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Journal articles on the topic 'Hesiodo'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Santos, Magda Guadalupe dos, and Jacyntho José Lins Brandão. "Resenha: HESIODO. Teogonia, 1979. HESIODO. Teogonia: a origem dos deuses, 1981." Ensaios de Literatura e Filologia 5 (December 31, 1987): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/0104-2785.5.0.177-180.

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A existência de duas traduções brasileiras da Teogonia, editadas nos últimos anos, demonstra o interesse que o texto de Hesiodo é capaz de provocar ainda. São trabalhos de índole e objetivos diferentes, merecendo ambos aplausos pela oportunidade de seu aparecimento.

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2

Kudulytė-Kairienė, Audronė. "Pseudo-Hesiodo Heraklio skydas." Literatūra 48, no. 3 (January 1, 2015): 34–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/litera.2006.3.8056.

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3

Tytmonas, A. "Filosofijos atsiradimas ir mokslinio tikrovės pažinimo pradžia." Problemos 21 (September 29, 2014): 90–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/problemos.1978.21.6216.

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Straipsnyje apžvelgiami kai kurie momentai, pažymintys filosofijos atsiradimo reikšmę paskutinei mokslo genezės fazei. Teigiama, kad mokslo genezė yra mąstymo istorijos atkarpa. Šios fazės pradžia užfiksuota Homero kūryboje, kurioje dar ryškūs mitologijos elementai, vyrauja vaizdinis analoginis mąstymas, gamtos jėgų stichiškumas tampa estetinio suvokimo objektu. Hesiodo kūryba yra sekantis mokslo genezės etapas, kuriame siekiama sujungti religinius-mitologinius vaizdinius į vieną sistemą, suklasifikuoti juos – tai iš dalies jau yra mokslinis uždavinys. Hesiodo kūryboje chaosas yra tam tikra fizinė erdvinė pasaulio būsena. Mileto mokykla mokslinio tikrovės reiškinių aiškinimo požiūriu reikšminga tuo, kad jos atstovai nuo klausimo, kas buvo pasaulio (reiškinių) pradžia, perėjo prie klausimo, kas yra pasaulio (reiškinių) pagrindas. Atsiradus filosofiniam mąstymui, iš esmės pasikeitė mąstančio subjekto pobūdis. Zenonas Elėjietis visiškai įveikė mitą ir užbaigė perėjimą nuo mitologinio vaizdo prie abstrakčios sąvokos. Tokiu būdu mokslas įgijo racionalaus teiginių pagrindimo principą.

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4

Adrados, Francisco R. "Las fuentes de Hesiodo y la composicion de sus poemas." Emerita 54, no. 1 (June 30, 1986): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/emerita.1986.v54.i1.660.

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5

Mafra, Johnny José. "Resenha: JOSEPHUS, Flavius. Autobiografia, 1981. JOSEPHUS, Flavius. Defesa dos Judeus contra Apion e outros caluniadores, 1986." Ensaios de Literatura e Filologia 5 (December 31, 1987): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/0104-2785.5.0.185-187.

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A existência de duas traduções brasileiras da Teogonia, editadas nos últimos anos, demonstra o interesse que o texto de Hesiodo é capaz de provocar ainda. São trabalhos de índole e objetivos diferentes, merecendo ambos aplausos pela oportunidade de seu aparecimento.

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6

Schroeder, Chad Matthew. "A new monograph by Aristarchus?" Journal of Hellenic Studies 127 (November 2007): 138–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s007542690000166x.

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Abstract:This article argues that the Homeric scholia preserve the title of a lost monograph by the second-century BC Alexandrian scholar Aristarchus on the date of Hesiod's life. Apparent references to the contents of this monograph occur in the Homeric as well as the Hesiodic scholia, and demonstrate that Aristarchus compared the works of the two poets and concluded that Hesiod had lived sometime near 700 BC.

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7

Fraser, Lilah-Grace. "A woman of consequence: Pandora in Hesiod's Works and Days." Cambridge Classical Journal 57 (December 2011): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270500001251.

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The Pandora myth as told in Hesiod's Works and Days (59–105) has been criticised since antiquity as internally inconsistent. In the nineteenth and most of the twentieth century this led editors to propose radical atheteses and emendations to resolve the inconsistencies. Although in recent decades the impetus has swung more towards conservative editing, and seemingly endless work has been done on the myth, the passage still has not been fully understood in terms of its purpose within the Hesiodic corpus. In this paper I argue that the ‘suspect’ lines are perfectly consistent when understood in terms of the intertextual relationship between Hesiod's Works and Days and his Theogony, a relationship which has been established by scholars such as Jean-Pierre Vernant (1980), Glenn Most (1993) and Jenny Strauss Clay (2003). I argue that, in representing Pandora in Works and Days, Hesiod is engaged in a project of expansion which had its roots in his Theogony. Pandora is of more importance to the Iron Age Works and Days than to the divine Theogony; so she is described in greater detail and becomes more of a prominent figure in her own right. Furthermore, I argue that Hesiod does not stop there, but enacts an expansion of the expansion within Works and Days itself, from Zeus' commands to the gods for Pandora's creation at Op. 60–68, to the execution of those commands at 70–80.

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8

Clay, Diskin. "The World of Hesiod." Ramus 21, no. 02 (1992): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002605.

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Toute pensée de l'origine des choses n'est jamais qu'une revérie de leur disposition actuelle, une manière de dégénérescence du réel, une variation sur ce qui est. Paul Valéry in his Preface to Poe's Eureka. The World of Hesiod is familiar as a title, but the world of Hesiod is difficult to locate in a single place. Indeed, it is a number of places. It seems to have its centre in Askra in Boiotia and to extend out in space as far as the high slopes of Mount Helikon. It is a land-locked world and its severe limitations are apparent from what the poet says about the sea and the short sea passage from the mainland at Aulis to Chalkis on Euboia. Even as he offers his advice to the seafarer, he admits that he has no experience in seafaring or ships himself (W&D 649). He had only made the trip across to the island of Euboia once to compete as a poet at the funeral games of Amphidamas (W&D 646-60). Hesiodic poetry, when it centres on Hesiod's home, seems to crowd into a very small and disagreeable patch of typical Greek countryside. But his Muses enlarge this world. They provide him with a knowledge that he cannot gain himself—both of seafaring and of the vast expanse of the physical world whose origins go beyond the very beginnings of human time. Hesiod's local Muses transport him from the springs of Permessos to the deep currents of Ocean and they disclose to him a universe vaster in its extent and deeper in time than that of the Homeric poems. A sign of these enlarged horizons is the fact that in the Theogony Hesiod begins to sing of the Muses of Helikon (1-4), but then shifts attention to the Muses of Olympos (36-80).

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9

Passmore, Oliver. "Thaumastic Acoustics." Mnemosyne 71, no. 5 (September 13, 2018): 733–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342444.

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AbstractThis article considers Pindar’s use of the expression θαῦµα … ἀκοῦσαι, ‘a wonder to hear’, inPythian1 to describe the monster Typhoeus. I argue that the expression needs to be read against Hesiod’s use of a similar locution, θαύµατ’ ἀκοῦσαι, to describe Typhoeus in theTheogony. There, Hesiod adapts the common epic formula θαῦµα ἰδέσθαι, producing a unique phrase to indicate Typhoeus’ chaotic blending of sights and sounds, and at the same time his disruption of the rules of poetic communication. Typhoeus’ disharmonious poetics there stands in contrast to the orderly image of the choral Muses in the proem. I argue in turn that Pindar subtly reworks the Hesiodic formula to reflect Typhoeus’ defeat by Zeus, and thereby subsumes the monster’s ‘acoustics’ within the θαῦµα of the choral performance of the ode itself.

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10

Colombani, María Cecíclia. "PAN. EL VAGABUNDEO DEL MÚSICO PASTOR." Revista Hélade 3, no. 2 (August 10, 2018): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/rh.v3i2.10977.

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El proyecto del presente trabajo consiste en recorrer el Himno Homérico XIX a Pan a fin de relevar ciertas marcas identitarias y algunos aspectos funcionales de Pan, una divinidad desconocida para Homero y Hesiodo que no lo nombran en sus referencias a los Olimpicos. Aparece como un dios cornudo, con patas de cabra, de imagen lasciva, peligroso e irascible, inscrito en el limite de la tension entre naturaleza y cultura. Proponemos una primera aproximacion a su imagen de la mano del soporte ceramico como modo de cruzar dos lenguajes, dos ordenes discursivos, con sus reglas propias de funcionamiento, dos logoi que, en su entrecruzamiento textual, nos permitiran un acceso mas profundo a la materialidad del topico. Desde esta perspectiva, los “vasos” hablan, constituyen un soporte de imagineria que nos permite acercarnos a la representacion de Pan, de modo analogo a la entrada que nos habilitan las fuentes, que analizaremos paralelamente.

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11

Friesen, Courtney J. P. "Hannah’s “Hard Day” and Hesiod’s “Two Roads”: Poetic Wisdom in Philo’s De ebrietate." Journal for the Study of Judaism 46, no. 1 (February 10, 2015): 44–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340067.

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In De ebrietate 150, Philo quotes Hesiod’s Works and Days (287, 289-292) in his interpretation of Hannah’s alleged drunkenness in 1 Samuel. These poetic verses contrast the difficulty of the road to virtue with the ease of acquiring wickedness. On Philo’s reading, the misperception of Hannah’s “hard day” by her accuser illustrates the moral lesson of Hesiod, namely, that fools consider virtue to be beyond attainment. In the context of recent interest in the ways in which Philo’s literary methods converge with those of other ancient readers, especially Alexandrian scholars, this study situates Philo’s application of Hesiod’s didactic poetry within its wider history of interpretation. As early as Plato and continuing through Philo’s time, Hesiod’s “two roads” was frequently cited in philosophical discourse and debate. Moreover, analogously to Philo, Alexandrian critics employed this passage in explaining the morality of literary characters. Philo’s use of Hesiod is consistent with this interpretive tradition. At the same time, his originality consists in his creation of a dialogue between Hesiod and biblical narrative in which both voices converge around the same ethical lesson.

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12

Bartlett, Robert C. "An introduction to Hesiod's Works and Days." Review of Politics 68, no. 2 (May 2006): 177–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050600009x.

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The present essay sketches the outline and the intention of Hesiod's Works and Days. Hesiod's principal task appears to be the identification (and praise) of the best way of life for his wayward brother Perses, but in carrying out this task, Hesiod speaks of justice and its human and divine supports in such a way as to go well beyond what would be of benefit to his brother. For in the course of his analysis of justice, or as a result of it, Hesiod praises also the life of autonomous understanding, the life that appears to be the poet's own. In crucial ways, then, Hesiod explores the chief themes of what was to become political philosophy, and for this reason, among others, he deserves the attention of all those who are also concerned with it.

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13

Priou, Alex. "Hesiod: Man, Law and Cosmos." Polis 31, no. 2 (August 15, 2014): 233–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340016.

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In his two chief works, the Theogony and Works and Days, Hesiod treats the possibility of providence. In the former poem, he considers what sort of god could claim to gives human beings guidance. After arriving at Zeus as the only consistent possibility, Hesiod presents Zeus’ rule as both cosmic and legalistic. In the latter poem, however, Hesiod shows that so long as Zeus is legalistic, his rule is limited cosmically to the human being. Ultimately, Zeus’ rule emerges as more human than cosmic, and thus unable to fulfil the cosmic demands of piety. Hesiod’s presentation thus begs, without thematically posing, the question of how human beings ought to live. Accordingly, Hesiod’s theological analysis, and not his theogony (or, implicit cosmogony or cosmology), sets the stage for the inquiries of the early Greek philosophers, and so political philosophy as a whole.

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14

Athanassakis, Apostolos N. "Introduction." Ramus 21, no. 02 (1992): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002587.

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This second volume of essays on Hesiod published under the auspices of Ramus is a supplement to Ramus Essays on Hesiod I. Neither this volume by itself nor for that matter both volumes taken together aspire, in the opinion of the editor, to more than addressing some of the key issues of Hesiodic research from a contemporary perspective. To the extent that all contributors are professors at American universities, the effort is limited in compass. Strictures imposed by a very tight publication schedule and a very trim budget made it quite clear from the beginning that a truly comprehensive and, therefore, international effort could not be initiated by the editor and his collaborators at this time. It is sincerely hoped that our successes will spur others on to better ways of interpreting Hesiodic poetry and archaic Greek poetics in general. Perhaps even our mistakes will be of the kind that will provoke ‘the good Eris’.

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15

Mason, H. C. "Jason’s Cloak and the Shield of Heracles." Mnemosyne 69, no. 2 (February 4, 2016): 183–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341830.

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This article discusses the relationship between Apollonius Rhodius and pseudo-Hesiod. It argues that the ecphrasis on Jason’s cloak (Arg. 1.721-767) alludes extensively to the Shield of Heracles and to other Hesiodic poetry. Although some of the parallels in question have been noted before, many have been underplayed or overlooked. Apollonius’ references to ‘Hesiod’ should direct the audience’s reading of the Argonautica: the echoes of the Shield of Heracles focus attention on Heracles, who functions as a foil to Jason throughout the Argonautica, and invite comparison and contrast between the two heroes. The recognition of these allusions also has implications for certain problems in Hellenistic poetry.

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16

Kaluđerović, Željko. "The formulation of the idea of justice in the "poem on justice"." Glasnik Advokatske komore Vojvodine 92, no. 4 (2020): 727–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gakv92-30254.

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As one of the most important principles of forming of social relations, Hesiod emphasizes the principle of justice. He places the idea of justice into the very core of life, because it is in this idea that he finds the root out of which a different world and a better one is to be born. Hesiod's idea of justice is manifested as a need for strengthening the relation of equivalence when it is stable and adequate, and for its establishing in case it is disbalanced and inadequate. The presence of justice at all levels, from the highest metaphysical one, all the way to the relations within the practical sphere, shows that it can be considered as a mighty deity, as a cosmic principle, but also as a legitimate basis of comprehensive human action. In Hesiod's writings it is finally suggested that there is a difference between the order of causality of irrational nature and the order of duties of morality, actually between bia on one hand and nomos and dike on the other. Believing that living beings can not disturb the order of bia, while humans can disturb the order of dike, Hesiod postulates the difference which will be crucial for the later philosophical consideration of the field of praxis.

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17

Bouchard, Elsa. "Aphrodite Philommêdês in the Theogony." Journal of Hellenic Studies 135 (2015): 8–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426915000038.

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Abstract:Discussion of Aphrodite’s epithet philommeidês/philommêdês in Hesiod Theogony 200. Hesiod’s aetiological account of this name suggests the meaning ‘wiles-loving’ as well as ‘genitals-loving’. This interpretation is supported by a number of episodes from Archaic poetry in which literary or mythical figures make use of a ruse to permit the fulfilment of their erotic longing, or conversely exploit someone else’s desire as a means to achieve supremacy in a power struggle.

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18

Gnuse, Robert K. "Greek Connections: Genesis 1–11 and the Poetry of Hesiod." Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 47, no. 3 (August 2017): 131–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146107917715586.

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A comparison between Genesis 1–11 and the poetry of Hesiod reveals many interesting similarities that suggest the biblical authors, the Yahwist Historian and the Priestly Editors, were familiar with Hesiod's works in the fifth century BCE. Interesting similarities include the decline in the quality of human existence, the distancing of God/ gods from the world, creation of the world, woman and the “fall,” divine-human offspring, the descendants of the food hero, segmented genealogies, and other themes.

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19

Zanker, G. "A Hesiodic reminiscence in Virgil, E. 9.11–13." Classical Quarterly 35, no. 1 (May 1985): 235–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800014725.

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At W.D. 202–12 Hesiod relates his αἶνος for the edification of the recalcitrant βασιλ⋯ες, who must themselves admit the truth of the fable's moral (ɸρονέουσι κα⋯ αὐτοῖς). A hawk has seized a nightingale, and crushes her cries of misery by saying that she is in the claws of one who is πολλ⋯ν ⋯ρείων and who is therefore at liberty to dispense with her as he pleases: anyone who tries to resist κρείσσονες is mad, for he has no chance of winning and merely adds physical pain to the shame of defeat.Just what were the βασιλ⋯ες to have made of this? Hesiod's most recent editor (and champion) claims that ‘Hesiod does not manage to make it [the αἶνος] into a lesson for them [the kings]’, and ‘can only proceed by saying “Well, don't you behave like that” (213, with Perses replacing the incorrigible kings)’.

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20

Janko, R. "An Unnoticed ms of Orphic Hymns 76–7." Classical Quarterly 35, no. 2 (December 1985): 518–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800040350.

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Because of an incomplete description of its contents, it has escaped notice that the fifteenth-century vellum MS Parisinus graecus 2833 contains Orphic Hymns 76 and 77 on folio 91 verso. The Hymns are copied, without indication of title or authorship, after Musaeus' Hero and Leander (lines 1–245), and before the collected (Proclan and other) Prolegomena to Hesiod A a, b, c, BEF a, b Pertusi, which are followed by Hesiod's Works and Days, Shield and Theogony. These are all in the same hand.

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21

Martin, Richard P. "Hesiod's Metanastic Poetics." Ramus 21, no. 1 (1992): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002654.

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The received wisdom about Hesiod's poetics is simple: he is no Homer. His poetry is supposedly rough, awkward, unsophisticated, repetitive, disjointed, a second-best versifier's striving after effect. Too often the rhetoric even of those who respect Hesiodic poetry damns it with faint praise. Readers of the Princeton Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics—to take just one easily available reference that students might consult—learn that Hesiod's ‘didactic epics’ were meant forthe peasant of Boeotia rather than the Ionian aristocrat, being concerned with the morality and beliefs of the small farmer toughly confronting a life of ceaseless labor and few rewards. While they cannot be compared to Homer's works in scope or genius, they often display much poetic power.

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22

Nagler, Michael N. "Discourse and Conflict in Hesiod: Eris and the Erides." Ramus 21, no. 1 (1992): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x0000268x.

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One approaches Hesiod's discourse on the twoerides—or, if I am correct, the duplicitous nature oferis—with some trepidation, since the scholarship on this passage has been voluminous and rewarding. But the passage, which Hesiod launches into immediately after the formal prologue of theWorks and Days(11-26), may yet have more to teach us. It is, as Richard Hamilton has recently shown, programmatic for the entire poem; it may also be a definitive statement on the archaic construction of competition and conflict. In it Hesiod urges his brother explicitly (as he does implicitly throughout the poem) to stop coming after him for their father's patrimony and do some productive work; however this simple message is embedded in traditional allusions, poised between intense ambiguities and (like all good archaic poetry) fraught with the resonance of larger issues. All this has made it difficult to achieve scholarly consensus about the meaning of the passage. A close and helpful parallel is provided in theWorks and Daysitself by the brief discussion of the two functions ofaidōs(317-19), helpful primarily because it is in fact one principle with two functions that Hesiod describes there; but to put into relief more of the complexity of 11-16 we need to look at two other archaic passages that offer some perspective on the application of dualistic logic to conflict and related issues.

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23

Finkelberg, Margalit. "Ajax's Entry in the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women." Classical Quarterly 38, no. 1 (January 1988): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800031232.

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The list of Helen's suitors in the Catalogue of Women, a late epic poem attributed to Hesiod, is directly related to the Catalogue of Ships in Iliad 2, in that it is in fact a list of future participants in the Trojan war. That the two catalogues treat the same traditional material is demonstrated above all by their agreement on minor personages: not only the protagonists of the Trojan saga, but also such obscure figures as Podarces of Phylace, Elephenor of Euboea, Thoas of Aetolia, or Menestheus of Athens feature in both Homer and Hesiod, and are characterized by basically the same traditional expressions. But, though the Hesiodic catalogue is sometimes used as evidence that a given Homeric personage belongs to the authentic tradition,3 it seems that the exegetic potential of this poem has not yet been exploited in full. As I hope to show, the Catalogue of Women throws light on one of the most controversial issues in Homeric scholarship, that of the representation of Athens and Salamis in the Catalogue of Ships.

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Lima, Paulo Alexandre. "The Ordinal Numbers in Hesiod’s Myth of the Races." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 14, no. 1 (2020): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2020-14-1-57-81.

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To understand the meaning and function of the ordinal numbers in the myth of the races it is essential to have a full grasp of how the myth is composed and its structure is supposed to be perceived by a listener or reader. There is a general silence among Hesiod scholars about the meaning and function of the ordinal numbers in the myth. A tacit agreement may be inferred from such a silence: the ordinal numbers are implicitly taken to merely express the chronological order of the races. In this article, we examine each and every one of the ordinal numbers that appear in Hesiod’s myth. We demonstrate that the ordinal numbers preserve their hierarchical dimension even in the cases in which this appears to be less convincing.

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25

Lee, Kun Jong. "Rewriting Hesiod, Revisioning Korea:Theresa Hak Kyung Cha's Dictee as a Subversive Hesiodic Catalogue of Women." College Literature 33, no. 3 (2006): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lit.2006.0040.

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26

Lardinois, A. P. M. H. "The Wrath of Hesiod: Angry Homeric Speeches and the Structure of Hesiod's Works and Days." Arethusa 36, no. 1 (2003): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2003.0004.

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27

Most, Glenn W. "Hesiod's Myth of the five (or three or four) races." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 43 (1998): 104–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500002169.

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Few passages in Greek literature are as familiar, and as perplexing, as the story of the various races of men in Hesiod'sWorks and Days. On the one hand, thismythseems perfectly to fulfill Italo Calvino's definition of a classic: somehow we seem always already to know it even when we come upon it for the very first time. For the conception of a golden age, when life was easier and men were better than now, has become so basic a motif of western culture that it is familiar even to the many who have never read or even heard of theWorks and Days; moreover, Hesiod seems at first glance to deploy such widespread notions as those of a succession of ages of world history and of a steady moral and physical deterioration from the beginning of human history to the present. But on the other hand, the specific literary form which this myth assumes in thetextin which it is embodied here seems strangely at odds with these familiar ideas. For Hesiod's text has a richness and complexity far in excess of what would be needed to communicate them, and in certain crucial respects seems to be at variance or even in contradiction with them. Instead of simply distinguishing between past and present, Hesiod apparently constructs a complicated scheme juxtaposing four metals in descending order of value, from gold through silver and bronze to iron; but he then goes on to confuse this pattern by inserting between the bronze and iron races a race of heroes who not only are not associated with any metal but also interrupt the steady decline by being better than their immediate predecessors. Without Hesiod, we probably would not even have this myth; yet his own version of it seems oddly defective.

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28

Scheidel, Walter. "The Most Silent Women of Greece and Rome: Rural Labour and Women's Life in The Ancient World (II)." Greece and Rome 43, no. 1 (April 1996): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/43.1.1.

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How can these ideas be linked to the ancient sources? Focusing first of all on women's contribution to arable cultivation and arboriculture, we immediately face the first of many blanks. To the best of my knowledge, we do not have any explicit evidence of ploughing by women in the Greco-Roman world. Only two lines from Hesiod's Works and Days seem to establish a connection between women and ploughing: according to Hesiod, a proper head of a household would need ‘first of all a house, and then a woman and oxen for ploughing – a slave woman, not a wife, to follow the oxen [or: to care for the oxen]’ (405 f.). In the fourth century B.C., however, the second line that specifies the status and the function of the desired woman was apparently not yet part of the received text, since Aristotle could still regard her as a free woman (Pol. 1252a llff). Not until the first century B.C. did Philodemos of Gadara quote and defend the reading that defined Hesiod's woman as a slave labourer. Even so, the wording does not make it clear whether this woman was meant to follow the harnessed oxen, that is, to do the ploughing, or to care for the oxen in the stable.

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Lima, Idelbrando Alves de. "A MANIFESTAÇÃO DO SAGRADO NA NARRATIVA ÉPICA DA TEOGONIA "The manifestation of the sacred in the epic narrative of the theogony"." PARALELLUS Revista de Estudos de Religião - UNICAP 5, no. 10 (December 30, 2014): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.25247/paralellus.2014.v5n10.p223-232.

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O mundo sagrado, como oposição constante com o mundo profano, influenciou a vida cotidiana dos homens da Antiguidade. Face ao exposto, o presente artigo trata-se de um breve estudo analítico sobre algumas características da experiência do grego Hesíodo com o sagrado, narradas na obra Teogonia. Após realizar uma sucinta teorização a respeito da temática, conceituando alguns termos essenciais para a sua compreensão, o artigo passa a apresentar as principais passagens da vida deste personagem histórico. Por fim, o estudo expõe a análise dos principais aspectos dessa manifestação do sagrado, concluindo que ela foi de fundamental importância para o contexto sócio histórico, no qual Hesíodo estava inserido.Palavras-chave: Hierofania. Hesíodo. Religião. Literatura.AbstractThe sacred world, in a constant opposition with the profane world, influenced the daily life of men in the Ancient Times. This article is a brief analytical study on some characteristics of Greek Hesiod's experience with the sacred, narrated in his Theogony. After conducting a brief theorizing thinking about the subject we need conceptualizing some essential terms to their understanding. The article try to show some passages of the life of this historical character. Finally, the study exposes the analysis of the main aspects of this manifestation of the sacred, concluding that it get fundamental importance for the socio-historical context in which Hesiod was inserted.Keywords: Hierophany. Hesiod. Religion. Literature.

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Werner, Christian. "FIGURAS DE AUTORIDADE NO PROÊMIO DE 'TRABALHOS E DIAS' | AUTHORITY FIGURES IN THE PROEM OF THE 'WORKS AND DAYS'." Estudos Linguísticos e Literários, no. 55 (December 1, 2015): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/2176-4794ell.v0i55.15454.

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<p>Faz-se uma leitura cerrada do proêmio de <em>Trabalhos e dias</em> mostrando-se como a voz de Hesíodo se constitui a partir da autoridade das Musas e de Zeus, nesse sentido diferenciando-se este proêmio daquele da <em>Teogonia</em>.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> <em>A close reading of the proem of the </em>Works and Days<em> shows how Hesiod’s voice is constructed around the authority of Zeus and the Muses. This voice of Hesiod in the proem of the </em>Works and Days<em> stands in stark contrast to his approach in the proem of the </em>Theogony<em>.</em></p>

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Christensen, Joel P. "Eris and Epos." Yearbook of Ancient Greek Epic Online 2, no. 1 (August 23, 2018): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24688487-00201001.

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Abstract This article examines the development of the theme of eris in Hesiod and Homer. Starting from the relationship between the destructive strife in the Theogony (225) and the two versions invoked in the Works and Days (11–12), I argue that considering the two forms of strife as echoing zero and positive sum games helps us to identify the cultural and compositional force of eris as cooperative competition. After establishing eris as a compositional theme from the perspective of oral poetics, I then argue that it develops from the perspective of cosmic history, that is, from the creation of the universe in Hesiod’s Theogony through the Homeric epics and into its double definition in the Works and Days. To explore and emphasize how this complementarity is itself a manifestation of eris, I survey its deployment in our major extant epic poems.

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Rexine, John, and Robert Lamberton. "Hesiod." Classical World 82, no. 6 (1989): 475. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350493.

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Duran, Martí. "Hesiod." Classical Review 49, no. 1 (April 1999): 2–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.2.

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34

Lončar, Milenko. "Akademik Branimir Glavičić, učitelj, znanstvenik, prevoditelj. O 80. Obljetnici života." Croatica et Slavica Iadertina, no. 2 (January 18, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/csi.314.

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Povodom osamdesetgodišnjice života akademika Branimira Glavičića ukratko je prikazan njegov život i rad. Glavna područja zanimanja su mu homerologija te hrvatski i europski latinizam. Najvažnije su mu rasprave o Homerovu i Hesiodovu stihu, versiﬁkacijihrvatskih humanista, o čemu je napisao i sintezu, i o brojnim problemima Marulićevih tekstova. Prevodilački rad obuhvaća Hesioda, Homerove himne, glavninu Marulićevih latinskih djela, čijih je opera omnia bio i glavni urednik, zatim Jakova Bunića, Ruđera Boškovića, srednjovjekovnu kroniku Obsidio Iadrensis, a upravo radi na Apoloniju s Roda. Pri tome treba posebno istaknuti da daktilske pjesnike prevodi u stihu originala. Sudjelovao je u radu brojnih simpozija u zemlji i inozemstvu (Francuska, Italija, SAD). U struci njegov je rad izvrsno ocijenjen, a za nj je dobio i brojne nagrade i priznanja.Na studiju latinskog i grčkog prof. Glavičić predavao je i još uvijek predaje gotovo sve glavne predmete, osobito one iz povijesti latinskog jezika i metriku, a na postdiplomskom iz lingvistike Hrvatski latinitet, ističući se metodičnošću i jasnoćom izlaganja.

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Böhme, Robert. "Hesiod, Fr. 24 MW." Emerita 59, no. 2 (December 30, 1991): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/emerita.1991.v59.i2.510.

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Ercolani, Andrea. "Richard Hunter: Hesiodic Voices. Studies in the Ancient Reception of Hesiod’s Works and Days." Gnomon 88, no. 1 (2016): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417-2016-1-1.

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Horne, Andrew J. "Hypothêkai: On Wisdom Sayings and Wisdom Poems." Classical Antiquity 37, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 31–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2018.37.1.31.

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Scholars have long recognized that hypothêkai, or instructional wisdom sayings, served as building blocks for larger structures of Greek wisdom poetry. Yet the mechanism that gets from saying to poem has never been traced in detail. If the transition involves more than piling sayings on top of each other, what intervenes? Focusing on the archaic hexametrical tradition of Homer and Hesiod, the paper develops a repertory of variations and expansions by which the primary genre, the hypothêkê speech-act, is transformed into a secondary genre—the larger-scale wisdom constructions we find in various Homeric speeches and much if not all of the Works and Days. The paper first argues for a precise formal description of the hypothêkê saying in the archaic hexameter; it then develops a toolbox of variations on the saying's basic form. Finally, the toolbox is put to work in order to read a forty-verse excerpt of Hesiod's Almanac.

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Morgan, Llewelyn. "Hesiod Vindicated." Classical Review 51, no. 1 (March 2001): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/51.1.3.

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Bryer, Anthony. "Byzantine Agricultural Implements: The Evidence of Medieval Illustrations of Hesiod's Works and Days." Annual of the British School at Athens 81 (November 1986): 45–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400020086.

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It is argued that Byzantine manuscript illustrations to Hesiod's eighth-century BC poem offer realistic evidence for the appearance and function of common Medieval agricultural implements, of which there is little other record. Fourteen manuscripts illustrated from the tenth to sixteenth centuries AD are analysed in the Table on p. 67. In them seventeen implements not named in the text may be regarded as contemporary Medieval pictures, which may also be true of the six implements which Hesiod describes, for traditional textual or arthistorical rules hardly apply to these rustic drawings. Using the methodology of K. D. White's studies of Roman farming, other pictorial, literary, documentary, and the scanty archaeological evidence, together with that of survivals, is applied to these twenty-three implements alone. Conclusions are that the Byzantines may have introduced an eliktrin spade-fork, and possibly a wheel structure, but the article must be read within the context of Roman, Western Medieval and later Mediterranean studies of technology and means of peasant production, for which it offers only a first step in the largely unexplored Byzantine field.

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Isager, Signe. "Hesiod's Works and Days: A Translation and Commentary for the Social Sciences. Hesiod, David W. Tandy , Walter C. Neale." Isis 90, no. 2 (June 1999): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/384346.

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Nagy, Gregory. "Authorisation and Authorship in the Hesiodic Theogony." Ramus 21, no. 02 (1992): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002599.

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Much has been written about the question of oral poetry in the earliest attested phases of Greek literature, but not enough attention has yet been paid to the existing internal evidence concerning the authority of actual poetic performance. This essay is meant to highlight this authority and its role in authorisation, that is, in the conferring of authorship. Since the first attested identification of an author in Greek literature takes place in the Hesiodic Theogony, where the figure of Hesiod names himself as the poet of this colossal poem (Hēsiodon, Th. 22), it seems fitting that this very act of self-identification should serve as the focus of inquiry. Further, since the poet defines himself in terms of a dramatised encounter with the Muses, who are represented as giving him the two gifts of a sceptre of authority and poetic inspiration itself, it also seems fitting to take with utmost seriousness the actual wording that describes this encounter. The poet's precisely-worded claim to have received from the Muses the power of telling the absolute truth is key, I shall argue, to his authorship.

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Mackie, C. J. "Achilles‘ Teachers: Chiron and Phoenix in the Iliad." Greece and Rome 44, no. 1 (April 1997): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/44.1.1.

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One feature of the ancient accounts of Achilles' early life in Thessaly is the consistently important part played by Chiron the wise and just centaur. Hesiod tells us that Chiron dwelt on Mount Pelion and taught a number of mythical figures like Achilles, Jason, Medeius, and Actaeon. Indeed Hesiod's interest in Chiron seems to have extended to his writing of a work on the subject of Chiron's teachings, of which there is some minimal fragmentary evidence (The Precepts of Chiron). There are various versions of his role in Achilles' early life, including one that Peleus entrusted his young son to the care of Chiron shortly after his separation from Thetis. This version is not entirely incompatible with what we find in Homer's Iliad(see below), and appears to be the subject of the earliest (fragmentary) iconographical evidence dating from the seventh century B.C. The general picture we get from the ancient sources is that Chiron essentially brings up the boy and gives him an education that includes music, medicine, horses, hunting, and martial arts. These skills prove to be invaluable in Achilles' heroic career including the war at Troy where he excels in virtually every aspect of his endeavours.

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Fesenko, Andrew. "Ancient didactic astronomical texts." Hypothekai 5 (September 2021): 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-19-42.

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The article focuses on ancient astronomy as an academic dis-cipline. Antiquity created a holistic image of the world and a cul-ture of thinking, in which the natural and exact sciences and lib-eral arts were not artificially differentiated and remained in har-monious unity, becoming the basis of an interdisciplinary ap-proach in education. Therefore, even the exact sciences were studied literarily from poetic works. On the example of ancient culture, the connection between the astronomical worldview and other components of the mindset is particularly clearly traced. This is crucial in terms of technology since ancient pedagogy contained all the criteria for technological effectiveness. In the Homeric age, the basic mnemonic rules for navigating by the stars, the definition of the conditions for visibility of heavenly bodies in all seasons, the connection of celestial phenomena with the calendar, known since the Cretan-Mycenaean age, were liter-arily recorded in the epic. This trend was further developed in Hesiod’s didactic epic and took shape in the content as a para-digm of astronomical education. The appearance of Cleobulina’s astronomical riddles appeared, which are allegorical in nature and show similarities with the allegories of Homer, took place approximately at the same time. In subsequent periods (from the 5th century BC), the school study of the Homer and Hesiod’s works required writing comments on the astronomical passages of these and later other authors. With the development of natural philosophical doctrines, new methods of presenting astronomical material appeared. The original form of the philosophical epic was replaced by a prosaic form. The reaction to the natural philo-sophical revolution led to a preference for the traditional Homer and Hesiod. Special educational astronomical texts written by such authors as Aratus, Germanicus, Alexander Aetolus, etc. came to exist-ence as a separate group.

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Darcus Sullivan, Shirley. "Phrenes in Hesiod." Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 67, no. 1 (1989): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rbph.1989.3653.

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Cronan, Dennis. "Cædmon and Hesiod." English Studies 87, no. 4 (August 2006): 379–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00138380600768106.

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Ghione, Paola. "Semiotics of mimesis and communicative relationship among texts: Ekphrasis and replication between Hesiod and Homer." Sign Systems Studies 38, no. 1/4 (December 1, 2010): 186–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sss.2010.38.1-4.07.

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The Shield of Heracles by Hesiod and Homer’s Iliad, XVIII show how mimesis should be considered: it is a process that should be seen different according to the levels that it refers to. There is one object constructed by a craftsman (first level of representation), after that a poet may write about this object and its construction (second level of representation). Then yet another poet could write, on the model of the previous text, his poem with his personal idea. Explaining first, the meaning of representation, arts and mimesis in Plato (Ion, Phaedrus, Cratylus, Sophist, Laws, Republic-Book X) and in Aristotle (Poetics, Nichomachean Ethics), I would like to explain how mimesis was considered according to the terms of form and representation. After that I would carry out a textual analysis of The Shield of Heracles and Iliad, to demonstrate that even if Hesiod’s text is quite similar to Homer’s, the context, the meaning, the background of the authors and the narrative structures are different. The different levels of pertinence and the different points of view demonstrate that mimesis is not a process that produces hierarchy in retrospect, but it is something heading to the direction of what “it is not created yet”.

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Ziemann, Marcus. "The Politics of Beginnings: Hesiod and the Assyrian Ideological Appropriation of Enuma Eliš." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 21-22, no. 1 (December 2, 2020): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2020-0018.

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AbstractThis article proposes a new way to understand Near Eastern literary and mythological parallels in Hesiod’s Theogony by focusing on the meaning of these parallels for a contemporary Greek audience. In particular, a case study analyzing a parallel shared by the Theogony and Enuma eliš is pursued here to illustrate this approach’s utility. This new approach draws partly on methodologies borrowed from the study of globalization and combines these methodologies with recent insights into the ideological motivations for Greeks’ deployment of Oriental(izing) art in the Orientalizing Period (ca. 750 – 650 BCE). Rather than focusing on individual parallels out of context or on diachronically stable elements that creation stories around the eastern Mediterranean shared, this article instead reconstructs a contemporary ideological background with the Neo-Assyrian Empire at the center of a globalizing Mediterranean. Because the Assyrians invested Enuma eliš with new ideological meaning at this time and broadcast this through their propaganda, the Akkadian creation epic could take on new meaning in an international context. It is consequently possible that specific correspondences Enuma eliš and the Theogony share show Hesiod subverting Assyrian ideological discourses. The subjects discussed here have implications for our broader understanding of Greek-Near Eastern interactions of the Orientalizing Period.

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Castro, David Hernández. "Aphrodite Ζείδωρος: the subversion of the myth of Prometheus and Pandora in Empedocles." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 13, no. 2 (2019): 430–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2019-13-2-430-450.

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This article examines the relationship between Hesiod and Empedocles through a comparative analysis of the Prometheus and Pandora myth and the Queen Cypris narrative. The author sustains that correspondences between the works of Hesiod and Empedocles can be interpreted through the framework of overlapping narrative structures, which would help to establish the order of the fragments. The relationship between Empedocles and Hesiod is polemic due to the fact that they belong to rival schools of wisdom. In the case of Empedocles, that school emanated from the Sanctuary of Apollo in Delphi.

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SCHROEDER, C. M. "ZENODOTUS' TEXT OF HESIOD." Classical Quarterly 59, no. 1 (April 23, 2009): 271–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838809000226.

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Faulkner, Andrew T. "Homeric Hymns and Hesiod." Classical Review 55, no. 2 (October 2005): 392–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni218.

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