Academic literature on the topic 'Hertz Corporation'

In her article ‘Corporate Social Responsibility: The Great Shell Game’, Ellen Hertz suggests that there is an inherent danger of corporate social responsibility (CSR) to obscure the public/private divide. By means of strategically engaging with public interests, corporate CSR practices – that according to Hertz are practices deriving from the market – are able ‘to preempt and discredit attempts to define and carry out policies designed to protect the broader public interest’. CSR should be seen as ‘remediation at best’ that ideally needs to be replaced by ‘rules for business’ created by ‘the public’ and not those created by companies themselves.

The COVID-19 global pandemic has created unique and far-reaching impacts on corporations. Given the essential oversight role of boards of directors, it becomes critical for them to develop strategies as their companies respond to the challenges and risks under these unprecedented circumstances. This paper applies corporate governance principles and action plans for boards to help their companies survive this crisis and build sound business prospects both in the short run and long run. For immediate company survival, this paper encourages boards of directors to focus on short-term liquidity and employ five principles for COVID cash management as proposed in Gifford (2020), including detailed forecasting, setting spending priorities, initiating early communication, shortening reporting cycles, and planning for low cashpoints. Since liquidity does not equate to solvency for company survival, boards of directors also need to focus on long-term solvency by monitoring the new normal of business strategies, including the high likelihood of insolvency among small businesses and mixed solvency situations among large corporation. In addition, this paper identifies the key opportunities for the boards of directors to exploit and strengthen corporate governance during this pandemic period, including advocating a COVID disaster recovery plan with best practices, developing an emergency response checklist, establishing efficient disaster responses, and bolstering monitoring mechanisms for employees, operations, finances, customers, and supply chains (Butcher, 2020). The major sections of this paper are current COVID reflections, a case study of the Hertz Corporation, future COVID reflections, business strategies for the new normal, COVID cash management principles, COVID threats to corporate governance, COVID opportunities for corporate governance, and conclusions

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to focus on issues of corporate control around the announcement of the decision of Hertz Global Holdings to relocate its corporate headquarters from New Jersey to Florida in 2013. The relocation decision and accounting irregularities discovered after the announcement raised interest from activist investors. The firm responded by enacting a “poison pill,” but control was eventually wrestled away and the CEO was replaced. Examining these events gives students insights into corporate control issues facing a major US corporation. Design/methodology/approach This case study presents a history of the firm from its founding in 1918 through 2017, with an emphasis on key events from 2012 through 2017. These events include acquisition of a competing firm (Dollar Thrifty), relocation of corporate headquarters, accounting irregularities, restatement of financials, activist investor responses, issuance of a “poison pill,” and turnover in the CEO position. Findings The case is intentionally written to “tell the story” of events that relate to issues involving control of the company around the decision to relocate its corporate headquarters. The case highlights potential agency problems between management and shareholders and the market’s response to those problems. Originality/value No prior case study considers the topic of corporate control from the perspective of Hertz Global Holdings. This case study can be used by instructors in graduate and undergraduate courses to examine corporate control issues from a “real world” perspective.

Ellen Hertz’s manifold critique of corporate social responsibility (CSR) paradoxically begins by establishing common ground with the ardent defender of free market capitalism and an otherwise political opponent to her normative framework, Milton Friedman. Building on his analytical framework, according to which corporations and government operate on different principles, Hertz reinforces the idea that CSR cannot and should not replace democratic mechanisms in the determination of the public interest. In addition, following established critiques of CSR (e.g., Shamir 2008), Hertz highlights that CSR introduces the logics of the market in areas traditionally governed by different logics of action, while it also serves to obfuscate relations of power and to shape global governance in corporate-friendly directions.

Background:Psoriatic arthritis (PsA) is a chronic inflammatory musculoskeletal disease characterized by musculoskeletal and cutaneous inflammation. In the recent EQUATOR study (NCT03101670), patients (pts) with active PsA receiving the oral, selective Janus kinase 1 (JAK1) inhibitor filgotinib (FIL) had significant and sustained improvements versus placebo (PBO) in clinical signs and symptoms. We present here updated results of the EULAR 2019 presentation of EQUATOR on circulating biomarkers in PsA.Objectives:To evaluate the impact of FIL on the levels of circulating proinflammatory cytokines and chemokines, adhesion molecules, and markers of matrix remodeling in EQUATOR pts with active PsA.Methods:EQUATOR was a 16-week, double-blind, multicenter, Phase 2 study in pts with active PsA. Pts were randomized 1:1 to FIL 200 mg (n=65) or PBO (n=66) once daily. Serum samples (FIL n=60 and PBO n=61) were collected at baseline (BL) and at Weeks 1, 4, and 16. The association of BL biomarkers with PsA disease characteristics was analyzed by Spearman’s rank-order correlation. Biomarker changes from BL were assessed in time-paired serum samples using multiplex and high sensitivity ELISA-based assays. Analytes were grouped by hierarchical clustering; treatment effect on a biomarker was defined as a difference in change from BL between pts receiving FIL versus PBO. Improvements in PsA clinical signs and symptoms were determined by assessing changes from BL in a number of clinical disease activity scores including psoriatic arthritis disease activity score (PASDAS), psoriasis area and severity index (PASI) and disease activity index for psoriatic arthritis (DAPSA) scores.Results:BL levels of numerous biomarkers were associated (p<0.05) with clinical measures of PsA. Several clusters of biomarkers were identified based on the rate and magnitude of FIL treatment response. Cluster 1 included biomarkers with substantial reductions from BL with FIL by week 1, such as the acute phase proteins CRP and SAA (>50%), and the inflammatory mediators IL-6, CXCL10, and IL-23 (>25%). Cluster 2 included biomarkers of cell adhesion (ICAM-1, VCAM1) with a 5%–15% reduction from BL with FIL by week 1. Cluster 3 included biomarkers of matrix remodeling (MMP1, SC1M) with a delayed >25% reduction from BL with FIL that was significant by Week 4. Finally, Cluster 4 included biomarkers with a modest (5%–10%) increase from BL with FIL (Eotaxin, IL-15, and adiponectin). Spearman rank correlation analyses showed that at BL, many biomarkers were positively associated with disease scores, and tended to segregate between psoriasis weighted scores such as PASI and arthritis weighted scores such as DAPSA. The observed decrease in proinflammatory cytokines were associated with on-treatment improvements from BL in disease score for pts receiving FIL.Conclusion:Compared with PBO, FIL significantly decreased BL levels of circulating biomarkers associated with PsA disease activity, including proinflammatory cytokines and chemokines, adhesion molecules, and markers of matrix remodeling. The observed decreases in circulating proinflammatory cytokines and biomarkers of both bone pathobiology and psoriatic disease suggest that FIL improves PsA clinical signs and symptoms at a molecular level. These findings are consistent with reduced disease activity in pts with PsA and suggest that FIL treatment leads to a rapid and sustained reduction of inflammation in PsA.Acknowledgments:This study was funded by Gilead Sciences, Inc. Editorial support was provided by Fishawack Communications Inc and funded by Gilead Sciences, Inc.Disclosure of Interests:Dafna D Gladman Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Amgen Inc., BMS, Celgene Corporation, Janssen, Novartis, Pfizer, UCB – grant/research support, Consultant of: AbbVie, Amgen Inc., BMS, Celgene Corporation, Janssen, Novartis, Pfizer, UCB – consultant, Wendy Jiang Shareholder of: Gilead Sciences Inc., Employee of: Gilead Sciences Inc., Angie Hertz Shareholder of: Gilead Sciences Inc, Employee of: Gilead Sciences Inc, Vlad Malkov Shareholder of: Gilead Sciences Inc., Employee of: Gilead Sciences Inc., Oh Kyu Yoon Shareholder of: Gilead Sciences Inc., Employee of: Gilead Sciences Inc., Mona Trivedi Shareholder of: Amgen and Gilead Sciences, Employee of: Gilead Sciences, Muhsen Alani Employee of: Gilead Sciences, Lene Vestergaard Shareholder of: Gilead Sciences Inc., Employee of: Gilead Sciences Inc., Robin Besuyen Shareholder of: Galapagos, Employee of: Galapagos, René Galien Shareholder of: Galapagos, Employee of: Galapagos, Amer M. Mirza Shareholder of: Gilead Sciences Inc., Employee of: Gilead Sciences Inc., Vinod Chandran Grant/research support from: Abbvie, Celgene, Consultant of: Abbvie, Amgen, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Celgene, Eli Lily, Janssen, Novartis, Pfizer, UCB, Employee of: Spouse employed by Eli Lily

The article presents the semantic history of the word flapper that denotes social stereotype of American culture. Being a multifaceted phenomenon of semantic cognition, a sociocultural stereotype presents a condensed and coded information that develops on the background of a cultural context. The semantic analysis from diachronic perspective sets up a correspondence of Latin origin of the word flapper with Indo-European stem that produced a number of words in Germanic languages. The cognate words of related languages reveal conformity of negative connotations determined by attitude to human weakness in different forms of its manifestations. This presumes historically determined negative connotation of the word flapper. The initial designation was motivated by kinetic characteristic of the object – a vertical movement. The meaning “a young and daring American girl of the 1920s” of the word flapper was semantically motivated. As it was stated, at the moment of designation, youth and immaturity of a girl were conceived of a fledgling image, that traditionally symbolizes inexperience of a youngster. This zoomorphic metaphor acts as the source of categorization of a cultural and social phenomenon “Flapper”. References Апресян Ю. Д. Избранные труды: Т. 1: Лексическая семантика. Синонимическиесредства языка. М.: Языки русской культуры, 1995.Apresyan, Yu. D. (1995). Izbrannyie Trudy: T.1. Leksicheskaya Semantika.Sinonimicheskie Sredstva Yazyka [Lexical Semantics. Synonymic Means of Language].Moscow: Yazyki Russkoy Kultury. Арутюнова Н. Д. Язык и мир человека. Часть IV: В сторону семиотики и стилистики.М.: Высшая школа, 1999.Arutyunova, N. D. (1999). Yazyk i Mir Cheloveka. P. IV: V Storonu Semiotiki i Stilistiki[Language and Human World. Part 4: Towards Semiotics and Stylistics]. Moscow:Vysshaya Shkola. Гумбольдт В. Избранные труды по языкознанию. М.: Прогресс, 1984.Humboldt, W. (1984). Izbrannyie Trudy po Yazyikoznaniyu [Selected Works inLinguistics]. Moscow: Progress. Jackson, F. (1998). From Metaphysics to Ethics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Кифер Ф. О пресуппозициях / Новое в зарубежной лингвистике. М. : 1978, 337–353.Kiefer, F. (1978). O presuppozitsiyah [On Presuppositions]. In: Novoe v Zarubezhnoylingvistike. (337-353), T. M. Nikolayeva, Ed. Moscow: Progress. Laurence, S., Margolis, E. (2003). Concepts and Conceptual Analysis. Philosophy andPhenomenological Research, 67(2), 253–282. McRae, K.; Jones, M. Semantic Memory. (2013). The Oxford Handbook of CognitivePsychology. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 206–216. Ogden, C.K, Richards, I.A. (1952). The Meaning of meaning. In: A Study of the Influenceof Language upon Thought and of The Science of Symbolism. With Supplementary Essaysby B. Malinowski and F. G. Crookshank. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Partridge, E. (1938).The World of Words: An Introduction to Language in General and toEnglish and American in Particular. London: George Routledge & Sons. Пирс Ч.С. Избранные произведения. М.: Логос, 2000.Peirce, Ch. S. (2000). Izbrannyie Proizvedeniya [Selected Works]. Moscow: Logos. Потебня А. А. Из записок по русской грамматике. М.: Изд-во Мин-ва просвещенияРСФСР, 1958. Potebnya, A. A. (1958). Iz zapisok po Russkoy Grammatike [From the Notes on RussianGrammar]. Moscow: Ministry of Education of RSFSR. Quiles, C. A., Lopez-Menchero, F. (2009). Grammar of Modern Endo-European. IndoEuropean Language Association. Stalnaker, R. C. (1974). Pragmatic Presuppositions. In: Semantics and Philosophy. (pp.197-230). M. Munitz and P. Unger, (Eds.). N.Y.: New York University Press. Taylor, J. R. (2006). Polysemy and lexicon. In: Cognitive Linguistics: Current ApplicationsAnd Future Perspectives. (pp. 51-81), G. Kristiansen, M. Achard and R. Dirven (eds.).Berlin–New York: Monton de Gruyter. Телия В. Н. Коннотативный аспект семантики номинативных единиц. М.: Наука,1986.Teliya, V. N. (1986). Konnotativnyiy Aspekt Semantiki Nominativnyh Yedinits [ConnotativeAspect in the Meaning of Denotative Units]. Moscow: Nauka. Urban, W. M. (2013). Language and Reality. Philosophy of Language and the Principles ofSymbolism. London and New York: Routledge Taylor and Francis Group. Sources A Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the English Language (1966). Vol. I. Dr.Ernest Klein. Barking, Essex: Elsevier Publishing Company. A Dictionary of Slang and Unconventional English. (1937). E. Partidge. London:Routledge. Chamber’s Dictionary of Etymology. (1999). R. K. Barnhart, Ed. N.Y.: Wilson. Crawfurd, O. A. (1895). A Year of Sport and Natural History. Shooting, Hunting,Coursing, Falconry. London: Chapman and Hall. Retrieved from:https://ia600205.us.archive.org/2/items/cu31924022547263/cu31924022547263.pdf Dalzell, T. (1996). Flappers to Rappers. American Youth Slang. Springfield,Massachusetts: Merriam Webster. Das großen Wörterbuch den Sprach in 10 Bänden, Band 3. (1999). Leipzig–Wien–Zürich:Dudenverlag, Mannheim. Deutsches Wörterbuch von Jakob Grimm und Wilhelm Grimm (Nachdruck derErstausgabe 1862). (1999). Band 3. München: Lizenzausgabe des Deutschen TashenbuchVerlages. Duden Deutsches Universal Wörterbuch. (2001). Leipzig–Wien–Zürich: Dudenverlag,Mannheim. Голландско-русский словарь. Под общ. руководством С. А. Миронова. М.: Гос.изд-во ин. и нац. словарей, 1954 Gollandsko-russkiy slovar [Dutch-Russian Dictionary]. (1954). Pod obsch. rukovodstvomS. A. Mironova. M. : Gos. izd-vo in. i nats. Slovarey. Green, R. (1970). The Revels Plays. James the IV. Ed. by N. Sandlers. Welwyn GardenCity, Herts: The Broad Water Press. Indogermanisches Etymologishes Woerterbuch. (1959). Julius Pokorny, (ed). BandI. Bern: Francke. Manipulus Vocabulorum: a Rhyming Dictionary of the English Language. (2001).Ed. H. B. Wheatley. 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This case and its companion, UVA-F-1560, were awarded the 2012 Wachovia Award for Excellence in Teaching Materials - Innovative Case. In November 2006, Alec Berg, a successful hedge fund manager, must decide whether to invest in the initial public offering (IPO) of the Hertz Corporation. The IPO followed a leveraged buyout (LBO) of Hertz that was completed in December 2005 by three prominent private equity firms that had combined to purchase Hertz from the Ford Motor Company for $14.9 billion. The LBO sponsors had borrowed an additional $1 billion on top of the buyout financing to pay themselves a special dividend in June 2006. This loan would be repaid with the IPO proceeds and any remaining proceeds from the IPO would go to the sponsors. The IPO generated widespread criticism with respect to the speed with which the IPO was conducted and the payment of special dividends. In the face of this criticism, the demand for the Hertz IPO weakened, and the offer price was reduced from the initial file price range of $16–$18 to just $15. Berg must assess whether at $15 per share, Hertz offers an attractive investment for this fund. The case provides the necessary information for students to analyze the sponsors' returns on their investment in Hertz and the attractiveness of the $15 offer price to public shareholders. The case also offers an opportunity for students to discuss the controversy surrounding the payment of special dividends and the claim that private equity sponsors invest with a long-term perspective that creates value for the company.

IntroductionIn the year 2000, a group of likeminded individuals got together and convened the first annual World Barista Championship in Monte Carlo. With twelve competitors from around the globe, each competitor was judged by seven judges: one head judge who oversaw the process, two technical judges who assessed technical skills, and four sensory judges who evaluated the taste and appearance of the espresso drinks. Competitors had fifteen minutes to serve four espresso coffees, four cappuccino coffees, and four “signature” drinks that they had devised using one shot of espresso and other ingredients of their choice, but no alcohol. The competitors were also assessed on their overall barista skills, their creativity, and their ability to perform under pressure and impress the judges with their knowledge of coffee. This competition has grown to the extent that eleven years later, in 2011, 54 countries held national barista championships with the winner from each country competing for the highly coveted position of World Barista Champion. That year, Alejandro Mendez from El Salvador became the first world champion from a coffee producing nation. Champion baristas are more likely to come from coffee consuming countries than they are from coffee producing countries as countries that produce coffee seldom have a culture of espresso coffee consumption. While Ireland is not a coffee-producing nation, the Irish are the highest per capita consumers of tea in the world (Mac Con Iomaire, “Ireland”). Despite this, in 2008, Stephen Morrissey from Ireland overcame 50 other national champions to become the 2008 World Barista Champion (see, http://vimeo.com/2254130). Another Irish national champion, Colin Harmon, came fourth in this competition in both 2009 and 2010. This paper discusses the history and development of coffee and coffee houses in Dublin from the 17th century, charting how coffee culture in Dublin appeared, evolved, and stagnated before re-emerging at the beginning of the 21st century, with a remarkable win in the World Barista Championships. The historical links between coffeehouses and media—ranging from print media to electronic and social media—are discussed. In this, the coffee house acts as an informal public gathering space, what urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg calls a “third place,” neither work nor home. These “third places” provide anchors for community life and facilitate and foster broader, more creative interaction (Oldenburg). This paper will also show how competition from other “third places” such as clubs, hotels, restaurants, and bars have affected the vibrancy of coffee houses. Early Coffee Houses The first coffee house was established in Constantinople in 1554 (Tannahill 252; Huetz de Lemps 387). The first English coffee houses opened in Oxford in 1650 and in London in 1652. Coffee houses multiplied thereafter but, in 1676, when some London coffee houses became hotbeds for political protest, the city prosecutor decided to close them. The ban was soon lifted and between 1680 and 1730 Londoners discovered the pleasure of drinking coffee (Huetz de Lemps 388), although these coffee houses sold a number of hot drinks including tea and chocolate as well as coffee.The first French coffee houses opened in Marseille in 1671 and in Paris the following year. Coffee houses proliferated during the 18th century: by 1720 there were 380 public cafés in Paris and by the end of the century there were 600 (Huetz de Lemps 387). Café Procope opened in Paris in 1674 and, in the 18th century, became a literary salon with regular patrons: Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot and Condorcet (Huetz de Lemps 387; Pitte 472). In England, coffee houses developed into exclusive clubs such as Crockford’s and the Reform, whilst elsewhere in Europe they evolved into what we identify as cafés, similar to the tea shops that would open in England in the late 19th century (Tannahill 252-53). Tea quickly displaced coffee in popularity in British coffee houses (Taylor 142). Pettigrew suggests two reasons why Great Britain became a tea-drinking nation while most of the rest of Europe took to coffee (48). The first was the power of the East India Company, chartered by Elizabeth I in 1600, which controlled the world’s biggest tea monopoly and promoted the beverage enthusiastically. The second was the difficulty England had in securing coffee from the Levant while at war with France at the end of the seventeenth century and again during the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13). Tea also became the dominant beverage in Ireland and over a period of time became the staple beverage of the whole country. In 1835, Samuel Bewley and his son Charles dared to break the monopoly of The East India Company by importing over 2,000 chests of tea directly from Canton, China, to Ireland. His family would later become synonymous with the importation of coffee and with opening cafés in Ireland (see, Farmar for full history of the Bewley's and their activities). Ireland remains the highest per-capita consumer of tea in the world. Coffee houses have long been linked with social and political change (Kennedy, Politicks; Pincus). The notion that these new non-alcoholic drinks were responsible for the Enlightenment because people could now gather socially without getting drunk is rejected by Wheaton as frivolous, since there had always been alternatives to strong drink, and European civilisation had achieved much in the previous centuries (91). She comments additionally that cafés, as gathering places for dissenters, took over the role that taverns had long played. Pennell and Vickery support this argument adding that by offering a choice of drinks, and often sweets, at a fixed price and in a more civilized setting than most taverns provided, coffee houses and cafés were part of the rise of the modern restaurant. It is believed that, by 1700, the commercial provision of food and drink constituted the second largest occupational sector in London. Travellers’ accounts are full of descriptions of London taverns, pie shops, coffee, bun and chop houses, breakfast huts, and food hawkers (Pennell; Vickery). Dublin Coffee Houses and Later incarnations The earliest reference to coffee houses in Dublin is to the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85). Public dining or drinking establishments listed in the 1738 Dublin Directory include taverns, eating houses, chop houses, coffee houses, and one chocolate house in Fownes Court run by Peter Bardin (Hardiman and Kennedy 157). During the second half of the 17th century, Dublin’s merchant classes transferred allegiance from taverns to the newly fashionable coffee houses as places to conduct business. By 1698, the fashion had spread to country towns with coffee houses found in Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, Clonmel, Wexford, and Galway, and slightly later in Belfast and Waterford in the 18th century. Maxwell lists some of Dublin’s leading coffee houses and taverns, noting their clientele: There were Lucas’s Coffee House, on Cork Hill (the scene of many duels), frequented by fashionable young men; the Phoenix, in Werburgh Street, where political dinners were held; Dick’s Coffee House, in Skinner’s Row, much patronized by literary men, for it was over a bookseller’s; the Eagle, in Eustace Street, where meetings of the Volunteers were held; the Old Sot’s Hole, near Essex Bridge, famous for its beefsteaks and ale; the Eagle Tavern, on Cork Hill, which was demolished at the same time as Lucas’s to make room for the Royal Exchange; and many others. (76) Many of the early taverns were situated around the Winetavern Street, Cook Street, and Fishamble Street area. (see Fig. 1) Taverns, and later coffee houses, became meeting places for gentlemen and centres for debate and the exchange of ideas. In 1706, Francis Dickson published the Flying Post newspaper at the Four Courts coffee house in Winetavern Street. The Bear Tavern (1725) and the Black Lyon (1735), where a Masonic Lodge assembled every Wednesday, were also located on this street (Gilbert v.1 160). Dick’s Coffee house was established in the late 17th century by bookseller and newspaper proprietor Richard Pue, and remained open until 1780 when the building was demolished. In 1740, Dick’s customers were described thus: Ye citizens, gentlemen, lawyers and squires,who summer and winter surround our great fires,ye quidnuncs! who frequently come into Pue’s,To live upon politicks, coffee, and news. (Gilbert v.1 174) There has long been an association between coffeehouses and publishing books, pamphlets and particularly newspapers. Other Dublin publishers and newspapermen who owned coffee houses included Richard Norris and Thomas Bacon. Until the 1850s, newspapers were burdened with a number of taxes: on the newsprint, a stamp duty, and on each advertisement. By 1865, these taxes had virtually disappeared, resulting in the appearance of 30 new newspapers in Ireland, 24 of them in Dublin. Most people read from copies which were available free of charge in taverns, clubs, and coffee houses (MacGiolla Phadraig). Coffee houses also kept copies of international newspapers. On 4 May 1706, Francis Dickson notes in the Dublin Intelligence that he held the Paris and London Gazettes, Leyden Gazette and Slip, the Paris and Hague Lettres à la Main, Daily Courant, Post-man, Flying Post, Post-script and Manuscripts in his coffeehouse in Winetavern Street (Kennedy, “Dublin”). Henry Berry’s analysis of shop signs in Dublin identifies 24 different coffee houses in Dublin, with the main clusters in Essex Street near the Custom’s House (Cocoa Tree, Bacon’s, Dempster’s, Dublin, Merchant’s, Norris’s, and Walsh’s) Cork Hill (Lucas’s, St Lawrence’s, and Solyman’s) Skinners’ Row (Bow’s’, Darby’s, and Dick’s) Christ Church Yard (Four Courts, and London) College Green (Jack’s, and Parliament) and Crampton Court (Exchange, and Little Dublin). (see Figure 1, below, for these clusters and the locations of other Dublin coffee houses.) The earliest to be referenced is the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85), with Solyman’s (1691), Bow’s (1692), and Patt’s on High Street (1699), all mentioned in print before the 18th century. The name of one, the Cocoa Tree, suggests that chocolate was also served in this coffee house. More evidence of the variety of beverages sold in coffee houses comes from Gilbert who notes that in 1730, one Dublin poet wrote of George Carterwright’s wife at The Custom House Coffee House on Essex Street: Her coffee’s fresh and fresh her tea,Sweet her cream, ptizan, and whea,her drams, of ev’ry sort, we findboth good and pleasant, in their kind. (v. 2 161) Figure 1: Map of Dublin indicating Coffee House clusters 1 = Sackville St.; 2 = Winetavern St.; 3 = Essex St.; 4 = Cork Hill; 5 = Skinner's Row; 6 = College Green.; 7 = Christ Church Yard; 8 = Crampton Court.; 9 = Cook St.; 10 = High St.; 11 = Eustace St.; 12 = Werburgh St.; 13 = Fishamble St.; 14 = Westmorland St.; 15 = South Great George's St.; 16 = Grafton St.; 17 = Kildare St.; 18 = Dame St.; 19 = Anglesea Row; 20 = Foster Place; 21 = Poolbeg St.; 22 = Fleet St.; 23 = Burgh Quay.A = Cafe de Paris, Lincoln Place; B = Red Bank Restaurant, D'Olier St.; C = Morrison's Hotel, Nassau St.; D = Shelbourne Hotel, St. Stephen's Green; E = Jury's Hotel, Dame St. Some coffee houses transformed into the gentlemen’s clubs that appeared in London, Paris and Dublin in the 17th century. These clubs originally met in coffee houses, then taverns, until later proprietary clubs became fashionable. Dublin anticipated London in club fashions with members of the Kildare Street Club (1782) and the Sackville Street Club (1794) owning the premises of their clubhouse, thus dispensing with the proprietor. The first London club to be owned by the members seems to be Arthur’s, founded in 1811 (McDowell 4) and this practice became widespread throughout the 19th century in both London and Dublin. The origin of one of Dublin’s most famous clubs, Daly’s Club, was a chocolate house opened by Patrick Daly in c.1762–65 in premises at 2–3 Dame Street (Brooke). It prospered sufficiently to commission its own granite-faced building on College Green between Anglesea Street and Foster Place which opened in 1789 (Liddy 51). Daly’s Club, “where half the land of Ireland has changed hands”, was renowned for the gambling that took place there (Montgomery 39). Daly’s sumptuous palace catered very well (and discreetly) for honourable Members of Parliament and rich “bucks” alike (Craig 222). The changing political and social landscape following the Act of Union led to Daly’s slow demise and its eventual closure in 1823 (Liddy 51). Coincidentally, the first Starbucks in Ireland opened in 2005 in the same location. Once gentlemen’s clubs had designated buildings where members could eat, drink, socialise, and stay overnight, taverns and coffee houses faced competition from the best Dublin hotels which also had coffee rooms “in which gentlemen could read papers, write letters, take coffee and wine in the evening—an exiguous substitute for a club” (McDowell 17). There were at least 15 establishments in Dublin city claiming to be hotels by 1789 (Corr 1) and their numbers grew in the 19th century, an expansion which was particularly influenced by the growth of railways. By 1790, Dublin’s public houses (“pubs”) outnumbered its coffee houses with Dublin boasting 1,300 (Rooney 132). Names like the Goose and Gridiron, Harp and Crown, Horseshoe and Magpie, and Hen and Chickens—fashionable during the 17th and 18th centuries in Ireland—hung on decorative signs for those who could not read. Throughout the 20th century, the public house provided the dominant “third place” in Irish society, and the drink of choice for itd predominantly male customers was a frothy pint of Guinness. Newspapers were available in public houses and many newspapermen had their own favourite hostelries such as Mulligan’s of Poolbeg Street; The Pearl, and The Palace on Fleet Street; and The White Horse Inn on Burgh Quay. Any coffee served in these establishments prior to the arrival of the new coffee culture in the 21st century was, however, of the powdered instant variety. Hotels / Restaurants with Coffee Rooms From the mid-19th century, the public dining landscape of Dublin changed in line with London and other large cities in the United Kingdom. Restaurants did appear gradually in the United Kingdom and research suggests that one possible reason for this growth from the 1860s onwards was the Refreshment Houses and Wine Licences Act (1860). The object of this act was to “reunite the business of eating and drinking”, thereby encouraging public sobriety (Mac Con Iomaire, “Emergence” v.2 95). Advertisements for Dublin restaurants appeared in The Irish Times from the 1860s. Thom’s Directory includes listings for Dining Rooms from the 1870s and Refreshment Rooms are listed from the 1880s. This pattern continued until 1909, when Thom’s Directory first includes a listing for “Restaurants and Tea Rooms”. Some of the establishments that advertised separate coffee rooms include Dublin’s first French restaurant, the Café de Paris, The Red Bank Restaurant, Morrison’s Hotel, Shelbourne Hotel, and Jury’s Hotel (see Fig. 1). The pattern of separate ladies’ coffee rooms emerged in Dublin and London during the latter half of the 19th century and mixed sex dining only became popular around the last decade of the 19th century, partly infuenced by Cesar Ritz and Auguste Escoffier (Mac Con Iomaire, “Public Dining”). Irish Cafés: From Bewley’s to Starbucks A number of cafés appeared at the beginning of the 20th century, most notably Robert Roberts and Bewley’s, both of which were owned by Quaker families. Ernest Bewley took over the running of the Bewley’s importation business in the 1890s and opened a number of Oriental Cafés; South Great Georges Street (1894), Westmoreland Street (1896), and what became the landmark Bewley’s Oriental Café in Grafton Street (1927). Drawing influence from the grand cafés of Paris and Vienna, oriental tearooms, and Egyptian architecture (inspired by the discovery in 1922 of Tutankhamen’s Tomb), the Grafton Street business brought a touch of the exotic into the newly formed Irish Free State. Bewley’s cafés became the haunt of many of Ireland’s leading literary figures, including Samuel Becket, Sean O’Casey, and James Joyce who mentioned the café in his book, Dubliners. A full history of Bewley’s is available (Farmar). It is important to note, however, that pots of tea were sold in equal measure to mugs of coffee in Bewley’s. The cafés changed over time from waitress- to self-service and a failure to adapt to changing fashions led to the business being sold, with only the flagship café in Grafton Street remaining open in a revised capacity. It was not until the beginning of the 21st century that a new wave of coffee house culture swept Ireland. This was based around speciality coffee beverages such as espressos, cappuccinos, lattés, macchiatos, and frappuccinnos. This new phenomenon coincided with the unprecedented growth in the Irish economy, during which Ireland became known as the “Celtic Tiger” (Murphy 3). One aspect of this period was a building boom and a subsequent growth in apartment living in the Dublin city centre. The American sitcom Friends and its fictional coffee house, “Central Perk,” may also have helped popularise the use of coffee houses as “third spaces” (Oldenberg) among young apartment dwellers in Dublin. This was also the era of the “dotcom boom” when many young entrepreneurs, software designers, webmasters, and stock market investors were using coffee houses as meeting places for business and also as ad hoc office spaces. This trend is very similar to the situation in the 17th and early 18th centuries where coffeehouses became known as sites for business dealings. Various theories explaining the growth of the new café culture have circulated, with reasons ranging from a growth in Eastern European migrants, anti-smoking legislation, returning sophisticated Irish emigrants, and increased affluence (Fenton). Dublin pubs, facing competition from the new coffee culture, began installing espresso coffee machines made by companies such as Gaggia to attract customers more interested in a good latté than a lager and it is within this context that Irish baristas gained such success in the World Barista competition. In 2001 the Georges Street branch of Bewley’s was taken over by a chain called Café, Bar, Deli specialising in serving good food at reasonable prices. Many ex-Bewley’s staff members subsequently opened their own businesses, roasting coffee and running cafés. Irish-owned coffee chains such as Java Republic, Insomnia, and O’Brien’s Sandwich Bars continued to thrive despite the competition from coffee chains Starbucks and Costa Café. Indeed, so successful was the handmade Irish sandwich and coffee business that, before the economic downturn affected its business, Irish franchise O’Brien’s operated in over 18 countries. The Café, Bar, Deli group had also begun to franchise its operations in 2008 when it too became a victim of the global economic downturn. With the growth of the Internet, many newspapers have experienced falling sales of their printed format and rising uptake of their electronic versions. Most Dublin coffee houses today provide wireless Internet connections so their customers can read not only the local newspapers online, but also others from all over the globe, similar to Francis Dickenson’s coffee house in Winetavern Street in the early 18th century. Dublin has become Europe’s Silicon Valley, housing the European headquarters for companies such as Google, Yahoo, Ebay, Paypal, and Facebook. There are currently plans to provide free wireless connectivity throughout Dublin’s city centre in order to promote e-commerce, however, some coffee houses shut off the wireless Internet in their establishments at certain times of the week in order to promote more social interaction to ensure that these “third places” remain “great good places” at the heart of the community (Oldenburg). Conclusion Ireland is not a country that is normally associated with a coffee culture but coffee houses have been part of the fabric of that country since they emerged in Dublin in the 17th century. These Dublin coffee houses prospered in the 18th century, and survived strong competition from clubs and hotels in the 19th century, and from restaurant and public houses into the 20th century. In 2008, when Stephen Morrissey won the coveted title of World Barista Champion, Ireland’s place as a coffee consuming country was re-established. 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