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1

Leventi, Maria. "The Hero's Narrative in Ovid's Heroides 9 and 13." Illinois Classical Studies 47, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 74–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/23285265.47.1.04.

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Abstract Some letters in Ovid's Heroides include stories which the heroines imagine their lovers narrating. Thus, in some letters Ovid has constructed both a heroine's and a hero's narrative (the latter probably mediated by the former). This paper argues that there are similarities in the narrative strategies of the stories that Ovid attributes to the heroine and the hero in Heroides 9 (Deianira and Hercules) and 13 (Laodamia and Protesilaus), and then analyzes the interpretative possibilities that arise from this type of narrative assimilation. Through the use of intertextuality and relative mythological chronology, it also explores whether Ovid's heroines model their husbands after themselves as narrators, or whether their narratives are influenced by those of the heroes instead.
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2

Leigh, Matthew. "Ovid, Heroides 6.1–2." Classical Quarterly 47, no. 2 (December 1997): 605–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/47.2.605.

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It is a characteristic of Ovid's Heroides for each epistle implicitly to establish the dramatic time, context and motive for its composition by the particular heroine to whom it is attributed. In this way the poet is able to exploit the tension between the heroine's inevitably circumscribed awareness of the development of her story and the superior information which can be deployed by a reader acquainted with the mythical tradition or master-text which dictates what is actually going to follow: Penelope hands over a letter to a man whom the reader familiar with Homer can identify as Ulysses even if she cannot, Ariadne wonders whether Naxos is infested with tigers at a moment shortly before Dionysus and his tiger-driven chariot will arrive.
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3

Davis, P. J. "‘A Simple Girl’? Medea in Ovid Heroides 12." Ramus 41, no. 1-2 (2012): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000242.

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For Homer's Circe the story of Argo's voyage was already well known. Although we cannot be sure that the Odyssey's first audience was aware of Medea's role in Jason's story, we do know that by the time that Ovid came to write Heroides, she had already appeared in numerous Greek and Latin texts, in epic and lyric poetry and on the tragic stage. Given her complex textual and dramatic history, it seems hardly likely that any Ovidian Medea could actually be ‘a simple girl'. And yet precisely this charge of ‘simplicity’ has been levelled against Heroides 12 and its Active author. I propose to argue that the Medea of Heroides 12 is complex, not simple, and that her complexity derives from the fact that Ovid has positioned his elegiac heroine between past and future, guilt and innocence, epic and tragedy.Like all of Ovid's heroines, Medea writes at a critical juncture in her mythic life. But Medea's myth differs significantly from those of her fellow authors, for it requires her to play five distinct roles in four separate locations. Thus while Penelope, for example, plays only the part of Ulysses' loyal wife on Ithaca immediately before and during her husband's return, Medea plays the ‘simple girl’ in Colchis, the murderous wife in Iolcus, the abandoned mother in Corinth, the poisonous stepmother in Athens and the potential filicide back in Colchis. She is a heroine with a well-known and extensive history and so it is not surprising that the first line of Heroides 12 invokes the concept of memory: memini (‘I remember’).
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4

Ramírez de Verger, A. "Ovid, Heroides 7.113." Classical Quarterly 54, no. 2 (December 2004): 650–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clquaj/bmh075.

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5

Ramirez de Verger, A. "Ovid, Heroides 7.113." Classical Quarterly 54, no. 2 (December 1, 2004): 650–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/54.2.650.

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6

Nagle, Betty Rose, Ovid, and Peter E. Knox. "Ovid: "Heroides": Select Epistles." Classical World 91, no. 6 (1998): 583. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352171.

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7

Anderson, William S., and E. J. Kenney. "Ovid "Heroides": XVI-XXI." Classical World 92, no. 5 (1999): 478. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352337.

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8

Maystrenko, Lyudmyla. "THE EXPRESSION OF DESTRUCTIVE LOVE IN OVID’S HEROIDS WITH EMOTIONAL MEANS." Fìlologìčnì traktati 12, no. 1 (2020): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/ftrk.2020.12(1)-8.

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The search of scientists of the XXI century is increasingly focused on a sphere that is not available for direct observation – the sphere of emotions. Therefore, the issue of the emotive component of a literary text at different levels relates to priority areas not only of modern linguistics. Emotions represent the linguistic picture of the artistic universe of the poet, reveal the inner world of his characters. The existential-sensual sphere is a manifestation of the subjective attitude of a person to the surrounding reality and himself in the mental space of the artist. Ovid subtly reproduces the spiritual world of a loving woman in the inexhaustible wealth of emotional manifestations and unique individual identities. The main object of unfortunate love in Heroides is a married woman or hetaera. Ovid is a vivid representative of the sensually-earthly Eros. The ancient man, for whom the idea of sin was extraneous, was not embarrassed by the sensual nature of his love in various forms, focusing all his interest in earthly existence, adored desires. However, the sensual Eros of Heroides with not the happy ending is aesthetically beautiful. Having refused from the usual August poetry themes related to the historical past of Rome or the events of his personal life, Ovid in Heroids turns exclusively to mythological themes, popular in Neo-Téric poetry or Hellenistic poetry, depicting the heroines of Greek mythology and Sappho herself by the psychology of contemporary Roman women. Ovid's Heroides reflects the fact that the psychology of a loving woman has not changed much since the time of the Roman Empire.
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9

Hanson, Hans-Peder. "Ovid's Use of the Epistolary Mode in Heroides 3." Ramus 40, no. 2 (2011): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000370.

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In his influential reading of Heroides 1, Duncan Kennedy argues that successful fictional letters can be felt to arise naturally from or be motivated by the depicted events and, ideally, be seen as agents in the forward movement of those events. Building on Kennedy's arguments, Peter Knox asserts that Ovid reconfigures his heroines in the Heroides to develop serious issues raised by his literary models from a new perspective. In this paper, I shall follow Kennedy's and Knox's suggestions to propose a new reading of Heroides 3. I shall first discuss how Briseis' letter can be felt to be both naturally motivated by and seriously engaged with Achilles' arguments in Iliad 9. More importantly, I shall argue that Ovid implicates Patroclus' aid in the composition and delivery of Heroides 3. The result is that one can view the fictional letter as having some influence upon Patroclus' fateful appeal to Achilles, thus providing an Ovidian reinterpretation of Iliad 16. Imagining this fictional role for Heroides 3 ultimately provokes comparison of Briseis, Patroclus and their relationships with Achilles. Such a reading uses Kennedy's and Knox's suggestions as a point of departure for making Heroides 3 a more successful and provocative fictional letter.
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10

Schubert, Christoph. "Zu Ovid, Heroides 7,33 f." Hermes 146, no. 3 (2018): 368. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2018-0031.

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11

Casali, Sergio. "Hydra Redundans (Ovid, Heroides 9.95)." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (December 1993): 505–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800040088.

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Deianira complains that Hercules, as a slave of Omphale, did not refrain from telling to the Lydian queen his famous labours; among them, the Hydra:quaeque redundabat fecundo vulnere serpensfertilis et damnis dives ab ipsa suis (Ov. Her. 9.95f.)‘It will be admitted that redundabat, which usually means to “overflow”’ can only be applied to the Hydra by a very strong metaphor; but it is not only a strong one, it is quite unexampled: so A. Palmer in The Academy 49 (1896), 160. But his own emendation rebellabat has not convinced anybody – rightly, as I think. Still, his remark was not otiose: redundabat refers to the ‘growing again’ of Hydra's heads, that seem to ‘spring’ from the wounds like water's spurts; it is not impossible, but nevertheless it is strange. Why does Ovid use this metaphor ‘a fluctibus desumpta’ (Burman) here? I suggest that there is a precise reason: Ovid does not mention the name of the serpens, but of course his reader knows it and also knows why the Hydra is so called: πò τν ὐδτων.
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12

Williams, Gareth. "Ovid's Canace: Dramatic Irony in Heroides 11." Classical Quarterly 42, no. 1 (May 1992): 201–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800042695.

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Heroides 11 has long enjoyed a favourable reputation among critics, largely because Ovid appears to show a tactful restraint in his description of Canace's last moments and to refrain, for once in the Heroides, from descending into what Jacobson terms ‘nauseating mawkishness’. Despite appearances, however, Ovid's wit is not entirely extinguished in this poem, for a devastating irony accompanies the certainty of Canace's imminent death. My objective is to demonstrate the nature of this irony by adopting a methodological approach which owes much to Kennedy's analysis of Heroides 1 in the light of the later books of the Odyssey. Kennedy's argument – that without knowing it Penelope is about to give her letter to its intended addressee – is based on two premises which are postulated by the epistolary mode of the poem. The first is that we are to imagine Ovid's heroines writing at a specific moment within a dramatic context; the second is that they have a specific motive for writing at that moment. In Kennedy's hands, this approach assumes the privileged position of the reader of Heroides 1 who, through access to the Odyssey, is alive to the ironies which Ovid's Penelope cannot realize. I propose to establish a similarly privileged position for the reader of Heroides 11, a position from which Canace's death can be seen to be both ill-timed and unnecessary. The key to identifying the ironic circumstances of Canace's death lies in reconstructing the background to the Canace and Macareus myth and the possible precedents which Ovid drew on in his treatment of the story. The situation is more complex than in the case of Heroides 1, however, since the literary sources familiar to Ovid and his readers have, in this instance, largely been lost to us and can only be reconstructed from fragmentary evidence.
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13

Bloch, David J. "Ovid's Heroides 6: preliminary scenes from the life of an intertextual heroine." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 1 (May 2000): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.1.197.

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Ovid regarded the Epistulae Heroidum as a collection with a consistent theme. He indicates as much at Am. 2.18.18–26, where he describes the unified conception of nine or ten of the Heroides as the result of Amor's insistence that he be an elegiac poet:
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14

Ramírez de Verger, Antonio. "Ovid, Heroides 12, 201." Hermes 137, no. 4 (2009): 501–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2009-0036.

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15

Michalopoulos, Andreas. "OVID HEROIDES 10.1-4: ARIADNE'S MITOΣ." Mnemosyne 55, no. 1 (2002): 95–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852502753777028.

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16

Casali, Sergio. "Strategies of tension (Ovid, Heroides 4)." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 41 (1996): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500001905.

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For StefaniaThe Amazon's sonTwo things distinguish Phaedra's from the other letters in Ovid's Heroides. In the first place, Phaedra's is not a letter without consequences. On the contrary, it will have a decisive effect on the addressee. But above all, Phaedra's letter is important just as a letter. The very fact of Phaedra's writing a letter touches a fundamental point in the story, and a controversial one. In the Heroides problems of communication are important in themselves, but, after the gratuitous letters by Penelope, Phyllis and Briseis, this is the first (and it will remain the only one) in which the complication always caused by an epistolary intrusion into the body of the story is superimposed on a pre-existent problem. Phaedra's declaration of her love to Hippolytus is a crucial point, a turning-point for the various tragic treatments of the history. Ovid adds problem to problem.
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17

Kelly, Michael. "Homer, Ovid and Heroides 1.15–16." Antichthon 32 (November 1998): 24–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001076.

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quando ego non timui graviora pericula veris?res est solliciti plena timoris amor.in te fingebam violentos Troas ituros;nomine in Hectoreo pallida semper eram.15 sive quis Antilochum narrabat ab Hectore victum, Antilochus nostri causa timoris erat;sive Menoetiadenfalsis cecidisse sub armis flebam successu posse carere dolos.sanguine Tlepolemus Lyciam tepefecerat hastam, 20 Tlepolemi leto cura novata mea est.denique quisquis erat castris iugulatus Achivis, frigidius glacie pectus amantis erat.(Ovid, Her. 1.11–22)Lines 15-16 of Penelope’s letter have given rise to much debate over the years because numerous scholars have found that the couplet contains a mistake over the fate of Antilochus. Some attribute the mistake to scribal corruption in the transmission of the text, others to Ovid himself. Such a cloud of scholarly dust has the passage raised that no apology is necessary for yet another attempt to clarify so minor a point. The crux of the problem lies in the meaning of victum.
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18

Zupančič, Polonca. "Ovid: Dido Writing to Aeneas (Heroides 7)." Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca 21, no. 1 (September 30, 2019): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/keria.21.1.61-74.

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Pesem je del Ovidijevih Heroid, niza ljubezenskih pisem v verzih, ki so izrazito dvodelna: prva serija pisem, ki jih svojim ljubimcem ali oddaljenim možem pišejo slavni ženski liki (najbolj znane dvojice so npr. Penelopa in Odisej, Dejanejra in Herkul, Ariadna in Tezej, Medeja in Jazon ter Didona in Enej), spada v zgodnje obdobje Ovidijevega ustvarjanja; datirajo jih v čas pred letom 15 pr. Kr. Drugo skupino, od 16. do 21. pisma, pa sestavljajo pisma treh zaljubljencev z odgovori izbranih žensk (npr. Paris in Helena); slednja so verjetno nastala v letih 4 do 8, tik pred Ovidijevim izgonom iz Rima.
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19

HEINZE, THEODOR. "THE AUTHENTICITY OF OVID HEROIDES 12 RECONSIDERED." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 38, no. 1 (December 1, 1993): 94–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.1993.tb00705.x.

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20

Thompson, P. A. M. "Notes on Ovid, Heroides 20 and 21." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 1 (May 1993): 258–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800044323.

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Acontius argues that there was nothing wrong with the trick he played on Cydippe – the end justifies the means.Heinsius and Dilthey doubted the authenticity of this couplet, whilst Bornecque bracketed line 26 alone. Line 25, however, contains a familiar elegiac theme, and line 26, with one small emendation, is rhetorically sharp.All the MSS have uni in line 25, but many editors have found this unsatisfactory, preferring to read unum and punctuating the line in various ways: Burman prints ‘iungerer? unum’, Showerman, Goold and Palmer ‘iungerer, unum?’ Of these, the latter is the more attractive (Acontius wants one thing and one thing only – union with Cydippe; he is not interested in trying to cheat her financially, which is what fraus would most immediately suggest), ‘iungerer uni’, however, is perfectly good, and should be retained: uni means not ‘you alone (as opposed to several girls)’, but ‘you alone (as opposed to any other girl)’, cf. OLD s.v. unus 8 ‘one in particular, one above all others’. Acontius is paying Cydippe a compliment – she is the only girl for him, and nobody else will do. This is a common theme in Latin love elegy, cf. Prop. 2.7.19, [Tib.] 3.19.3–6, Ovid, Ars Am. 1.42: ‘elige cui dicas “tu mihi sola places”’.
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21

Martínez Zepeda, Baruch. "A NOTE ON OVID, HEROIDES 6.117–18." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 2 (October 24, 2019): 764–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881900079x.

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At Her. 6.113–18 Hypsipyle lays out for Jason the advantages to be gained by marrying her: the prestige of her noble and even divine family, and the fertile island of Lemnos, which will come as her dowry. She then adds the fact that she is pregnant with twins (6.119–22); this thought introduces a new section, which extends until line 130.
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22

Coleman, Kathleen M. "Cacemphaton in the Labyrinth: Ovid, Heroides 10.71." Mnemosyne 63, no. 2 (2010): 280–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852510x456552.

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23

Kroon, Caroline. "Voce voco. Some Text Linguistic Observations on Ovid Heroides 10." Mnemosyne 65, no. 2 (2012): 238–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852510x547974.

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Abstract In his article Voce voco. Ariadne in Ovids Heroides und die ‘weibliche Stimme’ (Mnemosyne, this issue), Christoph Pieper proposes a metapoetic interpretation of Ovid Heroides 10 in terms of a gradual awakening (and subsequent faltering) of Ariadne’s literary voice. The present contribution serves as a supplement to this article, in that it provides some text linguistic support for this metapoetic reading. In a linguistically and narratologically oriented discussion of the structure of Heroides 10, it is shown how epic and elegy literally merge in this poem, for instance by means of an ingenious mixing of discourse modes and time frames, and a subtle play with the inherent ambiguity of the present tense. The analysis reveals by which formal means the poet manages to reconcile all of Ariadne’s different roles and perspectives in the poem (epistolary speaker, epic speaker, elegiac speaker, narrative character), and integrate them, by way of literary experiment, in one coherent text.
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24

Casall, Sergio. "Tragic irony in Ovid, Heroides 9 and 11." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 2 (December 1995): 505–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800043573.

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A dominant theme in the ninth of the Heroides, Deianira's letter to Hercules, is Deianira's indignation that Hercules has been defeated by a woman: first by Iole (especially in the first part of the letter: for example, lines 2, 5f., 1 If., 25f.); then by Omphale (especially in the section 103–18). The theme is exploited so insistently that Vessey, who regards the epistle as spurious, sees in this insistence a sign of the forger's clumsiness. consider the exploitation of the motive of‘victor victus’ in Heroides 9, on the contrary, as a strong sign of Ovidian authorship. From the very beginning of the letter, the reader is reminded that if a woman, Iole, has metaphorically destroyed Hercules, another woman is on the point of destroying Hercules in a much more real and literal way, and this woman is none other than Deianira herself. When Deianira writes the letter, she has just sent to Hercules the garment soaked in Nessus' poison that will provoke Hercules' horrible death (see 143–68): thus Deianira, rather than Iole or Omphale, is the woman who vanquishes the unvanquished hero. But this is not only a matter of dramatic irony based on the general lines of the story. Heroides 9 is an elegiac rewriting of Sophocles' Trachiniae (it is no coincidence that the letter opens with an allusion to Propertius 3.11), and at the same time is inserted in the time and the ‘body’ of the tragedy. Ironic prefiguration in Heroides is normally realized through intertextual anticipation: thefuture events that are prefigured are present in the texts of the model epic or tragedy. Deianira blames Hercules for bis defeat:quern numquam Iuno seriesque immensa laborumfregerit, huic Iolen imposuisse iugum (Her. 9.5f.)quem non mille ferae, quern non Stheneleius hostis,non potuit Iuno vincere, vincit amor. (Her. 9.25f.)
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25

Pieper, Christoph. "Voce voco. Ariadne in Ovids Heroides und die ‘weibliche’ Stimme." Mnemosyne 65, no. 2 (2012): 219–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852511x547811.

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Abstract The article analyses how Ovid in the 10th letter of his Heroides experiments with the concept of a female voice within Roman literature. Ovid constructs Ariadne as a literary speaker against the background of (1) the Augustan elegiac tradition with its mostly male speakers, (2) the earlier phases of the Ariadne-myth in which Ariadne’s fate is determined by men (Theseus and Bacchus), and (3) the reception of this myth in Catullus’ famous ecphrasis in carmen 64. In the beginning of Heroides 10, Ovid shows how Ariadne develops consciousness of her own ability to speak. She develops from a heterodiegetic (epic) narrator to a homodiegetic (elegiac) speaker. In a second step, however, Ovid demonstrates that Ariadne is not only generally inexperienced in the field of literature, but that her attempt to re-shape her own story from a female perspective must necessarily fail. Her literary character cannot be separated from the previous (male) myth. At the end of the letter, she accepts her own literary immaturity when she asks Theseus to be the future narrator of her own fate. By showing that Ovid in his Ariadne-letter actually stages the failure of his protagonist’s attempt to free herself from a male literary tradition, I suggest that the Heroides should not be read as female literature, but as texts which reaffirm male dominance within Roman literary society.
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26

de Verger, Antonio Ramírez. "A Note on Ovid, Heroides 15,113." Hermes 134, no. 1 (2006): 123–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2006-0009.

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27

Kelly, Michael. "Ovid's Portrayal of Briseis in Heroides 3." Antichthon 33 (November 1999): 77–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400002343.

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The third letter of the Heroides has long been appreciated for the consummate skill with which Ovid takes the Briseis of Homer's Iliad, where she is virtually a nonentity, and presents her in a new guise. By his masterly transformation of the enslaved girl into a lonely and desperate elegiac puella who is lost and bewildered in an epic world, he skilfully exploits the literary gulf between the two genres to produce a subtle masterpiece which can arouse only compassion for his heroine. There is, however, much more to appreciate in this letter than its poetic artistry.
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28

Michalopoulos, Andreas N. "THE EMOTIONS OF MEDEA THE LETTER-WRITER (OVID, HEROIDES 12)." Greece and Rome 68, no. 1 (March 5, 2021): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383520000248.

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Medea fascinated Ovid more than any other female mythical figure. She features in the Ars Amatoria (1.336; 2.381–2), the Heroides (6.75, 127–8, 151; 12 passim; 17.229, 233), the Metamorphoses (7.1–424), and the Tristia (3.9). Ovid also composed a tragedy called Medea (Am. 2.18.13–16; Tr. 2.553–4), which unfortunately has not survived.1 In the Remedia amoris Medea is mentioned in a list of mythical men and women who would have been cured of their torturing love passion, if Ovid had been their praeceptor. Medea is not named, but the identification is obvious (Rem. am. 59–60): nec dolor armasset contra sua viscera matrem, / quae socii damno sanguinis ulta virum est (‘Nor would a mother's vengeance on her husband / have steeled her heart to slay their progeny’).
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29

LACKI, G. C. "IN THE DARKNESS OF HELL: OVID HEROIDES 16.211–12." Classical Quarterly 60, no. 2 (November 19, 2010): 661–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838810000273.

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30

Hewig, Ariane. "Ariadne's Fears from Sea and Sky (Ovid, Heroides 10.88. and 95–8)." Classical Quarterly 41, no. 2 (December 1991): 554–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800004778.

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In Ovid, Heroides 10.79ff. Ariadne starts to consider various dangers which to her mind threaten her life as that of any deserted woman (80). She lists some of these dangers in the following catalogue (83–8):
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31

Wiseman, Susan. "‘Romes wanton Ovid’: reading and writing Ovid's Heroides 1590–1712." Renaissance Studies 22, no. 3 (June 2008): 295–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-4658.2008.00506.x.

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32

Murgia, Charles E. "Imitation and Authenticity in Ovid: Metamorphoses 1.477 and Heroides 15." American Journal of Philology 106, no. 4 (1985): 456. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295197.

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33

Little, William L. "A Manuscript Used as Printer’s Copy for the Ovid of Sweynheym and Pannartz." Vatican Library Review 2, no. 2 (December 18, 2023): 224–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27728641-00202009.

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Abstract This short note identifies in Ott. lat. 1972 texts of Ovid’s Epistulae ex Ponto and Heroides 15 that served as copy for the Roman editio princeps of those works printed by Sweynheym and Pannartz in 1471.
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34

Hansen, G. C. "Sane in Vergil and Ovid: an unpoetisches Wort revisited." Classical Quarterly 47, no. 1 (May 1997): 316–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/47.1.316.

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In his influential work Unpoetische Wörter, B. Axelson mentions sane as one of the words used freely in prose but generally avoided in verse.1 He briefly discusses its occurrences in poetry. A closer look at these occurrences offers some insight into the manner in which Roman poets employed words usually associated with prose writing or everyday speech, while raising some interesting questions about the accepted text of a passage in the Aeneid and the style of Ovid's Heroides 16–21.
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35

Liberman, Gauthier. "Ovid, Heroides 11, 13 & 14. A Commentary by James Reeson." Gnomon 76, no. 6 (2004): 504–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2004_6_504.

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36

Mazurek, Elizabeth Forbis. "Elegy and Epic and the Recognition of Paris: Ovid Heroides 16." Arethusa 39, no. 1 (2006): 47–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2006.0004.

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37

Hollis, A. S. "Rights of Way in Ovid (Heroides 20.146) and Plautus (Curculio 36)." Classical Quarterly 44, no. 2 (December 1994): 545–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800044049.

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Acontius rhetorically addresses the young man to whom Cydippe's parents have betrothed her, whom he imagines as showing excessive familiarity while visiting the girl's sickbed. In line 146, ‘spes’ may be considered the vulgate reading; the noun can be used concretely, of the object of one's hopes (OLD 4), a person in whom hopes are centred (OLD 5), or sometimes as an endearment (OLD 5c). For application to a girl with suitors, cf. Ovid, Met. 4.795 ‘multorumque fuit spes invidiosa procorum’. Or one could take ‘spes’ in Her. 20.146 generally, = id quod spero. But, in any case, ‘spes’ is somewhat disappointing. After the strong imagery of 145 (cutting crops), we expect something no less definite in the pentameter, and, in particular, a word which will cohere with, and reinforce, the notion of providing access (‘quis tibi fecit iter?’). In this respect ‘spes’ fails to contribute anything. Nor does the manuscript evidence point unambiguously to ‘spes’. Some manuscripts have the unmetrical ‘spem’, while Heinsius found in a Medicean manuscript the reading ‘sepem’, which was taken up by Burman, and by a number of other editors. To this, however, A. Palmer made an objection which seems not merely pedantic: ‘I should rather have expected per sepem; for a man has a right to go up to, as far as, another man's boundary.’
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38

Ripplinger, Michelle. "Chaucer's Proleptic Palinode." Studies in the Age of Chaucer 45, no. 1 (2023): 139–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sac.2023.a913914.

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Abstract: Chaucer intervenes in late medieval debates about the dangers of fictive mimesis by reimagining the unanticipated woman reader's role in the repentant narrative of the vita Ovidiana . To defend the Ars amatoria from accusations of immorality, Ovid had claimed that it had been misinterpreted by women readers he had not anticipated. The medieval Ovid tradition absorbed this feminized figure into the biography it retroactively constructed for him; the Heroides became a palinode, an apology for or corrective to the youthful poetic indiscretions that supposedly misled these women readers. Chaucer turns this tradition knowingly on its head. In Troilus and Criseyde , he not only sets the stage for his own Heroides by giving himself something to apologize for, but also revalues the unanticipated woman reader and her interpretive faults. His sustained engagement with the vita Ovidiana in turn elucidates the literary-theoretical stakes of The Legend of Good Women , which defends the ethical value of narrative fiction, without moralizing commentary, even as it asks the reader to remain alert to its risks.
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39

Eickmeyer, Jost. "Imitating Ovid to the Greater Glory of God." Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 3 (April 1, 2014): 419–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00103004.

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Between 1514 and 1663 the genre known as Heroides, coined by Ovid, was maintained almost entirely by modern Latin poets. This article considers this period, which has up to now remained almost unheeded in the history of the genre. It looks at the collections of epistles by relevant authors (Eobanus Hessus, Andreas Alenus, Jacob Bidermann, Balduinus Cabillavius, Jean Vincart, Jacob Balde) in their context within literary history and considers the various ends they served, with a focus on their representations of Jesuit history and culture. Their relations to contemporary poetological discourses, represented for example by the Jesuit scholar Antonio Possevino, are addressed as well as their use of pictural media as in the case of Jean Vincart’s heroic epistles.
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van den Broek, Pieter. "Ovidius tussen elegie en epos." Lampas 51, no. 2 (January 1, 2018): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2018.2.007.broe.

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Summary In this article I discuss recent trends and publications on Ovidian scholarship, focussing on Heroides 16 and 17, Metamorphoses 1.452-567, 3.131-252 and 8.611-724, and Tristia 4.10. These texts cross borders between elegy and epic. I argue that they can be seen as examples of Ovid as a versatile poet, who plays games with his predecessors, characters, readers, and himself.
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41

Marois, Laurence. "L’Hystoire romaine de la belle Cleriende de Macé de Villebresme, à la croisée de l’épître et de l’élégie." Renaissance and Reformation 34, no. 4 (September 20, 2012): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v34i4.18648.

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In 1529, and again in 1533, Lyon printer Claude Nourry published the epistle Lepistre de la belle Cleriende. Here we can trace—in this epistle by Macé de Villebresme—the influence of Ovid’s Heroides, translated into French around 1492 by Octovien de St Gelais. Using the definitions of the epistolary and elegiac genres established by the different poetic arts of the time, this article aims to present Lepistre de la belle Cleriende in the context of these literary genres and their development. Specifically, a comparison between the works of Ovid and Macé de Villebresme will allow a better understanding of the influence that the translation into French of the Heroides has had on the versified epistolary genre during the first half of the sixteenth century in France.
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42

Bobrowski, Antoni. "Pandarus Quotes Ovid in Geoffrey Chaucer’s Book One of Troilus and Criseyde." Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae 29, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sppgl.2020.xxix.2.5.

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The medieval epic poem Troilus and Criseyde by Chaucer describes the history of unhappy love with the Trojan War in the background. The story is constructed in the convention of courtly love, and the author draws abundantly from a range of plot motifs preserved in the ancient literary tradition. The article discusses the way of intertextual use of Ovid’s Heroides 5 in the course of events told in Book One of the poem.
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Bessone, Federica. "Medea's response to Catullus: Ovid, Heroides 12.23–4 and Catullus 76.1–6." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 2 (December 1995): 575–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800043676.

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After an opening of the elegiac epistle which recalls the Euripidean-Ennian Medea-prologue, Ovid's heroine thus states her purpose (Her. 12.23–4):est aliqua ingrato meritum exprobrare voluptas;hac fruar, haec de te gaudia sola feram.
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44

Mazurek, Elizabeth Forbis. "Homer and the Epic Cycle in Ovid, Heroides 16-17." Transactions of the American Philological Association 143, no. 1 (2013): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apa.2013.0003.

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45

Alekou, Stella. "The Art of Death in Ovid's Heroides." Illinois Classical Studies 46, no. 1-2 (April 1, 2021): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/23285265.46.1.2.03.

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Abstract Notwithstanding the focalization in Ovid's Heroides on love, one may also identify a consistent emphasis on death, as the letters grow to become a literary refuge for women who experience loss as well as physical and social isolation. Death plays a decisive role in the portrayal of the female writers as sympathetic victims. The fictionalization of death acts as a means of persuasion also for the poet, who situates his text against the background of Augustan politics. Writing about the art of death enables Ovid to implicitly defend the artists who had been defeated and violently silenced by power and renders his work an indispensable rhetorical tool for their literary survival.
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46

Rosenmeyer, P. A. "Ovid's Heroides and Tristia: Voices from Exile." Ramus 26, no. 1 (1997): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002058.

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exulis haec uox est: praebet mihi littera linguam,et si non liceat scribere, rautus ero.Epist. ex Pont. 2.6.3f.This is the exile's voice; the written word gives me a tongue,and if writing is forbidden, I shall be dumb.Ovid's exilic persona reveals itself over the course of his correspondence as a literary pastiche of other texts and identities. We hear the narrator's voice in the Tristia and Epistulae ex Ponto echoing that of Horace and Propertius, Homer's Odysseus and Vergil's Aeneas. These allusions to canonical works are widely recognised and catalogued. But equally crucial to Ovid's self-presentation are allusions to his own previous masterpieces. I interpret his choice of the letter form for the exile poems as not only an allusion to, but also an authorial statement of identification—on some level—with his earlier epistolary work, the Heroides. The Heroides may be read as letters from exile, epistulae ex exilio in which Ovid pursues his fascination with the genre of letters and the subject of abandonment through literary characters; the Tristia take that fascination one step further as the author himself, in letters to loved ones, writes from the position of an abandoned hero of sorts.
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Heavey, Katherine. "Aphra Behn's Oenone to Paris: Ovidian Paraphrase by Women Writers." Translation and Literature 23, no. 3 (November 2014): 303–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2014.0161.

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This article examines Aphra Behn's translation of Ovid's Heroides 5, demonstrating how her version, a contribution to the Dryden/Tonson collection Ovid's Epistles (1680), augments and alters its original with two different but complementary intentions. Behn's departures from Ovid (and, more importantly, from the earlier English translations that she may have relied on) often reflect her support for James, Duke of York during the Exclusion Crisis, and her disapproval of the King's illegitimate son, James, Duke of Monmouth, who is figured as the faithless Trojan prince Paris. Simultaneously, Behn (the only female contributor to the collection) extends her poem, and particularly her descriptions of Oenone's distress, to cater to the Restoration taste for female complaint. Finally, the article suggests that as a female translator, and one who alters her Ovid with clearly political intent, Behn may pave the way for other women to translate and politicize Ovid.
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Miazek-Męczyńska, Monika. "Owidiusz w międzygatunkowej rozterce – „Amores” II 18." Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae 33, no. 1 (September 20, 2023): 219–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sppgl.2023.xxxiii.1.16.

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Elegy 18 from Book II of Amores, presented in the article in a new translation into Polish, explains why Ovid decided to abandon epic poetry and tragedy in favour of elegiac poetry. Although the poet jokingly points to Cupid, Corinna and his own laziness as the reasons, in fact, he shows that this literary genre is extremely attractive to authors who, like himself, writing about love can refer not only to personal experiences, but also to threads traditionally reserved for epics or tragedy. As evidence, Ovid invokes his Heroides and invites his friend, the poet Pompey Macer, to follow him in elegiac poetry. By recalling the works of Macer and Sabinus, Amores II 18 is also proof of the importance of friendship between the writers of the Augustan era, whose works bear visible traces of mutual influences and interactions.
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Griffin, A. H. F. "Ovid's Heroides Englished - Harold Isbell (tr.): Ovid, Heroides, Translated with Introduction and Notes. (Penguin Classics.) Pp. xx + 254. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1990. Paper, £5.99." Classical Review 41, no. 1 (April 1991): 60–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00277238.

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50

Rosati, Gianpiero. "Sabinus, the Heroides and the Poetnightingale. Some observations on the authenticity of the epistula Sapphus." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 1 (May 1996): 207–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.1.207.

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Of all the works attributed to Ovid but of disputed authenticity, the epistle of Sappho to Phaon is notoriously the one which has most perplexed scholars. Most philologists at the end of the 19th century asserted the Ovidian paternity of the epistle; but in recent years the discussion has flared up once again, especially following an important contribution, tending in the opposite direction, by R. J. Tarrant, and today, above all in Anglo-American studies, the pendulum seems to be swinging more in the direction of inauthenticity, according to the movement typical in debates of this kind. The present article obviously does not intend to discuss the whole question once again nor to reaffirm tout court the attribution to Ovid, but brings to the attention of scholars certain arguments which should not be neglected in the discussion (and which point in the direction of authenticity). I do not mean to underestimate the linguistic, stylistic, and metrical anomalies which scholars up to Tarrant and beyond have imputed to the epistula Sapphus, but rather to indicate some characteristics, above all of compositional technique, which have not been considered but which I think have a not insignificant weight in the debate on authenticity.
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