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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Hezbollah'
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1
Daher, Joseph. "Hezbollah : a historical materialist analysis." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2015. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23667/.
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This research aims at giving a comprehensive overview and understanding of the Lebanese party Hezbollah. Previous research on Hezbollah has typically focused on one or two aspects of the party's identity, usually the military question, or has concentrated solely on the organisation's religious discourse. This thesis presents an alternative perspective, using a historical materialist analysis to situate an understanding of Hezbollah in socio-economic and political developments in Lebanon and the wider region. To this end, the thesis begins by explaining the establishment of Hezbollah, proceeding then to the party's development vis-à-vis the political situation in Lebanon and in the region. Particular focus is placed on Hezbollah's historic ties with its main sponsor, the Islamic Republic of Iran - ties that have remained strong from the founding of the party until today. Situated in this narrative, the thesis analyses how neoliberal policies in Lebanon following the Lebanese Civil War - and the associated socio-economic evolution of the Shi'a population - influenced Hezbollah's popular constituency and outlook. The ability of Hezbollah to build a hegemonic position within Lebanese Shi'a areas through its media and cultural wings, and use of arms, is examined. Later chapters critically analyse the party's policies towards workers' struggles, women's issues, and its orientation towards the sectarian Lebanese political system. Through this analysis, the thesis provides a holistic approach to Hezbollah - an analysis with important implications for understanding Islamic political movements more generally.
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Brennen, Lisa M. "Hezbollah psychological warfare against Israel." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/March/09Mar%5FBrennen.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Kadhim, Abbas ; Baylouny, Anne Marie. "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 23, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Hezbollah, Israel, psychological warfare, information operations, strategic communications, guerrilla warfare, fourth generation warfare, terrorism, Islamic. Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-84). Also available in print.
3
Ozkaya, Tugba. "Hezbollah And Its Position Towards Israel." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611119/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyses how Hezbollah has perceived Israel since its establishment. In
this study it is argued that Israel is the main enemy of and source of hatred for
Hezbollah. The references of this overall statement are the ideology and political,
social and military history of Hezbollah. The armed struggle of Hezbollah against
Israel started with the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon evolved into both a
political participation with the continued armed militia in the period between 1982
to today. During this period, in addition to its armed conflict with Israel,
Hezbollah came on the stage with social services for Lebanese society and
political propaganda in Lebanese elections. The intersection point of these three
identities is the endless encouragement of Hezbollah for a determined resistance
against Israel. While on the one hand Hezbollah defines Israel to be the most
dangerous threat for the world, in addition to being a prominent enemy for the
Arab and Muslim communityon the other hand Israel regards Hezbollah to be the highest impact menace. Consequently, the thesis is finalized with outputs and predictions taking all historical and ideological aspects into concern.
4
Morrissey, Colin J. "Hezbollah: armed resistance to political participation." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/42690.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedSocial movement theories have evolved rapidly during the latter half of the twentieth century, and they offer an enhanced understanding of the organizational dynamics in Hezbollah. Armed resistance theories have also evolved, and shed some light on the decision making process of the organization. These theoretical frameworks coalesce to show that Hezbollah’s resolute radical agenda was malleable as the situation changed. As the movement grew, it demonstrated the same concerns as all large groups. This thesis asks two important questions: why did Hezbollah moderate its political stance, and what lessons can we learn from this case study? This thesis analyses Lebanon’s Hezbollah from 1982 to 1992. The analysis centers on the evolution of the organization’s political program, and outlines a distinct shift in organizational goals. This thesis argues that Hezbollah shifted from a movement that was determined to establish a radical Islamist centered government to one that works within the Lebanese system. The motives behind the shift in political ideologies are important, because they offer options to those who seek to moderate radical political forces.
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Fenn, Sarah A. "Considering Hezbollah: Analyzing the Terrorist Label." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/416.
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This paper seeks to analyze the unique characteristics of the Hezbollah organization, ideology and history that serve as justification of the inclusion in the FTO list according to the United States' legal definition of terrorism.
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Esposito, Thomas G. "Political integration of Hezbollah into Lebanese politics." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA501151.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Hafez, Mohammed ; Boylouny, Anne Marie. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2009. DTIC Identifiers: Hezbollah, Hizbullah, political integration, social movement theory, Lebanese Shia, Shiite Muslims, Imam Sayyid Musa Al-Sadr, PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization), radicalization, Arab-Israeli War, Al Nakba, Six Day War, IDF (Israeli Defense Forces), Cairo Agreement, Islamic fundamentalism, social movement theory. Author(s) subject terms: Hezbollah, Hizbullah, Lebanon, Political Integration, Social Movement Theory. Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-61). Also available in print.
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Kurdy, Mazen. "The Israeli military's key relationship to Hezbollah terror." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4958.
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This research examines the establishment and expansion of Hezbollah. It uses a policy perspective in explaining the growth of this organization. Moreover, it focuses on Israel's disproportionate use of force in Lebanon as a major cause behind the very existence of Hezbollah. The analysis of Israeli policy will be done by examining three separate conflicts as case studies. These events are: the 1982 (Peace for Galilee) invasion of Lebanon that helped to create Hezbollah, the 1996 (Operation Grapes of Wrath) Hezbollah-Israeli conflict which served to bolster Hezbollah in Lebanon, and finally the 2006 Hezbollah-Israeli war which solidified Hezbollah as a military force in the region. The first part of the study analyzes the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon to dismantle PLO bases and the resulting vacuum filled by Hezbollah. In an effort to eliminate Hezbollah, Israel again invaded Lebanon in 1996 allowing Hezbollah to expand its power based in Lebanon by providing a number of services including healthcare, financial services, and construction among others. In 2006, Israel again invaded Lebanon resulting in an increase in weapons shipments and funding to Hezbollah from Syria, Iran and a number of other countries, further increasing danger to Israel. These invasions have served to bolster Hezbollah in Lebanon. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the repercussions of Israeli military invasions in Lebanon.ID: 030423073; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 113-130).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
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Dogan, Azimet. "Social characteristics for militancy : the case of Turkish Hezbollah." Thesis, Durham University, 2016. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11539/.
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This thesis focuses on the social characteristics of the Turkish Hezbollah members at the recruitment level and the impacts of those characteristics in engaging in violent activities. Through using individual level data the underlying social characteristics that are influential in a TH member’s deployment (or choice) into military wing for violent activities or into political activities are identified. These include knowing the characteristics that where Turkish Hezbollah members come from, what motivates them towards Hezbollah’s ideology, their family background, and their demographics. This study mainly found that individual characteristics that are considered determinative for an individual to engage in terrorist activity are not much different for Turkish Hezbollah. In that most of the social characteristics of age, marital status, economic status, whether moved from hometown, lifestyle of members before organization, and crime history have similar effect with the generic sense of the related literature of average terrorist in the Middle East. In terms of the individual and collective impact of the social characteristics into the dichotomous deployment of military vs. political wing within the TH, this study found that age, marital status, economic status, whether moved from hometown, lifestyle of members before organization, and crime history have same effect in opting for (or being deployed) military vs. political wing positions in the organization at both, individual and collective level. In that, TH members are either choose or be intentionally/deliberately deployed into political and military wings of the TH based on certain social characteristics of younger age, in unmarried status, with lower educational attainment, with lower level work and in turn economic status.
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Garrick, Ronald A. "Modeling stakeholder decision logic a case study of Lebanese Hezbollah /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FGarrick.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Operations Research)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Szechtman, Roberto ; Atkinson, Michael P. ; Second Reader: Kress, Moshe. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Decision analysis, systems analysis, influence diagram, multi agent, MAID, Hezbollah, Hizbullah, Lebanese, Lebanon, Israel, Iran, Syria, Genie, Imad Mughniyah, nuclear, Iran, Middle East, temporal, dynamic programming, backward induction, political stakeholders, political actors, decision support, decision logic, decision forecast. Includes bibliographical references (p. 149-151). Also available in print.
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Coelho, Sandra Cristina Rodrigues. "Hezbollah e Hamas: estudo comparativo entre duas organizações terroristas islâmicas." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/12769.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em EstratégiaO Hezbollah e o Hamas são duas das organizações terroristas, de matriz islâmica, mais proeminentes no cenário regional do Médio Oriente. Com base neste pressuposto, a presente dissertação tem o propósito perfilar e comparar as duas organizações de forma a apurar como é que estas alcançaram a efectividade operacional que actualmente possuem. Como tal, iremos investigar todos os aspectos que compõem o Hezbollah e o Hamas, respectivamente: desde as suas matrizes ideológicas, passando pelas respectivas estruturas organizacionais e pelas actividades que desenvolvem, até às redes de financiamento a que recorrem. Por fim, procuraremos delinear um paralelismo entre as componentes enunciadas de cada organização.
Hezbollah and Hamas are two of the most prominent Islamic terrorist organizations in the Middle East. On this basis, this thesis is intended to profile and compare the two organizations in order to determine how they have accomplished the operational effectiveness that currently possess. Therefore, we will research all of the aspects that comprise Hezbollah and Hamas, respectively: from their ideological framework, through their respective organizational structures and through the activities they develop, to the financing networks to which they resort. Finally, we will design a parallel between the stated components of each organization
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11
Jackson, Michael Thomas. "Hezbollah organizational development, ideological evolution, and a relevant threat model /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/501018721/viewonline.
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Wärn, Mats. "A Lebanese vanguard for the Islamic revolution: Hezbollah's combined strategy of resistance and accommodation." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-82422.
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The aim of the thesis is to study how Hezbollah has accommodated a system that it initially rejects but endorses for strategic purposes. It is suggested that Hizbullah's strategic undertaking involves a certain tension between making compromises and concessions while also sticking to its radical pledge to Khomeinism and the Islamic revolution. Did accommodation imply that Hezbollah abstained from these radical impulses while submitting to the social and political Lebanese fabric of pluralism? The contention of this thesis is that Hezbollah has operated in a way that combines its revolutionary pledge to the Islamic revolution with its accommodating strategies to the Lebanese state. That is, the national path chosen by Hezbollah should not be seen as the movement’s surrendering of an Islamist objective to the constraints of the nationstate, or the confessional system, inherently despised by the Hezbollah. Instead, Hezbollah's Islamist project should be understood as a strategy of resistance which is situated on various levels, and it is argued that the movement has successfully combined this project of resistance with a strategy of accommodation to the Lebanese state. A crucial question to be answered is, resistance against what? The thesis suggests that Hezbollah's struggle against the Israeli occupation of Lebanon should not only be understood as an effort to liberate the land but also to promote a broader awakening of defiance that was part of the Ayatollah Khomeini's vision of the Islamic revolution. The thesis combines a theoretical framework of Frantz Fanon and Antonio Gramsci to understand how Hezbollah tries reproduce its pledge to this revolution with an accommodation to the Lebanese state.
13
Calabrese, Erminia. "Militer au Hezbollah dans la Banlieue Sud de Beyrouth (2004-2011)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/401343.
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El Hizbulá libanés irrita, intriga y fascina. Del partido de los mustada'afin (sin poder) de las regiones rurales y urbanas de la Bekaa y del sur del Líbano al de los olvidados de las barriadas sur de Beirut, siempre dentro de los límites de la comunidad chií, Hizbulá representa hoy un papel central en el seno del sistema político libanés, e incluso a escala regional.
Apoyándose en la identidad confesional y valorizándola para así estructurar una sociedad que califican «de resistencia», Hizbulá es actualmente, junto con el movimiento Amal, uno de los principales representantes de la comunidad chií libanesa.
A través de la reconstitución de las historias de las mujeres y los hombres que, en un momento determinado de sus vidas, decidieron afiliarse a Hizbulá, esta tesis trata de la militancia en dicho partido en las barriadas sur de Beirut. Este trabajo examina la pluralidad de formas de esta militancia y su especificidad mediante el análisis de las trayectorias de los militantes. Acercándose al partido a partir de los militantes la presente tesis pretende comprender cómo ¿ más bien que porqué ¿ se produce la adhesión a Hizbulá y, de forma más general, de qué manera el sistema político libanés da cuenta de las movilizaciones políticas. Hasta presente, la gran mayoría de la producción científica sobre Hizbulá se ha consagrado sustancialmente a la historia cronológica del partido y a su lugar en el sistema político libanés, a su «libanización» y a su peso creciente en el ámbito nacional, regional e internacional. Estos enfoques macrosociológicos, salvo raras excepciones, nos hablan poco acerca de los militantes y de la militancia partisana. El presente trabajo se propone arrojar una nueva luz sobre Hizbulá desplazando el foco de atención hacia quienes constituyen la base del partido: los militantes.
Esta investigación se apoya en un trabajo de campo efectuado en las barriadas sur de Beirut entre 2005 y 2011, que comprende entrevistas cualitativas y conversaciones con más de cien militantes y cargos del partido.
Según este planteamiento Hizbulá no se reduce a su consejo ejecutivo principal y a su expresión oficial, sino que también se compone del conjunto de los militantes quienes, sin oponerse a la dirección del partido, ofrecen una representación mucho más profunda de su realidad. La hipótesis que avanzamos en este trabajo es que la capacidad movilizadora de Hizbulá no se encuentra en su discurso y sus decisiones políticas, ni tampoco en los mecanismos institucionales en los que participa. Hizbulá funciona como una «sociedad» que se rige internamente a través de una sociabilidad y unas relaciones de poder muy sólidas: unas prácticas de movilización que afectan a la educación o al movimiento scout a la vez que a los servicios sociales, la vida cultural, la planificación y gestión urbanas o la lucha armada, abarcando así la totalidad de los aspectos de la vida social.
Este trabajo se propone asimismo deconstruir la imagen que asocia sistemáticamente la pertenencia a la comunidad chií con la adhesión a Hizbulá. Para no quedarnos en esta idea de un proceso mecánico de adhesión de la comunidad chií a Hizbulá, lo que pretendemos explorar es el trabajo concreto de movilización política, evaluando su eficacia (y su ineficacia)en ciertos contextos sociales concretos.
La adhesión a Hizbulá representa una opción política que, en efecto, encuentra sus fuentes en parte en la institución del partido así como en las prácticas que promueve.Le Hezbollah libanais irrite, intrigue et fascine. Du parti des mustada’afin (sans pouvoir) des régions rurales et urbaines de la Bekaa et du Sud Liban a celui des négligés de la banlieue sud, toujours dans les limites de la communauté chiite, aujourd’hui le Hezbollah joue un rôle centrale au sein du système politique libanais et même au niveau régional. En s’appuyant sur l’identité confessionnelle et la valorisant pour structurer une société dite « de la résistance », le Hezbollah est aujourd’hui, avec le mouvement Amal, un des principaux représentants de la communauté chiite libanaise. Retraçant les histoires des femmes et des hommes qui, à un certain moment de leur vie, ont décidé de s’engager au Hezbollah, cette thèse porte sur la militance dans ce parti dans la banlieue sud de Beyrouth. Elle interroge les formes plurielles de cet engagement et ses spécificités à travers une analyse des trajectoires militantes. En appréhendant le parti à partir de ses militants et adhérents, cette thèse vise à comprendre comment, plutôt que pourquoi, se fait l’engagement au Hezbollah et, plus généralement, comment le système politique libanais rend-il compte des mobilisations politiques. L’essentiel de la production scientifique sur le Hezbollah a principalement été consacrée, jusqu'à maintenant à l’histoire évènementielle du parti, à sa place dans le système politique libanais, à sa « libanisation » et à son poids croissant sur les scènes nationale, régionale et internationale. Ces approches, les plus souvent macrosociologiques, nous renseignent peu sur les militants et la militance partisane. Ce travail se propose de donner un nouvel éclairage sur le Hezbollah en déplaçant la focale sur ceux qui font la base du parti : les militant. Cette recherche se base sur un travail de terrain effectué dans la banlieue sud de Beyrouth entre 2005 et 2011, avec des entretiens qualitatives et des conversations auprès de plus de cent militants et cadres du parti. Selon cette approche le Hezbollah ne se réduit pas a son conseil exécutif principale et a son expression officielle mais il est aussi l’ensemble de ses militants qui, s’ils ne s’opposent pas à la direction du parti, représentent bien plus profondément la réalité du Hezbollah. Ce changement de perspective explique que je procéderai a l’analyse de la « société partisane » pour remonter progressivement vers la direction du parti, ce qui permettra d’interroger l’investissement dans le parti et le travail social d’ajustement auquel ce parti a du procéder afin de s’adapter aux exigences et aux règles de fonctionnement du milieu ou il s’est installé. L’hypothèse que j’avance dans ce travail est que la force mobilisatrice du Hezbollah se trouve ailleurs que dans son discours et ses décisions politiques, et dans les mécanismes institutionnels auxquels il participe. Le Hezbollah fonctionne comme une « société parallèle » régie a l’intérieur par des rapports de pouvoir et de sociabilités très solides : des pratiques de mobilisations qui concernent aussi bien l’éducation et le scoutisme que les services sociaux, la vie culturelle, la gestion, la planification urbaine et la lutte armée. Cette recherche s’inscrit de manière globale au croisement de la sociologie de l’engagement et de celle des mobilisations. Il s’agit de comprendre comment s’effectuent les investissements dans le Hezbollah? Quels sont les facteurs de socialisation politique qui signent l’entrée dans l’espace partisan? Comment, plutôt que pourquoi, des individus s’engagent dans le parti? Comment l’organisation partisane conçoit -t-elle l’engagement, et comment en revanche ce modèle du « bon militant » diffusé par le parti est-il adopté a son tour sur le terrain? L’étude de l’engagement avec ses formes plurielles impliquerait aussi une remise en cause de l’analyse d’un parti politique comme un tout homogène, mais comme un corps politique continuellement façonné dans son interaction avec son environnement Ce travail se propose aussi de déconstruire l’image qui associe souvent de manière systématique l’expérience vécue comme membres de la communauté chiite à une adhésion au Hezbollah. Pour ne pas en rester à cette idée d’un processus mécanique d’adhésion de la communauté chiite au Hezbollah, c’est le travail concret de mobilisation politique que je cherche à explorer, en évaluant son efficacité (c’est-à-dire aussi son inefficacité) dans des contextes sociaux particuliers. L’engagement au Hezbollah reste un choix politique qui trouve en effet en partie sa source dans l’institution partisane et dans les pratiques qu’elle promeut.
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Facey, Ian M. "Entangled in Southern Lebanon : Israel, Iran, Syria and Hizbollah (sic Hezbollah)." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1999. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA374353.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1999."December 1999". Thesis advisor(s): Ralph H. Magnus, Terry D. Johnson. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-63). Also available online.
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Philippone, Douglas S. "Hezbollah the network and its support systems, can they be stopped?" Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA483483.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Freeman, Michael. "June 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on August 26, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-59). Also available in print.
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Khayyat, Taroub. "Political communication in the age of dissemination : media constructions of Hezbollah." Thesis, University of Bath, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.642022.
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This thesis addresses the concept and forms of dissemination in political communication and news media. It investigates the new age of dissemination of global communication manifested in a new relationship between political communication and media systems. The broad aim of this project is to investigate the ‘media reality’ of political communication in this new age of dissemination. Working within the sphere of political communication and interconnected media systems, the thesis examines how the information in news source texts and responses to them is recontextualised and disseminated worldwide, and fed back again through recursive communication. Specifically, the thesis also considers ways in which the aims of the political phenomenon of Hezbollah are disseminated and connected across various news media outlets. In particular, the process of recursive dissemination of communication is analysed in three news media outlets, namely Al-Jazeera, the BBC, and CNN. The project has three principal conceptual building blocks: dissemination, political communication, and discourse and intertexts. The theoretical framework has determined the methods used to undertake a qualitative analysis of the data. Discourse analysis is used to consider intertexts and sub-texts, legitimation processes, framing, representation, and schematisation in the data. These dimensions are highly useful tools in identifying shifts across the three media organisations. This thesis has three specific objectives. Its first aim is to reconceptualise communication, establish a communicative model characterised by recursivity (one in which political communication and media systems play back on each other in feedback and feed-forward loops, which add intensity), and show how recursivity has gained in importance in the context of mass mediatisation, bringing about a new age of dissemination. That is, the political messages of Hassan Nasrallah, which polarise representations, are recontextualised and disseminated across media contexts in complex processes involving recursive media interplays. These processes have a direct link with the historical context in the sense that political communication and media systems play back on each other in feedback and feed-forward loops. The second aim is to investigate the appropriate approaches for the study of that communication in terms of the relationship between intertextuality, discourse, ideology as belief systems, framings, and competing framings which create new realities; this connects well with the conceptual framework of recursivity and dissemination. The third aim is to achieve in the data analysis a more sophisticated understanding of Hezbollah as a highly significant political actor, by creating a multicontextual analysis of recursive framing. The thesis demonstrates the complexity of recursivity and dissemination of political communication. It sets out to improve our understanding both of Hezbollah and of the politics the Middle East. The core of this thesis lies in its concern in reconceptualising political communication and applying it to the analysis of Nasrallah’s speeches and their recontextualisation in the above three global media organisations.
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Marques, Bruno Miguel de Almeida. "A ameaça transnacional do Hezbollah: estudo de uma organização terrorista contemporânea." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/3037.
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Kahil, Souhad. "A Rhetorical Examination and Critique of Hezbollah, the Party of God." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1143478059.
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Lindqvist, Felicia. "Israel’s usage of Psychological Warfare against Hezbollah : Theoretical Development and Application." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90899.
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The purpose is to analyze and describe Israel's psychological warfare facing Hezbollah in the years between 2017-2019. The question at issue is: How has Israel used Psychological Warfare against Hezbollah between 2017-2019? This is revised through a theory development using the work of Martin C. Libicki (1995), Ron Schleifer (2009), Paul Linebarger (2015), and Irwin J. Mansdorf (2015), along with the use of the previous historical practice of psychological warfare by Israel. The material is acquired from Israel's different types of social media platforms along with key articles on the subject. This aiming to determine the psychological warfare done by Israel. The theoretical development does create valuable and at most necessary aspects of psychological warfare that would if unnoticed give an insufficient analysis and description of the psychological warfare for this case. The research uses theory application to generate the conclusion and to describe the PSYOP. The result of this work shows the extensive use of psychological warfare by Israel. Between the years of 2017-2019, a massive social media presence from Israel is noted and one can locate a psychological warfare message in nearly everything. Israel put in great effort to influence Hezbollah and the fight for media coverage and news influence is the big focus for Israel.
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Rueda, Edwin O. "New Terrorism? a case study of Al-Qaida and the Lebanese Hezbollah." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA402006.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs and M.A. International Security and Civil-Military Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2001.Thesis advisor(s): Rasmussen, Maria; Robinson, Glenn. "December 2001." Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print.
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Lawson, Matthew. "Religion and Resistance: The Role of Islamic Doctrine in Hamas and Hezbollah." Scholar Commons, 2010. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3639.
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The recent conflict in Gaza between the state of Israel and Palestinians led by
Hamas has again brought the question of Palestinian statehood to the attention of the
international community. Religion has often been mentioned as a cause for the conflict
between the two, as well as a reason for the perceived instability of the Middle East. It is
within this frame of reference that this study takes place. This study attempts to use this
emergence in current events as the starting point for the interaction between religion and
resistance movements, examining the incorporation of Islamic doctrine into the actions
towards Israel of the resistance movements Hamas and Hezbollah.
In an attempt to determine the incorporation of Islam into resistance movements,
this study will undertake case studies on two leading Islamic resistance movements,
Hamas and Hezbollah. The Islamic doctrine to be investigated in these studies is that of
the Umma, the worldwide community of Muslim believers. These case studies will
examine how the doctrine of umma affects the two resistance movements, as well as
variations in its interpretation in the two movements. This will allow for both an
understanding of religious influence in resistance movements, but will also examine the
differentiation of understanding of doctrine in Islam, as Hamas is primarily a Sunni
organization, while Hezbollah is primarily Shiite. In this, a greater understanding of each
of these concepts and their interaction will be gained.
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Dionigi, Filippo. "The impact of international norms on Islamist politics : the case of Hezbollah." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3345/.
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In an increasingly interconnected global political sphere, Islamist political actors have undergone a process of transformation, notwithstanding the self-referential character of their ideology. The present study assesses to what extent international norms have influenced this process. The argument is that these norms challenge the self-referential character of Islamism and its communitarian assumptions. The thesis initially provides an overview of Islamist political theory with reference to Muḥammad ʿAbduh, Sayid Quṭb, Bāqir al-Ṣadr and Ruhollah Khomeini, and argues that Islamism is not a particularly original critique of liberalism, but can be considered a form of communitarianism. The study then focuses on the case of Hezbollah to substantiate the claim that international norms influenced Islamist politics. It conducts an empirical analysis of four instances of Hezbollah’s interaction with international norms. The norms in question are non-combatant immunity, human rights, and maintenance of international peace, whereas the fourth example provides a more general overview on the impact of international norms on Hezbollah’s political language. The case study shows that by interacting with international actors and state institutions, and by looking for legitimacy for its actions - not only vis-à-vis its community - but also within the international normative system; Hezbollah’s political identity was modified by the influence of international norms. International norms then challenge the communitarian assumptions underlying Islamist politics. They are important factors in the socialisation of Islamist actors within the international normative system and become constitutive elements of the political identity of Islamist movements such as Hezbollah.
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Chapuis, Julie. "Reconstruire le Sud du Liban, se reconstruire au Liban : les résistances du Hezbollah." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0140.
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Cette thèse se propose d'interroger le système de domination du Hezbollah dans son rapport à l'État et à la société, à travers son investissement dans les reconstructions qui se succèdent au Liban depuis la guerre civile. En ce qu'elle constitue à la fois une ressource d'allocation et une ressource d'autorité, la reconstruction sollicite tout ou partie des secteurs résistants (muqâwama, mumâna'a, sumûd) qui structurent le système Hezbollah, et tout ou partie des espaces de pouvoir (militaire, politique, social) dans lesquels il s'objective, selon les périodes et les échelles spatiales observées. En examinant ces interactions entre les secteurs, les espaces de pouvoir et les acteurs en jeux, et en partant du « syndrome des communautés spécialisées » qu'Ahmad Beydoun a identifié pour décrire la répartition communautaire des prérogatives étatiques de «souveraineté nationale», de «libération» et de «reconstruction», cette étude montrera si et comment le Hezbollah a remis en cause cet agencement, à partir du Sud-Liban qui sollicite tout particulièrement ces trois pouvoirsThis thesis endeavors to study the domination system of Hezbollah in its relation to the Lebanese state and society; by analyzing the participation of Hezbollah in reconstruction initiatives in Lebanon since the civil war. Reconstruction, in that it is both an allocation resource and a source of authority, requires the interventior of all or some of the resistance fields (muqâwama, mumâna'a, sumûd) constituting the Hezbollah system, and that of all or some of the different spheres of power (military, political and social) in which it can be objectivated, depending on the time and the scale of study. By examining those interactions between the different fields, the spheres of power and the people and groups involved, and considering the « specialized communities syndrom » put forth by Ahmad Beydoun, to describe the community-based repartition of state prerogatives such as "national sovereignty", "liberation" or "reconstruction", this thesis will show if and how the Hezbollah has altered such a systematic repartition of power, starting from South-Lebanon where the use of three powers is especially in demand
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Yilmaz, Ismail. "Patterns of Differential Involvement in Terrorist Activities: Evidence from DHKP/C and Turkish Hezbollah." VCU Scholars Compass, 2009. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/1917.
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This study examines the patterns of involvement in terrorist activities for the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C) and Turkish Hezbollah members. The study is based on the assumption that terrorists differ in terms of their involvement in terrorist activities. In this sense, there are full-time and part-time terrorists. Full-time terrorists act professionally and do the assignments given by their commanders. Part-time terrorists, on the other hand, act on a non-professional basis and have their own motivations to participate in terrorist activities. For part-timers, there are various factors that may have an effect on their degree of involvement in terrorist activities. Their decisions regarding whether to participate in a specific terrorist act can be influenced by individual factors as well as the instructions and assignments given to them. In this study, these factors are categorized under four different headings; demographic, relative deprivation, frustration, and social learning. Data regarding the involvement in terrorist activities (as measured by arrest records) and demographics (age, gender, marital status, social class), relative deprivation (education, work status), frustration (school dropout, loss of a loved one in a counter-terrorism operation, family arrest), and social learning (family association to a terrorist group and recruitment method) was collected from terrorists’ autobiographies. Research hypotheses were tested using bivariate and multivariate statistical analyses. The findings indicated that relative deprivation, frustration, and social learning models can explain the differences in the degree of involvement in terrorism for DHKP/C members, but not for Turkish Hezbollah members (controlling for demographic variables). The results showed that these three models may account for some of the differences in involvement in terrorist activities.
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Coëffic, Khalyla Aude. "Les mobilisations du Hezbollah et la cause palestinienne : les raisons évolutives des émotions militantes." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0024.
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Cette thèse analyse l’évolution des modalités selon lesquelles la cause palestinienne est appréhendée par les partisans du Hezbollah entre 1982 et 2014. L’attention portée aux émotions permet de mieux interroger comment procède le travail constant de (ré)ajustement entre, d’une part les mots d’ordre préconisés par l’organisation, et d’autre part les sens subjectifs des engagements qui résultent de l’histoire personnelle et familiale des membres du Hezbollah. Alors même que la cause palestinienne constitue une thématique de mobilisation classique du Hezbollah libanais, l’observation des partisans de l’organisation à référent chiite, à l’occasion de la guerre de Gaza de l’été 2014, révèlent des émotions entremêlées et diverses. Pour analyser au mieux ces dernières, plusieurs grands registres émotionnels ont été reconstitués, sous une forme « idéaltypique », afin de mieux rendre compte des évolutions qui se manifestent à travers des manières différentes de se rapporter à la cause palestinienne. L’enquête auprès des militants, réalisée aujourd’hui, montre que l’organisation oscille entre ces deux registres émotionnels dont il convenait de retracer la genèse. Chacune des deux parties qui composent ce travail est consacrée à l’étude d’un des registres émotionnels qui constituent les types alternatifs de registres dont disposent aujourd’hui les militants du HezbollahThis thesis analyzes the evolution of the ways in which the Palestinian cause is apprehended by Hezbollah supporters between 1982 and 2014
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Moreno, Pelayo Joze. "THE VARYING PERSPECTIVES OF STAKEHOLDERS IN THE SYRIAN REFUGEE CRISIS IN LEBANON: THE INTERNATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THEIR CURRENT PUBLIC DISCOURSE." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/23161.
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This thesis project focused on exploring protracted impediments among Syrian
refugees in Lebanon, and examined the varying perspectives among stakeholders in the
Syrian refugee crisis in Lebanon, looking at the international significance of their current
public discourse and its consequent implications. This project was conducted with the
purpose of contributing to the existing literature, but most importantly, it was conducted
with the hopes of contributing to the stabilization phase being carried out by several
organizational partnerships on the ground by providing relevant information focused on
sustainability, capacity building and nonsectarian approaches. Notably, this project hopes
to expose impediments in overlooked unofficial settlements in the Tamnine el Fawka
Area, settlement #53415-01-007 and settlement #53415-01-011 in the Beqaa Valley
Province, Lebanon. The information collected in this project was obtained through
interviews, focus groups and an extensive observation process for four
months throughout Lebanese territory. Funded by the UO Sandra Morgen Fellowship.
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Leroy, Didier. "La résilience islamique au Liban: contribution à l'étude de l'évolution idéologique et structurelle du Hezbollah." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210071.
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Depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, le galvaudage intensif du concept d’« islamisme » par les sphères médiatiques et politiques a eu pour effet de catégoriser de manière simpliste et illusoire des phénomènes sociaux très différents de par le monde, dans le registre du terrorisme. Dans ce contexte, le Hezbollah libanais -pourtant chiite et farouchement opposé à Al-Qaïda- a acquis un statut particulier dans la mesure où le Secrétariat d’Etat américain l’a désigné comme la principale menace terroriste dès 2002. Nous proposons ici une recherche casuistique sur le « Parti de Dieu ». Etude longitudinale retraçant l’évolution de ce mouvement milicien devenu parti politique, notre travail vise à mieux cerner ce « fait social » et à situer celui-ci au sein du vaste spectre des islams politiques. Nous synthétisons ici les phases de maturation idéologique que celui-ci a connues depuis son émergence et retraçons l’évolution structurelle de ce parti politique avant tout caractérisé par son projet de « société résistante ». Chacun de ces deux volets (idéologique et structurel) laisse entrevoir les interactions bilatérales qui se sont créées, dans la diachronie, entre le religieux et le politique au sein du Hezbollah, mais illustre surtout la soumission polymorphe de l’un comme de l’autre à la cause inébranlable de la résistance face à Israël. L’élément fondamentalement nouveau que nous apportons à la littérature scientifique spécialisée est une grille d’interprétation du cheminement global d’une grande partie de la communauté chiite du Liban. Celle-ci a pour point de départ le concept -initialement psychologique- de « résilience », et propose la transposition de ce dernier dans le champ sociopolitique. L’analyse qui en découle met en perspective l’« idéologie résiliente » et la « structure résiliente » que le Hezbollah a progressivement développées dans une optique stratégique.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Billik, Ronja Chiara. "Trolling Terrorists : How the Israel Defense Forces use Twitter to Construct an Image of Hezbollah." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för konst, kultur och kommunikation (K3), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-46094.
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This thesis examines who the Israel Defense Forces use their English languageTwitter account to construct an image of Hezbollah online during times without violent conflict. The goal is to understand how this behavior fits within Israel’sPublic Diplomacy strategy. Using Critical Discourse Analysis to analyze tweets concerning Hezbollah between May 2020 and May 2021, I identify one maindriver of the adaptation of social media into the military’s public diplomacy toolkit: mediatization. Results show that the Israel Defense Forces has adopted Twitter as a communication channel outside the gatekeeper function and control of traditional media outlets, to share their Public Diplomacy message directly with foreign audiences – including their enemies, such as Hezbollah. I identify five main categories or intentions with which the Israel Defense Forces address Hezbollah on Twitter: 1) Remembrance, 2) Current Developments and Information, 3) Iraian Proxies 4) tweets mentioning Hezbollah directly and 5)tweets Shaming, Blaming or Calling-out Hezbollah or the international community and media on their approach to the group.
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Chamas, Abbas. "Les mouvements de libération entre résistance et terrorisme : le cas du Hezbollah et du Hamas." Paris 5, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA05DA08.
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Après le 11 septembre 2001, le monde a vu se déclencher un nouveau conflit jamais connu auparavant avec cette intensité : « la guerre contre le terrorisme ». Celle-ci a commencé en Afghanistan, bastion et refuge d’Al Qaida, responsable présumé des attaques qui ont frappé New York et Washington. Elle s’est poursuivie en Irak, accusé d’établir des liens avec des réseaux terroristes, constituant selon la doctrine américaine « une menace » contre la sécurité des Etats-Unis d’Amérique et de leurs alliés Israël. Dans ce même ordre d’idées, Israël a mené des offensives contre des mouvements de libération comme le Hezbollah libanais et le Hamas palestinien au nom de « la guerre contre le terrorisme ». Transformer des mouvements de résistance anticoloniaux classiques et des régimes laïques en cibles de cette guerre au même titre qu’Al-Qaida et d’autres réseaux criminels, a représenté plus qu’une erreur : une catastrophe. Le risque d’amalgame entre terrorisme et mouvements de libération nationale est au centre des débats sur la définition du terrorisme depuis fort longtemps. La présente thèse intitulée « les mouvements nationalistes entre résistance et terrorisme, le cas du Hezbollah et du Hamas » porte sur la confusion entre les deux notionsAfter the events of the 11th of September 2001, the world has witnessed an unexpected fierce struggle (war against terrorism), this war started in Afghanistan, the center and shelter of Qaeda which is accused of attacking New York and Washington, then it transferred to Iraq which is also accused of taking part in supporting and helping these terrorist attacks, which threatens the United States of America and its ally Israel. Under the same title (war against terrorism), Israel has made a war against national liberal movements as, the Lebanese resistance Hezbollah, and the Palestinian one Hamas. Transforming the resisting national liberal movements against colonization to a target of such a war and comparing them to Al Qaeda and other terrorist organizations is more than a mistake but a disaster. This mix between terrorism and resistance is the thesis of my dissertation entitled (national liberal movements between terrorism and resistance, Hezbollah and Hamas)
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Feehan, Kathleen Patricia. "Islamic terrorism a war of values & politics as viewed through Hezbollah & Al-Qaeda /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/501171836/viewonline.
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Hachem, Hachem. "Les perceptions chiites de la politique américaine au Moyen-Orient." Toulouse 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012TOU10075.
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Depuis l’effondrement de l’Union Soviétique (URSS) en 1991, les objectifs principaux des États-Unis au Moyen-Orient sont devenus : le pétrole et Israël. L’invasion américaine de l’Irak en 2003 n’est venue que pour traduire cette politique. Or elle a poussé le chiisme à opérer un retour en force. Cette « montée » du chiisme, signalée comme une donnée géopolitique majeure au Moyen-Orient, est parfois appréhendée comme un nouveau « péril », en occident et pour certains régimes arabes sunnites. Si les tensions qui embrasent le Moyen-Orient ne sont pas liées directement à l’islam chiite, cependant, ce dernier se trouve dans les zones où il est en contact direct avec les intérêts américains. Notre thèse consiste à comprendre la position de chaque groupe chiite duodécimain, - ainsi que les raisons qui justifient celle-ci – vis-à-vis de la politique américaine. En effet, dans le sujet d’Israël, les intérêts des chiites ne se croisent jamais avec les intérêts américains car l’ennemi des chiites est l’allié principal des Etats-Unis. Concernant le pétrole, l’aspiration chiite arabe à la démocratie incite à construire des relations avec les Américains sur la base d’enjeux pétroliers et d’intérêts mutuels. Par conséquent, en Iran, le chiisme est religion d’État et le pouvoir est entre les mains du clergé chiite. L’Iran est devenu une grande puissance régionale qui défie les Etats-Unis et Israël. Au Liban, pays composé de plusieurs communautés, les chiites ont leur part du pouvoir politique. De même ils pèsent de tout leur poids dans le conflit israélo-palestinien. En Irak, le désir des Etats-Unis d’instaurer la démocratie dans ce pays et la chute de Saddam Hussein ont contribué à l’arrivée des chiites au pouvoir, bien que leur position soit mitigée vis-à-vis de la politique américaine. Cette situation a éveillé chez les chiites des pays du Golfe un désir de démocratie et de liberté ainsi qu’un refus des discriminations dans leurs pays qui, parfois, font d’eux des citoyens de seconde catégorie. Historiquement, les Clergés Chiites ont toujours été attachés à leurs idéologies : défendre les intérêts des chiites et tracer l’avenir de leurs peuples ; par conséquent, ce sont eux qui décident des relations à avoir avec les Etats-UnisSince the collapse of the Soviet Union (USSR) in 1991, the main objectives of the United States in the Middle East have become: oil and Israel. The USA invasion of Iraq in 2003 came only to reflect this policy but it has pushed the Shiites to make a powerful comeback. This “rise” of Shiism, identified as a major geopolitical factor in the Middle East, is sometimes understood as a new “Danger” by the West and Sunni Arab regimes. However these inflaming tensions in the Middle East are not directly related to Shiism Island they remain in areas where there is the direct contact with American interests. Our thesis “Twelver Shiite perception in U. S. Policy in the Middle East” is summed up the importance of understanding the position of each Twelver Shia group in American policy and knowing the real reasons behind their differing perceptions of this policy. Indeed, in the subject of Israel, the interests of Shiites never intersect with USA interests as the enemy of the Shiites is the main ally of the United States. About oil, the Shiite minority’s search for missing democracy in their countries has helped to build relationships with Americans since the interests between the two parties are mutual. In Iran, Shiism is the state religion. In the hands of the Shiite clergy, Iran has once again become a major regional power that challenges the USA and Israel. In Lebanon, a country of many communities, the Shiites have their part of political power in the country, and they weigh all their weight in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In Iraq, the fall of Saddam Hussein regimes and the American seeking to apply democracy in this country have contributed to arrival of Shiites in power, which makes them not oppose to the American policy. In contrary, that American democracy has pushed the Shiite Gulf to reaffirm their rejection of discrimination in their countries, which sometimes make them second class citizens. In all cases, the Shiites clergies, by their constant ideologies rooted in story, defend the interests of Shiites, shape the future of their nations and decide the relationship with the United States
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UNAL, TUNCAY. "An assessment of the methods that are used to recruit college students into the Turkish Hezbollah." VCU Scholars Compass, 2010. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/123.
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This study aims to identify tactics used by the Turkish Hezbollah to recruit college students into joining their terrorist organization. This study based on the assumptions that social networks and institutional structures are two main tools that are used effectively by the Turkish Hezbollah to recruit college educated students. In this sense, the researcher claims that Social Learning theory and Social Control Theories can be used to provide theoretical explanation to the Hezbollah’s recruitment strategy. Parallel to these theories assumptions, while having militants within social networks increases the likelihood of being recruited through social learning theory assumptions, college students who are away from their families are more likely to be recruited through social control theory assumptions. The researcher uses individual level secondary data related to members of the Turkish Hezbollah. The data comprised of self reports that each member submitted to the Turkish Hezbollah as part of their recruitment process. The data are derived from the Turkish National Police’s database. Initially, frequency table is used to determine which structure and which theory best explain the Turkish Hezbollah’s recruitment strategies. Then, to decide which demographic factors increase or decrease the likelihood of being recruited through social networks (social learning theory) or institutional structures (social control theory), logistic regression is used. Eight independent variables are used to identify those factors such as having Hezbollah militants within social networks, pursuing college education while being away from family, family’s religious ideology, having online or campus education, family size, income level, college student’s religiosity level, and reason for attending Hezbollah. The findings indicated that social networks and institutional structures are two important tools that are used by the Turkish Hezbollah. Social networks are more effectively used structures comparing to institutional structures. According to the results, there are two important variables have more weight on dependent variable comparing to other variables. While having militants within the social networks increases the likelihood of being recruited through social learning theory assumptions, being away from families during college education increases the likelihood of being recruited through social control theory assumptions.
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Calfat, Natália Nahas Carneiro Maia. "O modelo consociativo para sociedades plurirreligiosas: reflexões e aprendizados sobre a experiência confessional libanesa." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-13042017-092309/.
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O modelo consociativo de democracia parlamentar reflete a necessidade de prevenção de conflitos comunais em sociedades segmentadas e visa proporcionar-lhes estabilidade democrática. O Líbano e suas 18 seitas oficiais foi considerado por Arend Lijphart como um caso de sociedade multiétnica profundamente dividida por clivagens sobrepostas, país no qual o consociativismo e a capacidade de acomodação das elites seriam viáveis. No entanto, o país tem enfrentado rupturas institucionais constantes e intensificação de tensões sectárias mesmo após o fim da guerra civil (1975-1990). As crises de governança em 2005 e 2008, o vácuo presidencial de Maio de 2014 à Outubro de 2016 e as persistentes crises de energia, água e lixo são exemplos de tais eventos. Além disso, o Líbano tem um Estado nação frágil e inoperante, abrindo uma lacuna em termos de defesa militar, promoção de serviços sociais e provisão de bens públicos. Ao mesmo tempo, contudo, as crises sugerem não demonstrações de falta de governança, mas ajustes de representação para inclusão de elites não tradicionais no poder (como é o caso da xiita e sua obtenção do poder de veto através da figura do Hezbollah em 2008). E, sobretudo, o sistema confessional teve continuidade histórica significativa ao longo dos séculos XX e XXI. Em razão desta falta de consenso na literatura, será objetivo do presente trabalho indicar e refletir sobre os limites, decorrências e contribuições do consociativismo à realidade libanesa em sua modalidade confessional. Através do estudo de caso proposto apontaremos de que modo, de forma problemática, falta na literatura consociativa o entendimento de que a institucionalização rigorosa das diferenças religiosas não promove mais democracia e representatividade, mas, ao contrário, enfraquece o Estado nacional e engendra práticas de clientelismo sectário. Os resultados obtidos reforçam a necessidade de revisão teórica do modelo de Lijphart de modo a afastar do mesmo arranjos consociativos altamente institucionalizados tais como os do tipo confessional. Na medida em que tal prescrição está ausente na teoria consociativa clássica, identificamos uma anomalia no modelo original de Lijphart que precisa ser revista e sanada.The consociational model of parliamentary democracy reflects the need to prevent communal conflicts in segmented societies and aims to provide them with democratic stability. Lebanon and its 18 official sects was considered by Arend Lijphart as a case of multi-ethnic and deeply divided society, a country where consociationalism and elites\' compromising would be feasible. However, the country has been facing constant institutional disruption and intensification of sectarian tensions even after the end of the civil war (1975-1990). Governance crisis in 2005 and 2008, presidential vacuum from May 2014 to October 2016 and the persistent energy, water and waste disposal crisis are examples of such events. In addition, Lebanon has a fragile and ineffective nation state, deficient in terms of its military defense, promotion of social services and provision of public goods. At the same time, however, these crisis suggest not lack of governance demonstrations, but representation and power adjustments to include non-traditional elites (as it is the case for the Shia sect and its veto power obtainment through Hezbollah in 2008). Utmost, the confessional system has had significant historical continuity throughout the 20th and 21st centuries. Due to the literatures lack of consensus revolving this issue, the present work intends to present and reflect over consociativisms limits, consequences and contributions to the Lebanese reality in its confessional form. Through the here proposed case study, it will be problematically pointed out that the consociational literature misses the point by not understanding that the rigorous institutionalization of religious differences does not promote more democracy and representation; but, rather, weakens the national state and engenders clientelist sectarianism. The results obtained reinforce the need for Lijpharts model theoretical revision in order to except from it highly institutionalized consociational arrangements (such as the confessional one). To the extent that such prescription is absent in classic consociational theory, we have identified an anomaly in Lijpharts original model that needs to be reviewed and amended.
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Tag-Eldeen, Yasmin. "Hezbollah as a Reconstruction Leader : Participatory Planning in the Rebuilding of Haret Hreik, Lebanon, Post-War 2006." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Kulturgeografiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-428877.
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Tag-Eldeen, Y. 2020. Hezbollah as a Reconstruction Leader: Participatory Planning in the Rebuilding of Haret Hreik, Post-War 2006. Kulturgeografiska institutionen, Uppsatser, Uppsala universitet. This paper assesses the politicized nature of reconstruction efforts in the aftermath of the Israeli-Lebanese July War of 2006. It illustrates the factors driving the polarized nature of Lebanese politics, as well as the reasons for which a faith-based non-governmental organization such as Hezbollah was able to take the leading role in the reconstruction of Haret Hreik, a southern suburb of Beirut. Through a literature review, the study will demonstrate that the power struggle to lead post-war reconstruction can be seen as a reflection of Lebanon’s internal political and religious divisions, often along sectarian lines, as well as a lack of democratic accountability and the retreat of the state. Finally, in examining the implications for participatory planning when faith-based, non-state actors serve as reconstruction leaders in a politicized post-war context, the study contributes to the literature on citizen participation, power in urban planning and non-state actors within neoliberal urban governance. Keywords: participatory planning, Project Wa’d, neoliberalism, Hezbollah, post-war reconstruction
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Teymur, Samih. "A Conceptual Map for Understanding the Terrorist Recruitment Process: Observation and Analysis of Turkish Hezbollah Terrorist Organizations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3914/.
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Terrorism is a historical problem; however, it becomes one of the biggest problems in 21st century. September 11 and the following Madrid, Istanbul and London attacks showed that it is the most significant problem threatening world peace and security. Governments have started to deal with terrorism by improving security measurements and making new investments to stop terrorism. Most of the governments' and scholars' focus is on immediate threats and causes of terrorism, instead of looking at long-term solutions such as root causes and underlying reasons of terrorism, and the recruitment style of terrorist organizations If terrorist recruitment does not stop, then it is safe to say terrorist activities cannot be stopped. This study focused on the recruitment process by observing two different terrorist organizations, DHKP/C and Turkish Hezbollah. The researcher brings 13 years of field experience and first-person data gathered from inside the terrorist organizations. The research questions of this study were: (i) How can an individual be prevented from joining or carrying out terrorist activities?; (ii) What factors are correlated with joining a terrorist organization?; (iii) What are the recruitment processes of the DHKP/C, PKK, and Turkish Hezbollah?; (iv) Is there any common process of being a member of these three terrorist organizations?; and (v) What are the similarities and differences these terrorist organizations? As a result of this analysis, a terrorist recruitment process map was created. With the help of this map, social organizations such as family and schools may be able to identify ways to prevent individuals from joining terrorist organizations. Also, this map will also be helpful for government organizations such as counterterrorism and intelligence to achieve the same goal.
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Spinks, Brandon Todd. "Assessing Perceived Credibility of Web Sites in a Terrorism Context: The PFLP, Tamil Tigers, Hamas, and Hezbollah." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc10980/.
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The purpose of the study was to contribute to the overall understanding of terrorist organizations' use of the Internet and to increase researchers' knowledge of Web site effectiveness. The methodological approach was evaluation of the perceived credibility of Web sites based on existing criteria derived from information users. The Web sites of four terrorist organizations were assessed: two secular nationalist groups, the People's Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE or Tamil Tigers); and two religious nationalist groups, Hamas and Hezbollah. The findings of this analysis showed differences in perceived credibility factors among terrorist organizations' Web sites and positive levels of perceived credibility for the Web sites. These findings indicate the potential for positive impressions of the organizations' Web sites by information users, which would help empower the organizations with the capacity to reach their objectives. By using Web sites, these groups can effectively increase their support base through disseminating information, improving recruiting, and attracting monetary contributions, and can establish themselves as legitimate components of society.
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Spinks, Brandon Todd Sahliyeh Emile F. "Assessing perceived credibility of web sites in a terrorism context the PFLP, Tamil Tigers, Hamas, and Hezbollah /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-10980.
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Mac, Donald Ian. "The ideological transformation of Hezbollah since its involvement in the Syrian Civil War : local perspectives and foreign observations." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/38093.
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Le Hezbollah a été, et est toujours, une organisation sectaire impliquée dans un système politique où il est contraint de s’y imposer pour avoir un poids politique fort vis-à-vis d’autres acteurs sectaires en place. Lorsque le conflit avec Israël, un ennemi clairement reconnaissable selon des critères nationaux, linguistiques, ethniques et religieux, s’est intensifié contre la nation libanaise, le Hezbollah s’est auto-prétendu être le protecteur de la nation libanaise. La guerre civile syrienne est un conflit principalement entre Arabes et embourbé par le sectarisme, a une fois de plus donné au Hezbollah un ennemi clairement défini. Cependant, contrairement à Israël, les ennemis du Hezbollah sont désormais des Arabes sunnites, qui constituent également une importante minorité au Liban. Le conflit syrien a amené le Hezbollah à modifier radicalement sa politique étrangère et sa stratégie militaire pour faire face aux menaces émergentes dans son voisinage. Comment le Hezbollah a-t-il changé idéologiquement à la suite de la guerre civile syrienne ? La théorie de la sécurisation prédit que les élites utiliseront un petit problème de sécurité et le feront apparaître comme une menace importante pour la sécurité d’une société afin de concentrer les ressources et de gagner la confiance de la population. L’auteur suppose que le Hezbollah a permis de sécuriser le pays face à la menace posée par l’État islamique, comme il l’a fait avec Israël, transformant ainsi son idéologie pour être encore plus nationaliste qu’avant la guerre civile syrienne. Afin de tester cette théorie, un travail de terrain a été effectué au Liban afin de déterminer si le Hezbollah insistait sur son rôle dans la protection de la nation libanaise contre la menace de l’État islamique. Les conclusions de l’étude qualitative suggèrent que, alors que le secrétaire général du Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah, défendait le rôle du Hezbollah dans la protection de la communauté imaginée libanaise contre la menace de l’État islamique, l’implication du Hezbollah en Syrie impliquait qu’il adhère plus à une idéologie nationaliste sectaire, comparée à ce qu’il l’avait fait contre Israël avant. De plus, le discours physique du Hezbollah continue de susciter le symbolisme islamiste universaliste.Since its creation, Hezbollah has been a sectarian organization in a political system where it has been compelled to compete for power against other sectarian actors. However, at times when conflict with Israel escalated, an enemy that was clearly distinguishable via national, linguistic, ethnic, and religious criteria, Hezbollah often claimed to be the protector of the Lebanese nation. The Syrian Civil War, a conflict mainly between Arabs that is mired by sectarianism, has once again given Hezbollah a clearly defined enemy. However, unlike Israel, Hezbollah’s enemies are now Sunni Arabs, which is also a large minority within Lebanon. The Syrian conflict caused Hezbollah to dramatically alter its foreign policy and military strategy to confront such emerging threats within its neighbourhood. How has Hezbollah ideologically changed as a result of the Syrian Civil War? Securitization theory predicts that elites will use a small security issue and make it appear as a large security threat to a society in order to concentrate resources and gain the trust of the population. From being a sectarian actor in Lebanese politics, the author hypothesises that Hezbollah securitized the threat posed by the Islamic State to the Lebanese nation, as it has done with Israel, thus transforming its ideology to be even more nationalist than prior to the Syrian Civil War. In order to test this theory, fieldwork was conducted in Lebanon to observe if Hezbollah emphasized its role in protecting the Lebanese nation against the threat of the Islamic State. Findings from the qualitative study suggest that while Hezbollah’s Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah advocates Hezbollah’s role in protecting the Lebanese imagined community from the threat of the Islamic State, Hezbollah’s involvement in Syria has meant that it engages in a more sectarianized nationalist ideology than it previously did with Israel. Furthermore, Hezbollah’s physical discourse continues to elicit universalist Islamic symbolism.
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Sevinc, Bilal. "Participation in terrorist organizations an analysis of left wing DHKP/C and religiously motivated Turkish Hezbollah terrorist organizations /." Diss., Connect to online resource - MSU authorized users, 2008.
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Yaghi, Jérôme. "Les conséquences de la révolution religieuse iranienne sur l'émergence du Hezbollah et sa dimension sur la scène libanaise." Nice, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000NICE0018.
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L'émergence du Hezbollah en tant que milice armée, est apparue sur la scène libanaise, date de la révolution en Iran, à partir de 1979. Ce parti se développe à l'ombre de l'invasion israélienne du Liban en 1982. Alors que dans les années quatre-vingt, le Hezbollah s'opposait à l'identité libanaise et entrait en conflit avec la plupart des partis libanais. Aujourd'hui depuis la seconde guerre du Golfe et la mise en place des Accords de Tae͏̈f de 1989, le"parti de dieu a entamé un processus d'intégration à la vie politique libanaise, tout en continuant à affronter l'occupation israélienne au Sud-Liban. Oscillant entre la "pureté révolutionnaire islamique" de ses origines et l'intégration totale au jeu politique, le Hezbollah cherche encore ses marques sur l'échiquier libanais. Après un éventuel retrait israélien du Sud-Liban, que va-t-il advenir du Hezbollah Faut-il donc croire, du moins sommes nous en droit de penser que nous vivons les derniers jours du Hezbollah ?The emergence of Hezbollah as an armed militia on the lebanese scene dates from the iranian revolution as from 1979. This party grows in the shadow of the israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982. Whereas in the 80's Hezbollah clashed with the libanese identity and came into conflict with most lebanese parties, today as from the second gulf war and the setting up of the Tae͏̈f agreement in 1989, the "party of God" has started a process of integration into the libanese political life while poing on facing the israeli occupation in the south of the country. Wavering between the "islamic revolutionary purity" of its origins and the total integration into the lebanese political interaction, Hezbollah is still looking where he stands on the lebanese scene. After a possible israeli withdrawal from the south-Lebanon, what will hezbollah become ? Should we believe, at least are we right to think, that we are living the last days of Hezbollah ?
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Gonçalves, Pedro Hilário dos Santos. "O discurso do terrorismo: o poder da legitimação e qual a necessidade do terrorismo se justificar." Master's thesis, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/10161.
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Saad-Ghorayeb, Amal. "Hizbu'llah : politics and religion /." Londres : Pluto Press, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38942056z.
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Asmar, Pascale. "Une analyse discursive du nom et des représentations du Hezbollah dans la presse libanaise, française et américaine (2010- 2011)." Phd thesis, Université de la Sorbonne nouvelle - Paris III, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01002007.
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Nous sommes partie d'une réflexion sur l'inscription du nom propre (Npr) en discours et des changements de sens qu'il peut subir. A partir du Npr " Hezbollah ", mot-pivot de cette étude, nous avons entamé l'analyse d'un corpus de presse (7 journaux libanais, français et américains) pour une période qui court de janvier 2010 (probable menace de guerre entre Israël et le Hezbollah) à janvier 2011 (la chute du gouvernement libanais). Nous avons privilégié au départ une étude quantitative, en nous appuyant sur la statistique textuelle, afin de mesurer l'importance accordée au Hezbollah en fonction des événements qui jalonnent la période (nombre et longueur des articles). En allant du mot au texte, nous avons ensuite analysé la combinatoire du mot-pivot dans son contexte proche (prédications, caractérisations) puis ses reprises en contexte élargi, afin d'étudier les différences de traitement significatives selon les pays et les lignes éditoriales des journaux.
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Jaziri, Stenberg Jasmin. "Realism and new threats : an analysis of Israel's security policy." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-21341.
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This essay takes a look at Israel's security policy and the definition of threat as a major factor in building up the security policies. This essay brings up also the problems of having a realist way of acting towards a more constructivist problem, as it is in this case. To understand better the constructivist context an analysis of Israel's security policy and a research of its roots are made as well as how Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), Hamas and Hezbollah are seen as threats to the Israeli state security. The aim is to look at the problem and at the basis of the foundation of both the organizations and Israel. From there, the conclusion takes its essence. In fact. what come forward are the social structures that created the infrastructures and this phenomenon is the root of the problem and not just the balance of power, which tends to come from a more bipolar problem thinking. This means that this problem might be easier to please with a more constructivist way of thinking and of looking at the problem to be able to think of solving it.
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Saouma, Sophie M. "Lebanon and Hizbullah: Investigating the Failed State Model." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/504.
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This thesis investigates the failed state label on Lebanon. The thesis explores how Lebanon falls under the paradigm and how Lebanon contradicts, at times, the failed state model with the inclusion of Hizbullah.
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Persson, Anders. "Hizbollah och det rättfärdiga kriget." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22802.
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Denna uppsats syftar till att vara ett bidrag till den samtida debatten kring teorin om rättfärdiga krig. I uppsatsen utmanas rådande föreställningar om rättfärdiga krig, i synnerhet idén om att endast suveräna stater utgör legitima auktoriteter. Uppsatsen använder Hizbollah som fallstudie och författaren argumenterar för att rörelsens enorma popularitet och de facto kontroll över stora områden gjort Hizbollah till en legitim härskare. Därmed bör Hizbollah, trots att rörelsen är en icke-statlig aktör i Libanon, betraktas som en legitim auktoritet som kan utkämpa rättfärdiga krig.This essay aims to be a contribution to the contemporary debate on the “Just War Theory” in a way that challenges traditional concepts of the theory, especially the idea that only sovereign states constitutes legitimate authorities. Using Hezbollah as a case study, the author argues that the organization’s enormous popularity and de facto control over considerable parts of Lebanon makes Hezbollah a legitimate ruler of its territory. Consequently Hezbollah, despite being a non-state actor, should be regarded as a legitimate authority and thus capable of fighting just wars.
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Gustafsson, Hans-Emil. "Ur ett COIN perspektiv : Kriget mellan Israel och Libanon 2006." Thesis, Swedish National Defence College, Swedish National Defence College, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-780.
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I uppsatsen som följer har jag använt mig av David Galulas COIN teori. Jag har sedan använt den teorin och analyserat kriget mellan Israel och Libanon 2006. Kriget blev känt som ett misslyckande ur israelisk synpunkt, då de inte lyckades att besegra Hezbollah eller stoppa deras raketskjutningar in i Israel. Detta trots att de har den mest högteknologiska armen i mellanöstern och hade luftoperativkontroll. I denna uppsats så har jag fört ett resonemang för att svara på frågeställningen: Går Galulas teorier att använda mot en organiserad motståndare som Hezbollah? Efter att ha skrivit denna uppsats så har jag inte kommit fram till ett absolut svar, men är personligen övertygad om att det går. I fallet Hezbollah är det väldigt problematiskt i och med att de var så väl förberedda på att det skulle bli krig. Det faktum att Israel dessutom hade skurit ner på sitt försvar och inte hade utbildat sina soldater och chefer inför denna typ av krig gjorde att de inte kunde strida på ett effektivt sätt. För att Israel skulle ha lyckats vinna, tror jag att en större markoperation hade varit nödvändig då Hezbollah var så väl förberedda. Detta är i linje med det första steget i Galulas COIN teori där man med truppnärvaro strävar efter att separera befolkningen från insurgenterna i detta fall Hezbollah.
In the essay that follows I have used David Galulas COIN theory. I have then used Galulas theory and analyzed the war between Israel and Lebanon in 2006. The war from the Israeli point of view was a failure, as they failed to defeat Hezbollah and stop their rockets from firing into Israel. Despite the facts that the Israel had the most technologically advanced army in the Middle East and that they had air superiority in the area. In this essay I have discussed the following question: Are Galulas theories usable against an opponent like Hezbollah? After having written this essay, I have not beenable to conclude a definite answer, however I am convinced that it is possible. The reason for the Israeli failure was the fact that the Hezbollah were so well prepared for war. Whereas the Israeli forces were ill-prepared because of a substantial decrease in numbers compared to earlier years, and because the Israeli soldiers and officers were not trained for this type of war. In my opinion, the Israeli forces would have needed to focus much more on ground operations because the Hezbollah were so well prepared. This is exactly what stage one in Galulas COIN theory advises, where through military presence, separate the civilian population from the insurgents.
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Teymur, Samih O'Connor Brian C. "A conceptual map for understanding the terrorist recruitment process observation and analysis of DHKP/C, PKK, and Turkish Hezbollah terrorist organizations /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3914.
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Aima, Abhinav K. "Push-Pull Hezbollah: The New York Times and the Washington Post News Coverage of Three Israel-Lebanon Conflicts (1996, 2000, 2006)." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1564927655951069.
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Nordström, Erik. "The Syrian Refugee crisis in Lebanon : Facing another civil war?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-69088.
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The refugee crisis has been one of the main foci in western media the last years. Many European countries are raising their concerns on the refugees and how they are not able to help them. This thesis is a desk study which seeks to examine the Syrian refugee influx upon Lebanon. Michael Brown’s book about reasons about internal conflicts have been the guideline to mark out any eventual internal conflicts a big refugee influx can eventually stir upon a country. The thesis will try to analyse and figure out if the refugee crisis will fuel the already existing sectarian tensions in the country. The do not clearly establish whether the refugee influx in Lebanon will potentially produce a new civil war or not. The refugee crisis has proven itself to be a burden for Lebanon within many of its internal sectors and the political tensions run higher now than earlier. The possibility for a renewed civil war is therefore not impossible but at the same time it might as well be avoided completely.