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Journal articles on the topic 'Herodotos'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 January 2023

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1

Fowler, Robert L. "Herodotos and his contemporaries." Journal of Hellenic Studies 116 (November 1996): 62–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631956.

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Among early Greek historians, Herodotos and Thukydides, owing to their survival, inevitably dominate our attention. But of course they were not alone. We have some substantial citations and numerous shorter fragments of many contemporaries. Difficulties of interpretation and the authority of their greatest modern interpreter, Felix Jacoby, have for many years prevented a thorough re-evaluation of early historiography and the position of Herodotos within it. The present paper is a contribution to this effort. In the first section, the list of Herodotos' contemporaries is drawn up as a necessary starting-point. We shall find that Jacoby's assessment of the evidence, and in particular his late date for some historians, is to be rejected, and that his conclusions about Herodotos' position in the development of historiography, which still dominate the field, lack at least part of their foundation. In section II an alternative method, in the absence of certain chronology, is developed for identifying the salient characteristics of the individual historian; the method owes something to narratology. It is illustrated from the fragments of the authors listed in section I, together with those of other historians down to the beginning of the fourth century. Section III then focuses on Herodotos; it will emerge that the most distinctive thing about him is his constant talk about sources and how to assess them. Other historians (and, indeed, poets) knew that sources contradict each other, but Herodotos first realised that this situation exists as a theoretical problem requiring the development of new methods. His is a second-order, or meta-cognitive awareness. Section IV goes on to deal, as seems necessary, with Detlev Fehling's theory about Herodotos' sources, since if he is right Herodotos is not really serious about them. An epilogue draws attention to a fifth-century passage in the Theognidean corpus with striking parallels to a passage in Plato's Protagoras; the two together throw light on Herodotos' proem, and confirm the picture drawn in this paper of his historical activity.

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2

SCURLOCK, J. A. "Herodotos' Median Chronology Again?!" Iranica Antiqua 25 (December 1, 1990): 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.25.0.2002141.

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3

김봉철. "Herodotos’ Historiography and Greek Myth." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 32 (September 2012): 35–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2012..32.35.

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4

Deligiorgis, Konstantinos N. "Herodotova »Amazonska« Artemizija." Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca 18, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/keria.18.2.5-15.

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Dobršen del opusa Herodota iz Halikarnasa vsebuje pripovedi z ženskimi junakinjami v osrednjih vlogah. Herodotovo pozornost pritegnejo in ga očarajo misteriozne kraljice, katerih poteze spominjajo na moško ravnanje. Morda najbolj poznana junakinja iz te neobičajne »elite« je Artemizija, kraljica v Halikarnasu in Herodotova rojakinja. Članek opisuje njeno ravnanje v veliki vojni med Grki in Perzijci in skuša raziskati njeno vlogo v tem dogajanju na podlagi primerjave med legendarnimi in mitičnimi Amazonkami in vplivom, ki so ga imele nad barbarskim skitskim plemenom Savromatov. Herodot vzpostavlja neposredno povezavo med realnostjo in mitologijo in na ta način portretira nenavadni tip skrivnoste ženske figure, ki slednjič požanje naše občudovanje.

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5

DELCROIX, K., and Rosa GIANNATTASIO ANDRIA. "Herodotos Recited in the Alexandrian Theatre?" Ancient Society 28 (January 1, 1997): 121–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/as.28.0.630073.

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6

Nyland, Ray. "Herodotos' Sources for the Plataiai Campaign." L'antiquité classique 61, no. 1 (1992): 80–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.1992.1132.

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7

Harvey, David. "Herodotos, I, 78 and 84 : Which Telmessos ?" Kernos, no. 4 (January 1, 1991): 245–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/kernos.304.

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8

Hollmann, Alexander. "The Manipulation of Signs in Herodotos' Histories." Transactions of the American Philological Association 135, no. 2 (2005): 279–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apa.2005.0018.

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9

Hollmann, Alexander. "Epos as Authoritative Speech in Herodotos' "Histories"." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 100 (2000): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3185216.

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10

LEONTSINI, Maria. "Book Review: P. A. GIANNOPOULOS - A. G.K. SAVVIDES, Μεσαιωνική Πελοπόννησος. Βυζάντιο, Λατινοκρατία, Πρώιμη Τουρκοκρατία, Herodotos Publications, Athens, 2013, pp. 610, ISBN 978-960-485-048-8." BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 24, no. 1 (May 19, 2015): 417. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.1207.

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Book Review:P. A. Giannopoulos - A. G.K. Savvides, <em>Μεσαιωνική Πελοπόννησος. Βυζάντιο, Λατινοκρατία, Πρώιμη Τουρκοκρατία</em>, Herodotos Publications, Athens, 2013, pp. 610, ISBN 978-960-485-048-8

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11

Schachter, A. "The seer Tisamenos and the Klytiadai." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 1 (May 2000): 292–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.1.292.

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At the battle of Plataia, ‘Ελλησι μέν ισαμενàς ’AντιóΧoυ ἦν ‘θυóμενσ oὗτoς γàρ δ εἴπετo τŵ στρατεúματι τoúτω μάντις τàν ༐óντα ’Hλεîoν καì γένεoς τoû ’Ιαμιδέων κλυτιάδην Λακεδαιμóνιoι ༐̌oιήσαντo λεωσøέτερoν (HerodotOS 9.33.1).

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12

Evans, J. A. S., and K. H. Waters. "Herodotos the Historian, His Problems, Methods and Originality." Phoenix 40, no. 4 (1986): 483. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088185.

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13

Nagy, Gregory, and K. H. Waters. "Herodotos the Historian: His Problems, Methods and Originality." Classical World 82, no. 5 (1989): 400. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350438.

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14

Lateiner, Donald. "The Style of Herodotos: A Case Study (7.229)." Classical World 95, no. 4 (2002): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352675.

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15

Baz, Ferit. "Herodotos un Anlatımlarına göre, İskitlerin Kimmerleri Takip Meselesi." Cedrus, no. 4 (June 30, 2016): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.13113/cedrus/201604.

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16

Huxley, George. "A lydo-median treaty in Herodotos (1.74.3-4)." Bulletin of the Centre for Asia Minor Studies 12 (January 1, 1997): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/deltiokms.71.

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17

French, Valerie, and K. H. Waters. "Herodotos the Historian: His Problems, Methods, and Orignality." American Historical Review 91, no. 2 (April 1986): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1858150.

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18

Kasdagli, Aglaia E. "Review of Photini Danou's "Προδότες της Βασίλισσας και του Ἐθνους". Καθολικισμός και λόγος περί προδοσίας στην ελισαβετιανή προπαγάνδα (1558-1585)." Historein 14, no. 2 (October 11, 2014): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.290.

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Photini Danou, <em>«Προδότες της Βασίλισσας και του Ἐθνους». Καθολικισμός και λόγος περί προδοσίας στην ελισαβετιανή προπαγάνδα (1558-1585)</em> ['Traitors to the queen and the nation': Catholicism and discourse about treason in Elizabethan propaganda, 1558-1585], Athens 2013: Herodotos, 518 pp.

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19

AĞAOĞLU-, Mert. "DOĞU-BATI KARŞITLIĞI BAĞLAMINDA HERODOTOS VE PERSLER HAKKINDAKİ GÖRÜŞLERİ." Journal of Social Sciences 51, no. 51 (2021): 279–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.29228/sobider.49293.

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20

김봉철. "Herodotos and Greek Myth : the Zeus myth in Historiai." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 27 (December 2010): 263–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2010..27.263.

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21

Lavelle, B. M. "The Compleat Angler: Observations on the Rise of Peisistratos in Herodotos (1.59–64)." Classical Quarterly 41, no. 2 (December 1991): 317–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800004493.

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The Acarnanian chrēsmologos Amphilytos spoke the verses to Peisistratos just before the battle of Pallene in 546 b.c. They contain a prediction of imminent victory for Peisistratos and total defeat for the Athenians. The Athenians will be routed and deprived of political self-determination, while the victory will restore to Peisistratos the tyranny from which he was twice forced, ‘rooting’ it once for all. Of course, all of this appears quite evident from the narrative. But as the verses form part of Herodotos' account of Peisistratos' ascent to power they amount to much more, for they constitute penultimate proof of Peisistratos' irresistibility (and his tyranny's inevitability), a recurrent theme in Herodotos' logos, but one which was undoubtedly encouraged by his Athenian sources as a means of explaining how the Athenians were forced to yield the tyranny. Indeed, the theme of irresistibility helps to excuse the Athenians for being overcome; as much of the logos, which is historically quite vague, it is a reaction to fact, not factual itself.

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22

Lateiner, Donald. "“Bad News” in Herodotos and Thoukydides: misinformation, disinformation, and propaganda." Journal of Ancient History 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 53–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2020-0005.

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Abstract Herodotos and Thoukydides report on many occasions that kings, polis leaders, and other politicians speak and behave in ways that unintentionally announce or analyze situations incorrectly (misinformation). Elsewhere, they represent as facts knowingly false constructs or “fake news” (disinformation), or they slant data in ways that advance a cause personal or public (propaganda, true or false). Historians attempt to or claim to acquaint audiences with a truer fact situation and to identify subjects’ motives for distortion such as immediate personal advantage, community advantage, or to encourage posterity’s better (if mistaken) opinion. Such historiographical bifocalism enhances the historian’s authority with readers (as he sees through intentional or unintentional misrepresentations) as well as sets straight distorted historical records. This paper surveys two paradigmatic Hellenic historians’ texts, how they build their investigative and analytic authority, and how they encourage confidence in their truth-determining skills. The material collected confirms and assesses the frequency of persons and governments misleading their own citizens and subjects as well as rival persons and powers. Finally, it demonstrates that these two historians were aware of information loss, information control (dissemination and suppression), and information chaos.

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23

Fromherz, Peter. "The Battlefield of Marathon: The Tropaion, Herodotos, and E. Curtius." Historia 60, no. 4 (2011): 383–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2011-0016.

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24

Spitzer, D. M. "Past the Fire’s Edge: Figures of Translation from Herodotos 1.86." Translation Review 99, no. 1 (September 2, 2017): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07374836.2017.1359128.

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25

Trávníček, Dušan. "The Beginnings of Regional Geography and its Development up to the 17th Century." Geografie 95, no. 2 (1990): 121–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie1990095020121.

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The author gives an outline of the development of this discipline since its beginnings in antique times, starting from Herodotos up to the Geographia generalis by Bernard Varenius, marking in the mid-17th century a decisive turn in the further development of regional geography. The author describes the gradual dissemination of knowledge in individual regions as well as written and cartographic procedures. They constituted the basis for a further research with more recent regional interpretations linking up with them.

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26

Aravantinos, Vassilis L. "A New InscribedKioniskosfrom Thebes." Annual of the British School at Athens 101 (November 2006): 369–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400021341.

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A fragmentary inscription found at Thebes casts new light on the abortive invasion of Athens in 506 by Kleomenes, the Boiotians, and the Chalkidians. On the one hand, it provides valuable confirmation, soon after the event, of the general drift of Herodotos' account of events; on the other, even in its incomplete state, it adds one important detail lacking in Herodotos. And, of course, it tells the story from the Boiotian point of view.The excavation took place in the winter of the year 2001–2 in the property of Evanghelia Madhis at Thebes following her application for the construction of a new house. The plot is situated in the suburb of Pyri, in the north-west periphery of Thebes, about 800 m from the city centre of Thebes, and just beyond the Athens–Thessaloniki railway line (FIG. 1). In it was unearthed a well-built tomb-like cist, made of three rows of large conglomerate stone blocks in regular masonry; similar blocks form its pavement. No traces of covering stones or other relevant materials have so far been discovered. However, since the contents of the cist—including objects such as the bronze inscribed sheets found at the bottom—were probably thrown there when it was abandoned, it may never have been properly covered: no trace of a superstructure or roofing system is preserved on the upper surface of the walls of the cist.

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27

Bryant Kirkland, N. "Herodotus and Pseudo-Herodotus in the Vita Herodotea." TAPA 148, no. 2 (2018): 299–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apa.2018.0012.

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28

Marchewka, Anna. "Portret Herodota w świetle traktatu De Herodoti malignitate Plutarcha z Cheronei." Argument: Biannual Philosophical Journal 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 233–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20841043.7.2.3.

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Portrait of Herodotus in the light of Plutarch’s treatise De Herodoti malignitate As a Platonist and moralist Plutarch paid particular attention truth. No wonder that in his reference to Herodotus’ Histories he took into consideration the issue of historical truth, which was for him very important — both in its ethical as well as didactic aspect. In his De Herodoti malignitate the Chaeronean moralist is concerned with truth as well as with offering moral uplift. Plutarch presents Herodotus as a perfidious liar who falsely presented such famous and heroic Greeks as Miltiades, Leonidas, Themistocles or Pausanias and — above all — depreciatingly treated the Boeotians and Corinthians. Moreover, Plutarch accuses the historian of Halicarnassus of being malicious (κακοήθεια). For him Herodotus’ lies were deliberate and slandering. Herodotus was also a blasphemer, a pro-barbarian historian; a man who disregarded women. Finally, we get the Plutarchan portrait of Herodotus himself as a blunt barbarian (ὁ ἔσχατος Καρῶν). Such a presentation of Herodotus seems to attest to Plutarch’s own prejudices, if not wickedness. By the same, however, one must take into consideration the literary tradition in which the whole treatise is rooted. So De Herodoti malignitate contains features of historical polemics and is an example of judicial rhetoric, in which the biographer attempts at persuading his readers that his charges against Herodotus are well justified. The treatise is a work representing the new intellectual trend, the so-called Second Sophistic; a polemic written in a period when the Greek intellectuals were deeply engaged in taking issues with past writers. Moreover, a fundamental aspect of De Herodoti malignitate should be taken into account — truth which is analyzed from a moral and psychological perspective. Although a leading motif of the treatise is truthfulness, the direct subject-matter of Plutarch’s considerations remains a lie, or — to put it exactly — lying. Accordingly, the Boeotian moralist singles out and analyses all the fundamental forms of lying. A suitable interpretation of the treatise De Herodoti malignitate depends thus on our knowledge of the cultural distance between Herodotus and Plutarch, although both authors were the representatives of Greek prosa.

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29

Ryan, F. X. "Die Herkunft der zu Kyrene ansässigen Perioiken." Libyan Studies 32 (2001): 79–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900005768.

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AbstractBlinkenberg's treatment of the participation of certain Lindians in the founding of Kyrene, a fact mentioned only in the list of dedications to Athana Lindia, is, at the very least, inadequate, since he gives no reasons for rejecting the report. Blinkenberg seems to have been misled by Herodotos, whose account lacks precision, as historians familiar with this passage have long recognised. Chamoux at least attempted to buttress the received view with arguments. The present paper sides with the Lindians against the naysayers regarding a Lindian role in the foundation of Kyrene and reaches the conclusion that these Lindians numbered among the perioikoi there.

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30

Iancu, Liviu Mihail. "Self-mutilation, multiculturalism and hybridity. Herodotos on the Karians in Egypt (Hdt. 2.61.2)." Anatolia Antiqua, no. XXV (May 1, 2017): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anatoliaantiqua.441.

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31

Fowler, Robert L. "Mythos and logos." Journal of Hellenic Studies 131 (November 2011): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426911000048.

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AbstractWhile the simplistic thesis of Greek progress from mythos to logos in the form stated by Wilhelm Nestle is rightly rejected, some aspects of the emerging new consensus are open to challenge. ‘Mythos’ corresponds in important ways to modern ‘myth’ and Greek logos, with which it is contrasted, stands at the beginning of an unbroken tradition of Western rationalism. The semantic history of the terms is freshly analyzed, with particular attention to the contribution of pre-Socratic philosophers, Herodotos and Sophists, but looking forward also to Hellenistic and Imperial writers. The ‘invention of mythology’ is dated to the middle of the fifth century, not the end. Plato's complicated stand on the issue is interpreted as a reaction to Sophistic views.

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32

Che, Jayoung. "Socio-Political Significance of Herodotos' Hybris and Phthonos and Thucydides' Rule of Power and Tyche." ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2014): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.1-1-5.

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33

Lazenby, J. F. "The Diekplous." Greece and Rome 34, no. 2 (October 1987): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500028114.

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Like ‘crossing the T’, the diekplous can sometimes seem a manoeuvre ‘more honour'd in the breach than in the observance’, for there are, perhaps, only three battles in which it is said to have been successfully used – Lade (Herodotos 6.15.2), Chios (Polybios 16.4.14), and Side (Livy 37.24.2) – and mostly what we hear about are reasons why it was not or could not be used. Nevertheless, it seems to have been regarded as at least a potentially effective tactic from at least the fifth to the second century: Thucydides has Phormio declare (2.89.8), for example, that diekploi and anastrophai ‘are the marks of bettersailing ships’ (νɛν ἄμɛινον πλɛουσν ἔργα στν), and Polybios (1.51.9) refers to the diekplous as ‘the most effective manoeuvre in sea-fighting’ (ὅφɛρ ν τῷ ναυμαχɛîν στι πρακτικᾡτατον).

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34

Lazenby, J. F. "The Archaia Moira: a suggestion." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 1 (May 1995): 87–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800041719.

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In discussions of the complex and controversial problem of Spartan land-tenure,1 the mysterious ‘ρχαῖα μοῖρα’ (archaia moira) has assumed an importance out of all proportion to its prominence in the sources, for the actual phrase only occurs once in extant literature. It owes its importance to the fact that the reference to it has been used to support the theory that there were two categories of land in Sparta, a theory which in turn is held to explain how, when all Spartans supposedly owned equal estates, there could nevertheless be rich ones and poor ones, as authors such as Herodotos, Thucydides, Xenophon, and Aristotle make clear. The answer, it is claimed, is that although all Spartans possessed an equal share of one category of land, they could own more or less of the other category.2

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35

Papadopoulos, John K. "The Archaic wall of Athens: reality or myth?" Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 1 (November 2008): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-01-03.

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This paper reviews the philological and archaeological evidence for an Archaic, pre-Persian, city wall of Athens, and concludes that there was no Archaic enceinte separate from the fortifications of the Acropolis and Pelargikon. The extant testimonia, primarily Thucydides and Herodotos, can be interpreted in different ways, but there is nothing in these sources to suggest categorically fortifications other than those of the Acropolis/Pelargikon. Previous arguments put forward for the existence of such a putative wall do not stand up to closer scrutiny and, despite extensive excavations in those areas where the wall has been claimed, there is to date no archaeological evidence for an Archaic wall. The wall that the Persians breached in their sack of Athens in 480/79 B.C. was the Mycenaean circuit wall surrounding the Acropolis and Pelargikon; together these walls, built in the Mycenaean period, continued to serve through the Archaic period until 479 B.C. when work was begun on the Themistoklean Wall.

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36

Budin, Stephanie. "A Reconsideration of the Aphrodite-Ashtart Syncretism." Numen 51, no. 2 (2004): 95–145. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852704323056643.

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AbstractScholars have long recognized a one-to-one correspondence, or interpretatio syncretism, between the Greek goddess Aphrodite and the Phoenician goddess Ashtart (Astarte). The origin of this syncretism is usually attributed to the eastern origins of Aphrodite herself, whereby the Greek goddess evolved out of the Phoenician, as is suggested as early as the writings of Herodotos. In contrast to this understanding, I argue here that the perceived syncretism actually emerged differently on the island of Cyprus than throughout the rest of the Mediterranean. On Cyprus, the syncretism emerged out of an identification between the two queen goddesses of Cyprus - Aphrodite and Ashtart. In Greece, by contrast, it evolved out of a slow "Orientalizing" of Aphrodite combined with a Greek tendency to equate almost all eastern goddesses. As a result, the identification between Aphrodite and Ashtart was quite general, and both goddesses were syncretized not only with each other, but with a full range of Mediterranean goddesses.

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37

Lund Christensen, Dirk, Thomas Heine Nielsen, and Adam Schwartz. "Herodotos and Hemerodromoi: Pheidippides’ Run from Athens to Sparta in 490 BC from Historical and Physiological Perspectives." Hermes 137, no. 2 (2009): 148–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2009-0010.

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38

Parker, Victor. "Sollten wir das medische Reich aus der Geschichte verabschieden?" Klio 101, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 1–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2019-0001.

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Zusammenfassung Obwohl in letzter Zeit manche Gelehrte die Existenz des Mederreiches, das nach Herodot dem Perserreich voraufgegangen sein soll, zu leugnen versuchen, weisen die Medismen im Altpersischen darauf hin, daß die Meder eine Reichsideologie sowie Reichsinstitutionen entwickelt hatten, welche die Perser von ihnen übernahmen. Dies legt nahe, daß es ein Mederreich tatsächlich gegeben hat. Des weiteren bezeugen die vorderasiatischen Quellen ganz unabhängig von Herodot einen mächtigen medischen ‚Staat‘; Jer. 51,28 weist diesem ‚Staat‘ sogar Reichsbeamte zu. Des weiteren zeigt eine eingehende Besprechung des medischen Logos bei Herodot, daß diese Partie so stark iranisch geprägt ist, daß man sie keinesfalls als Erfindung Herodots abtun kann: statt dessen ist vielmehr von iranischem Quellenmaterial zu reden, welches die Existenz eines Mederreiches von sich aus bezeugt.

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39

Bowden, Hugh. "Mentiri Nescio - W. Kendrick Pritchett: The Liar School of Herodotos. Pp.v+353. Amsterdam: J. G. Gieben, 1993. Cased, Gld. 110." Classical Review 45, no. 1 (April 1995): 15–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00291889.

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40

Che Jayoung. "Personal ‘Hybris’ of the Persian King and Militaristic Hegemony of Athens －On the Different Concepts of ‘Hybris’ between Herodotos and Thucydides -." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 30 (March 2012): 33–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2012..30.33.

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41

West, Stephanie. "K. H. Waters: Herodotos the Historian: His Problems, Methods and Originality. Pp. viii + 194. London and Sydney: Croom Helm, 1984. £15.95." Classical Review 36, no. 1 (April 1986): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00105311.

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Wood, Clem. "‘I AM GOING TO SAY … ’: A SIGN ON THE ROAD OF HERODOTUS’ LOGOS." Classical Quarterly 66, no. 1 (March 7, 2016): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838816000069.

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Er ist der Wanderer, der genau weiß, wohin er schließlich kommen will, auch genau die Hauptstationen seines Weges vorher festgelegt hat und innehält, der sich aber dabei Zeit läßt, um alles Schöne und Interessante, das die Gegend bietet, zu betrachten, und selbst lange Seitenwege zu diesem Zwecke nicht zu scheuen braucht, da er weiß, daß er die Hauptstraße am richtigen Punkte wieder erreichen wird.M. Pohlenz, Herodot, der erste Geschichtschreiber des Abendlandes (1937)Anyone familiar with Greek literature knows at once that this can describe no author but Herodotus. As readers have long recognized, travel is a crucial element of Herodotus’ persona not only as an historian and ethnographer but also as a narrator, to the extent that he has been called a tourist and a guide. Pohlenz draws his vivid metaphor from Herodotus himself, who assimilates movement through his narrative to movement through space by several well-known narratorial habits: he points out ‘paths’ of logoi (1.95.1: λόγων ὁδούς), goes out of his way to justify so-called ‘digressions’ (or Exkurse) and frequently uses verbs of movement to return to earlier narratives or to preview upcoming ones. However, most scholars have overlooked one important feature by which Herodotus creates this sense of progress through his logoi, although it appears in the programmatic sentence that begins his whole network of narrative signposts and recurs in his voice in the first half of the Histories and in important speeches in the second.

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Jiménez delgado, José Miguel, and Patricia García Zamora. "El imperfecto jónico en Heródoto: ¿elemento épico o elemento jónico?" Cuadernos de Filología Clásica. Estudios griegos e indoeuropeos 32 (March 2, 2022): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/cfcg.77881.

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Este trabajo tiene por objeto analizar, de forma exhaustiva, las características que presentan los imperfectos jónicos en las Historias de Heródoto y compararlas con las de los imperfectos jónicos que emplean Homero y otros autores épicos, con el fin último de determinar si su uso por parte de Heródoto puede considerarse un homerismo o si se trata, más bien, de un rasgo del dialecto jónico. La ausencia de esta categoría en las inscripciones dialectales y su rareza fuera de la épica y la obra herodotea suscita dudas sobre el origen de esta formación en las Historias de Heródoto. Como veremos, las características léxicas, morfológicas y sintáctico-semánticas de los imperfectos jónicos herodoteos permiten distinguir su uso del homérico con claridad.

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Tegos, Spiros. "Aristotle’s Οικονομικά, Modern Greek Translation, Introduction, and Commentaries by Basileios Kyrkos and Christos Baloglou (Athens: Herodotos, 2013), pp. 328, €30. ISBN 978-960-485-031-0." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 38, no. 4 (November 18, 2016): 553–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837216000900.

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ÇETİN, Murat. "J. MAROZZI, Tarihi İcat Eden Adam - Herodotos la Seyahatler. İstanbul 2015. Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 346 sayfa (26 resim ve 4 harita ile). Çev.: Nurettin ELHÜSEYNİ. ISBN: 9789750831171." LIBRI Kitap Tanitimi, Elestiri ve Ceviri Dergisi 1, no. 1 (December 29, 2015): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20480/lbr.2015115469.

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Liberman, Gauthier. "(N.G.) Wilson Herodotus: Histories, Books 1–4 (Herodoti Historiae: Libri I-IV) and Herodotus: Histories, Books 5–9 (Herodoti Historiae: Libri V–IX) (Oxford Classical Texts/Scriptorum classicorum bibliotheca Oxoniensis). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. Pp. 496 and 450. £40 per volume. 9780199560707 and 9780199560714. - (N.G.) Wilson Herodotea: Studies on the Text of Herodotus. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. Pp. xxvi + 202. £50. 9780199672868." Journal of Hellenic Studies 136 (2016): 193–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426916000203.

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Lang, Mabel, and John Gould. "Herodotus." Classical World 84, no. 3 (1991): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350802.

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BURROW, JOHN. "HERODOTUS." Yale Review 96, no. 1 (January 9, 2008): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9736.2008.00355.x.

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Harrison, Thomas. "Herodotus." Classical Review 49, no. 1 (April 1999): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.15.

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Fornara, Charles W. "Herodotus." Classical Review 51, no. 2 (October 2001): 238–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/51.2.238.

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