascetic and miracle-worker who, like Ioannikios, stayed away from active resistance to heresy, but did on one occasion confront the Iconoclasts directly and suffered beating; moreover, Peter’s miraculous healings were only effective for the Iconophiles, and, like Theodore the Studite, he urged his monks not to communicate with heretics at all. Peter of Atroa had friendly relations with Theodore, consulted with him and called for the Studite’s help when he had been slandered; at the same time Peter is depicted as a close and undisputed friend of Ioannikios. Results. The analysis of sources shows that monk Peter, the first biographer of Ioannikios, sought to present his life as an alternative model of Orthodox behaviour during persecutions, a model that is equal to the open confession of the Studites and their followers who had been flogged for worshipping the icons. In contrast, hagiographer Sabas tried to reconcile the positions of Bithynian monks and the Studites, making Peter of Atroa an intermediary figure standing between the two groups.
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Brooke, Sebastian. "Reformation Rhetoric: The Genealogye of Heresye." Reformation & Renaissance Review 6, no. 3 (March 17, 2004): 374–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/rarr.2004.6.3.374.
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Минчев, Георги, Малгожата Сковронек, and Иван Н. Петров. "Сведения о дуалистических ересях и языческих верованиях в "Шестодневе" Иоанна Экзарха." Studia Ceranea 4 (December 30, 2014): 95–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.04.07.
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The article aims to present and analyze those passages of the Hexameron (Šestodnev) in which ‘heretics’, ‘Manichaeans’, ‘pagans’ or ‘pagan Slavs’ are mentioned. The fragments are compared with their Greek counterparts (as long as these exist); the Old Bulgarian texts (especially those that can be considered original additions or loose compilations) are utilized for interpreting certain elements of heterodox doctrines common to Manichaeism, Paulicianism, Massalianism and Bogomilism. The Old Bulgarian translation/compilation by John Exarch supplies important information on the cosmology, theological doctrine and liturgical life of the Neo-Manichaeans within the Byzantine- Slavic world. The original additions and passages that can be seen as loose translations or compilations testify to the relevance of anti-dualist polemics even in the later periods of the Byzantine-Slavic religious community. The old Gnostic and Manichaean concepts, adapted by later dualist heresies (as e.g. Massalianism and Paulicianism), coupled with Trinitarian and Christological deviations from the official dogma, infiltrate the 1st Bulgarian Empire and provide a hospitable environment for the appearance of Bogomilism. In this sense, the Old Bulgarian Hexameron turns out to be an important source of information on the predecessors of the ‘Bulgarian heresy’. The original additions and loose translations/compilations of certain passages uncover some ‘common areas’ characteristic of all medieval Neo-Manichaean doctrines: the dualist creation myth, the belief in Satan as God’s ‘first-born son’ and the related Trinitarian and Christological departures from the prescribed dogma. Especially noteworthy is the passage referring to the Trisagion (Trisvetoe). The rejection of particular elements of the Liturgy of the Faithful attests to the dualists’ more diversified attitude towards the official ritual – not an indiscriminate renunciation, but the exclusion of those elements that were considered to praise the Old Testament God and to be irreconcilable with the Neo-Manichaean beliefs concerning creation and forgiveness. The mentioning of a Slavic pagan sun cult should be analyzed not only in connection with the charges against Manichaeans and Slavs concerning idolatry, but also in a wider context of the refutation of antique astrological beliefs and soothsaying practices. The comparison of particular lexemes, phrases and larger textual units in John Exarch’s Hexameron on the one hand and the Sermon Against the Heretics on the other makes it possible to conjecture that Cosmas the Priest was familiar with his predecessor’s work and made use of it when composing his own anti-heretic text.
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Pieroni, Geraldo. "HERESIA: DESVIO DOUTRINÁRIO OU AFIRMAÇÃO DO CONTRA-PODER?" Revista Relegens Thréskeia 1, no. 1 (March 8, 2013): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rt.v1i1.31043.
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Historicamente, o fato de a heresia ter tido um papel positivo para a própria conscientização ou esclarecimento da ortodoxia, já havia sido evidenciado por santo Agostinho na obra De Vera religione. Ele reconheceu a importância do herege ao incentivar a “busca pela verdade”. A heresia não contém somente conotações negativas. Na história da Igreja, houve heresias que, antes de serem qualificadas ou condenadas como tais, foram essenciais na trajetória da definição de um dogma. Este foi o ocorrido com a controvérsia ariana, que viu bispos e escolas teológicas inclinados a um lado ou a outro, mesmo depois do Concílio de Niceia o qual decidiu qual era a “verdadeira religião”. Neste enfoque analisaremos alguns processos de hereges existentes no mundo luso-brasileiro nos quais os inquisidores classificaram como ações iníquas e maléficas. Na sala secreta do Tribunal lisboeta, eles consultaram os livros canônicos e os regimentos da Inquisição e comprovaram que estes heréticos haviam desviado da “autêntica doutrina” e, portanto deveriam pagar suas culpas. O valor da heresia consiste, sobretudo, segundo Mazzi, na libertação do domínio do sagrado, entendido como "abstração, separação e contraposição entre as várias dimensões da nossa existência". O sagrado se torna "projeção de uma angústia não resolvida, de uma ruptura interna, de uma falta de autonomia e, enfim, de uma alienação da própria subjetividade nas mãos do poder". A novidade para se estudar a religiosidade popular consiste em fazer da heresia a chave interpretativa da história. Representa uma negação doutrinal ou uma afirmação do contra-poder?
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Lorandou, Eleni. "Non-philosophical mystique and the rehabilitation of heresis." Labyrinth 20, no. 1 (September 20, 2018): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.25180/lj.v20i1.117.
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In the second part of the Triptych, Mystique non-philosophique à l'usage des contemporains, François Laruelle puts to the test of "non-philosophy" the field of phenomena that are termed as "religious" whether Christian, Judaic or Gnostic. Non-philosophical mystique is born in the spirit of heresy rather than sanctity. It springs from the effort to join Man with himself rather than with God founding the radical cause of the new Logos in the One-in-One. Man is emptied from his identity, becomes a Christ-subject who comes to fight for the World. Future mystique ends as the amorous knowledge, an erotic a priori constitutive of the mystical subject: it is not an illusory transformation of Man or a revision of his relation to God or the World. The final aim – as I will try to show – is to transfigure the heretical experience, mystical as well as erotic of the human such as it becomes capable of a form of unison with itself as unique Other.
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Teixeira, Ravena Olinda. "TRACTATUS THEOLOGICO-POLITICUS: SPINOZA E SUAS HERESIAS." Cadernos Espinosanos, no. 39 (December 27, 2018): 273–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2447-9012.espinosa.2018.106077.
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O presente texto tem como objetivo apontar algumas das razões pelas quais Spinoza foi considerado um herege. Acreditamos que as três principais razões que colaboraram para essa interpretação do seu pensamento estão contidas mais explicitamente no Tratado Teológico Político do que em sua principal obra filosófica, a Ética. Ademais, o Tratado Teológico Político teve maior alcance entre o vulgo, pois era o objetivo de Spinoza que a obra tivesse a maior repercussão possível e influenciasse no conflituoso cenário político e religioso de sua época, ao mesmo tempo em que a Ética permanecia confinada entre as mãos dos seus amigos e leitores mais próximos.
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Marin, Juan. "Annihilation and Deification in Beguine Theology and Marguerite Porete's Mirror of Simple Souls." Harvard Theological Review 103, no. 1 (January 2010): 89–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816009990320.
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In 1309 ecclesiastical leaders condemned as heresy Marguerite Porete's rejection of moral duty, her doctrine that “the annihilated soul is freed from the virtues.”1 They also condemned her book, the Mirror of Simple Souls, which includes doctrines associated decades earlier with a “new spirit” heresy spreading “blasphemies” such as that “a person can become God” because “a soul united to God is made divine.”2 In his study, The Heresy of the Free Spirit, Robert E. Lerner identifies these two doctrines of annihilation and deification as characteristic of the “free spirit” heresy condemned at the 1311 Council of Vienne. The council claimed that this heresy's sympathizers belonged to an “abominable sect of certain evil men known as beghards and some faithless women called beguines.”3 Lerner found that this group was composed of a disproportionate number of women, including Marguerite Porete. Many of the men were also involved with the group of pious laywomen known as beguines.4 Lerner shows that among those charged with heresy, many sympathized with a “ ‘free-spirit style’ of affective mysticism particularly congenial to thirteenth century religious women.”5 He suggests that beguines in particular radicalized affective spirituality into what he calls an “extreme mysticism.”6 Here I wish to follow Lerner's suggestion that we ought to search for the roots of Porete's doctrines among the beguines. I will argue that distinctive doctrines of annihilation and deification sprouted from a fertile beguine imagination, one that nourished Porete's own distinctive and influential ideas in the Mirror of Simple Souls.7 It is among the beguines that we find the first instance in Christianity of a women's community creating an original form of theological discourse.
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Zegarra-Valdivia, Jonathan, Ernesto Cazorla Pérez, and Brenda Chino Vilca. "Perfil clínico y epidemiológico de pacientes atendidos en el Centro de Salud Mental “Moisés Heresi” de Arequipa - Perú, entre los años 2011 y 2013." Revista de Neuro-Psiquiatria 79, no. 2 (July 2, 2016): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.20453/rnp.v79i2.2833.
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Diferentes estudios revelan que las enfermedades neuro-psiquiátricas originan la mayor carga de enfermedad o peso relativo de discapacidad en el mundo. Conocer la prevalencia e incidencia de estos trastornos es de vital importanciapara entender cómo afectan a una región en particular y así poder generar políticas preventivas y de intervención en la realidad sanitaria. Objetivos: Conocer la prevalencia e incidencia de los trastornos mentales en el sur del Perúentre los años 2011-2013. Material y métodos: Estudio descriptivo realizado mediante la consulta y análisis de historias clínicas. A través de un muestreo no-probabilístico se analizaron 1489 historias clínicas de los pacientesnuevos atendidos entre los años 2011 y 2013 en un centro de salud mental de referencia para la macro-región sur. Resultados: El 70% de los pacientes atendidos en el periodo de estudio comprendía a adultos jóvenes y adultosde edad media, económicamente activos y solteros. Los trastornos del humor tuvieron una prevalencia durante el periodo 2011 al 2013 de 22,3%, seguidos de los trastornos psicóticos (18,3%), y los trastornos por consumo de sustancias (15,2%). Se encuentran diferencias en torno al género. Conclusiones: Los pacientes atendidos fueron en su mayoría adultos jóvenes y adultos de edad media, lo que incrementa los años de vida saludable perdidos por tratarse de trastornos que tienden a la cronificación. Los trastornos del humor, psicóticos y trastornos por consumo de sustancias son los más prevalentes dentro de la población.
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Lemos, Daniel Dantas. ""Quem falou em inferno?”: Uma análise do discurso sobre a heresia de Rob Bell." REFLEXUS - Revista Semestral de Teologia e Ciências das Religiões 9, no. 13 (November 16, 2015): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.20890/reflexus.v9i13.259.
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Este artigo se propõe a realizar uma análise do discurso acerca de hereges e rebeldes no ambiente do protestantismo evangélico brasileiro, a partir da repercussão da obra do pastor norte-americano Rob Bell no Brasil. Para tanto, selecionou como corpus de pesquisa uma entrevista concedida por Bell à revista Veja e sua repercussão junto ablogueiros evangélicos quando do lançamento de sua obra “O amor vence”, em 2012. Concluímos que quando Rob Bell decide expor ideias sobre o inferno que não se baseiam nem na autoridade da Igreja, nem em sua teologia ou tradição, adota um sentido sobre a questão que não se qualifica como legítimo ou literal. Por consequência a instituição deve lhe identificar como herege e desqualificá-lo junto ao seu potencial público leitor. Dessa maneira, buscamos entender os mecanismos de exclusão embutidos na classificação como hereges. Buscamos, também, compreender como funcionam esses mecanismos, através da análise de um caso concreto e atual. This paper proposes to conduct a discourse analysis about heretics and rebels in the Brazilian Evangelical Protestantism environment from the impact of Rob Bell's books in Brazil. To do so, we selected the corpus of research an interview by Bell to Veja magazine and its impact along the evangelical bloggers on the launch of his book "Love Wins" in 2012. We concluded that when Rob Bell decided to expose ideas about hell not based either in the Church's authority, or in their theology or tradition, he adopted a meaning on the issue that does not qualify as legitimate or literal. Consequently the institution must identify him as a heretic and disqualify you from your potential audience reader. In this way, we seek to understand the mechanisms of exclusion embedded in the standings as heretics. We seek to understand how to work these mechanisms, through the analysis of a concrete and current case.
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GAZZOTTI, DANILO MEDEIROS. "A difusão do Priscilianismo pela Gallaecia: o testemunho de Idácio de Chaves * The diffusion of Priscillianism for through Gallaecia: the testimony of Hydatius of Chaves." História e Cultura 1, no. 1 (May 7, 2012): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v1i1.465.
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: ">O presente artigo tem o intuito de realizar uma análise da crônica do bispo Idácio de Chaves. Esse episcopal era um fiel seguidor do Concílio de Niceia e, por isso, era totalmente contra as interpretações cristãs que diferiam da oficial, o cristianismo ortodoxo. Na região de seu episcopado, Idácio teve que lidar com uma interpretação cristã chamada de priscilianismo, a qual teve muita aceitação pela população. Apesar de não ser adotada em larga escala por um povo bárbaro, como o arianismo, a mesma acabou se difundido de tal modo na região da <em>Gallaecia</em> que viria a ser um dos motivos por qual Idácio de Chaves acreditava que a unificação religiosa do Império Romano na região estava ameaçada. Temos a intenção de discorrer nesse artigo sobre a difusão do priscilianismo nessa região durante finais do século IV d.C. até meados do século V d.C. e de interpretar o que foi essa <em>heresia </em>para Idácio de Chaves.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span><strong><span style="font-family: ">Palavras-chave:</span></strong></span><span><span style="font-family: "> </span></span><span style="font-family: ">Priscilianismo <span><span style="background: #FBFBF3;">–</span></span> <em>Gallaecia</em> <span><span style="background: #FBFBF3;">–</span></span> Idácio de Chaves.<span></span></span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"> </p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span><strong><span style="font-family: ">Abstract:</span></strong></span><span><span style="font-family: "> </span></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;" lang="EN-US">This paper aims to carry out an analysis about the chronicle of the Bishop Hydatius. This espiscopate was a loyal believer of the Council of Nicaea and, for that reason, he was thoroughly against Christian interpretations which were different from the official one, the orthodox Christianity. In his episcopal region, Hydatius had to deal with a Christian interpretation called Priscillianism, which had a lot of acceptance by the population. Although it was not largely adopted by a barbarian population like arianism, it became much widespread in the region of <em>Gallaecia </em>which would be one of the reasons in which Hydatius believed that the religious unification of Roman Empire in the region was endangered. In this article, we aim to talk about the diffusion of Priscillianism in this region during the end of IV Century a.C. until in the middle V Century a.D. and to interpret what this heresy was to Hydatius of Chaves.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"><span><strong><span style="font-family: " lang="EN-US">Keywords:</span></strong></span><span><span style="font-family: " lang="EN-US"> </span></span><span style="font-family: " lang="EN-US">Priscillianism <span><span style="background: #FBFBF3;">– </span></span><em>Gallaecia</em> <span><span style="background: #FBFBF3;">– </span></span>Hydatius of Chaves.</span></p>
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Rappo, Gaétan. "“Deviant Teachings”: The Tachikawa Lineage as a Moving Concept in Japanese Buddhism." Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 47, no. 1 (December 15, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.18874/jjrs.47.1.2020.103-133.
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In modern studies of esoteric Buddhism in medieval Japan, the so-called Tachikawa lineage has played a central role in defining heretical or heterodox practice. Founded in the early twelfth century, this minor and local lineage of the Shingon school underwent a series of transformations, eventually becoming a model for all heresies in Japan. In medieval Japan, the term “Tachikawa” was irredeemably associated with explicit sexual practices, especially in the writings of the Mt. Kōya monk Yūkai and his successors. These polemical critiques of Tachikawa as a deviant lineage and teaching developed into a tradition of textual study that sought to establish an orthodoxy in the Shingon school. This critique was later applied beyond the Shingon sectarian context to instances of heresy in the Jōdo Shin school and, eventually, Christianity. This heresiological process gradually resulted in a multilayered, “moving concept” of Japanese heresy, which came to fruition during the nineteenth century with the introduction of the Western ideas of religion and heresy.
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Kok, Jacobus. "Die Irrglaube in Kolosse: Aanbidding van of met engele in Kolossense 2:18?" HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 66, no. 1 (February 19, 2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v66i1.765.
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The Irrglaube in Colossae: Worshipping of or with angels in Colossians 2:18?In this article, the Colossian heresy will be discussed. This is, however, a very troublesome epistle to use in any assessment of a Pauline theme, due to the uncertainty of who the author of Colossians could have been, as well as the unclear nature of the heresy in question. The majority of scholars are of the opinion that the false teachers in the congregation encouraged the worshipping of angels (cf. Col 2:18). As it will transpire from the discussion, this is indeed the case when this verse is read in an objective genitive sense. This investigative discussion will help us to discern what part angels played in certain religious circles in the early church (for example as mediators of revelation). The link between the ἀγγέλων in Colossians 2:18, and the στοιχείων τοῦ κόσμου in Colossians 2:20, will also be investigated. In Colossians, the author presents Jesus as the crucified, cosmic Christ (see Col 1:15–20), which will help us to understand the early Christian reaction to heresies such as this one in Colossae, and investigate the relationship between angelology and Christology.
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Richmann, Christopher, Courtney Kurinec, and Felicia Osburn. "Developing and Assessing Empathy through Study of Christian Heresies in an Introductory Christian History and Theology Course." Wabash Center Journal on Teaching 2, no. 2 (May 28, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.31046/wabashcenter.v2i2.1538.
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Empathy is a nebulous concept that is nonetheless touted in many schools’ curricular goals and striven for by many instructors. Unfortunately, lack of a shared definition and reliable measures for empathy hamper efforts to determine whether this goal is realized. Defining empathy as “the ability to know the internal state of another,” this study explores the effect on students’ empathy of a learning project focused on Christian “heresies,” developing and refining tools for assessing empathy in student writing. The intervention included scripted role-playing and reflection, group discussion, and an essay in which students discussed the appeal and rejection of a particular heresy in the persona of a “heretic.” We found no significant effect in time or group comparison on an empathy questionnaire; an upper-middling level of empathy in essays, and a large effect in group comparison of student responses to a simple prompt to define a “Christian heretic.”
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Coetzee, C. F. C. "Gnosticism, church unity and the Nicene Creed." In die Skriflig/In Luce Verbi 42, no. 2 (July 27, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ids.v42i2.264.
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Gnosticism (derived from the Greek word “gnosis; knowledge”) is the well-known phenomenon or movement which dates from the first centuries of church history. The teaching of Gnosticism questioned and/or contradicted the teaching of the church on some of the fundamental truths of Scripture. Apart from Gnosticism, the Early Church also had to deal with the heresy of Arianism. In the Nicene Creed, formulated by the councils of Nicea (325 AD) and Constantinople (381 AD) the universal or catholic church responded officially to the heresies of both Gnosticism and Arianism. In the final edition of the Nicene Creed we also find an article on the unity, holiness, catholicity and apostolicity of the church. Both Gnosticism and Arianism posed a serious threat to the unity of the church. In our times we experience a revival of ancient Gnosticism, both pagan and “Christian”. This revival is also called the New Age or the Age of Aquarius. Within the framework of this new worldview, we are witnessing a rediscovery of gnosis. The discovery and publication of certain ancient gnostic texts like the Nag Hammadi Codices, play a significant role in this revival. Consequently the canon of Scripture is questioned or openly rejected and also the creeds based on that Scripture. The Nicene Creed played a major and decisive role in preserving and maintaining the unity of the church on the basis of the truth of Scripture. This age-old creed is today just as relevant and important in proclaiming and confessing the true faith and preserving the true unity of the church.
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Sullivan, Sean Patrick. "The Baker Hughes Heresey." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2389671.
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