Journal articles: 'Hieroglyphic-Luwian'

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Hamp, Eric P. "Hieroglyphic Luwian." Historical Linguistics 122, no. 1 (2009): 96–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/hisp.2009.122.1.96.

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Waal, Willemijn. "A New Interpretation of the Opening Lines of the Assur Letters." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 111, no. 2 (2021): 263–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2021-2006.

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Abstract In this paper a new interpretation of the hatura-clauses in the Hieroglyphic Luwian Assur letters will be presented. First of all, it will be argued that the Hieroglyphic Luwian lexeme hatura-, which is usually connected to the Hittite verb ḫatrae- ‘to send’, ‘to write’ and translated as ‘letter’, is in fact related to the Hittite word ḫattuli- and Cuneiform Luwian ḫattulaḫid-, meaning ‘health’,‘wellbeing’. Secondly, the article will suggest that the Hieroglyphic Luwian word api, which is usually translated as ‘back’, or ‘again’, primarily functions as a discourse marker. Lastly, it will be proposed that the Hieroglyphic Luwian word for ‘letter’ or ‘message’ is (*205)atun(i)-. These new interpretations yield a better understanding of the opening lines of the Assur-letters and elucidate some other opaque passages of this intriguing correspondence.1

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Schürr, Diether. "Zu lykisch ϑϑẽ und seiner etymologischen Interpretation". Indogermanische Forschungen 121, № 1 (2016): 123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2016-0007.

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Zusammenfassung Of the putative attestations of PIE *dʰeh1s- in the Anatolian languages not a single example is persuasive: Lycian ϑϑẽ has the meaning ‘altar’ only when it adjoins kumezijẽ; its basic meaning should be ‘construction’. The tahñtãi associated with ϑϑẽ signifies ‘buildings’, according to the Greek translation, and reappears probably in Lycian B tasñtuwadi. Lydian taśẽν is an obsolete reading for taiẽν, designating a column. Hieroglyphic Luwian tà-sá-za is most probably not a complete word, but a phonetic complement to *256 and of unclear meaning, Hieroglyphic Luwian tasa- is something like ‘stone’, without a cultic context, and Hieroglyphic Luwian tà-na has vanished altogether, having been reanalysed as enclitic -tà plus POST. For Cuneiform Luwian tānid-, Hieroglyphic Luwian tanišaand Luw.-Hitt. taninu- it is certainly not necessary to postulate a derivation from *dʰ(e)h1s-no-. Palaic tašūra is some sort of recipient for offerings and therefore comparable to an altar, but with no obvious semantic connection to Luwian tasaor Lycian ϑϑẽ.

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Vertegaal, Alexander. "The spelling and phonology of the dental stops in Hieroglyphic Luwian." Kadmos 58, no. 1-2 (2019): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2019-0001.

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Abstract This paper investigates the distribution and use of the Hieroglyphic Luwian signs □ <ta> (L 100) and □ <ta> (L 29), expanding on and reacting to Rieken 2010. It appears <ta> and <ta> are used contrastively not only in a select subset of texts from the Karkamiš region, but in large parts of the Hieroglyphic Luwian corpus in general. Word-internally, <ta> appears to be used wherever we expect to find a short stop (either voiced or voiceless), while <ta> is used for long (fortis) stops. This suggests that consonantal length was at least a phonetic feature in Hieroglyphic Luwian.

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OSHIRO, Terumasa. "NOTES ON HIEROGLYPHIC LUWIAN." Orient 29 (1993): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/orient1960.29.45.

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Hutter, M., and S. Hutter-Braunsar. "PAYNE, A.: Hieroglyphic Luwian." Kratylos 52, no. 1 (2007): 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.29091/kratylos/2007/1/40.

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Bauer, A. H. "PAYNE, ANNICK: Hieroglyphic Luwian." Kratylos 56, no. 1 (2011): 214–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.29091/kratylos/2011/1/29.

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Breyer, Francis. "Das Verhältnis zwischen Hieroglyphen- und Keilschrift-Luwisch." Altorientalische Forschungen 49, no. 1 (2022): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2022-0002.

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Abstract The linguistic differences between Hieroglyphic and Cuneiform Luwian have long been known. However, it is unclear how these should be assessed: How exactly do the two varieties relate to each other? Are they different dialects, just different registers or even different sociolects? Based on the thesis developed recently, according to which the transformation of the Luwian hieroglyphs into a veritable writing system only took place in the context of the late Hittite empire, this article works out that Hieroglyphic Luwian probably is to be considered a functiolect.

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OSHIRO, Terumasa. "Some Aspects of Hieroglyphic Luwian." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 28, no. 1 (1985): 24–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.28.24.

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OSHIRO, TERUMASA. "SOME ASPECTS OF HIEROGLYPHIC LUWIAN." Orient 22 (1986): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/orient1960.22.73.

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Oshiro, Terumasa. "The Hieroglyphic Luwian -si Again." Lingua Posnaniensis 52, no. 1 (2010): 67–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10122-010-0005-y.

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The Hieroglyphic Luwian -siAgainWe recognize three attestations of the element -siattached to a verbal ending in KARKAMIŠ A11b, A12 and ALEPO 2. The author has already regarded this -sias another reflexive element comparable to the reflexive -ti. Furthermore, we can also point out four more attestations of a similar element -siin the inscriptions recently discovered at TELL AHMAR 6:huhasata-si"he himself ran" (vii and xix) and at ÇINEKÖY:iziya-si"they themselves made" (vi and vii). It should be noted that the element -siin ÇINEKÖY is attached directly to an irregularly omitted verbal formiziyaof *iziyanta"they made".

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OSHIRO, Terumasa. "ON KINSHIP TERMS IN HIEROGLYPHIC LUWIAN." Orient 26 (1990): 86–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/orient1960.26.86.

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OSHIRO, Terumasa. "THE VERBAL REDUPLICATION IN HIEROGLYPHIC LUWIAN." Orient 30and31 (1995): 294–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/orient1960.30and31.294.

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Yakubovich, Ilya. "The Luwian word for ‘place’ and its cognates." Kadmos 56, no. 1-2 (2017): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2017-0001.

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Abstract Contrary to the common assumption, the Luwian word for ‘place’, hidden under the logogram <LOCUS> in Anatolian hieroglyphic transmission, is genetically unrelated to Hittite pēda- (n.) ‘place’. Based on synchronic combinatory evidence, it can be assigned the phonological interpretation /allV(n)t-/ (n.). Its closest demonstrable cognates are Kizzuwatna Luwian /arlanuwa-i/ ‘to replace, relocate’ and Lydian arlil(i)- ‘belonging to the homestead, household’, which suggests the reconstruction of *arl(a)- ‘place’ at an earlier stage of the Luwian language. The Luwian and Lydian words treated in this paper are likely to be ultimately derived from the Anatolian verbal root ‘to stand’ (cf. Hittite artari ‘stands’). The original meaning of Hittite pēda- was possibly ‘plain’. An additional result of this article consists in the improved understanding of several Luwian and Lydian passages.

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Kalaç, M., and J. D. Hawkins. "The Hieroglyphic Luwian Rock-Inscription of Malpınar." Anatolian Studies 39 (December 1989): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642816.

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A notable new rock-inscription has been discovered in the vilayet of Adıyaman, which shows clear links with the Neo-Hittite dynasty of Kummuh already known from the BOYBEYPINARI blocks and the fragments from the productive site of Ancoz. The site of the new inscription adjacent to the village of Malpınar was discovered by Mustafa Kalaç, together with his students Selahattin Aksu (komiser) and Hüseyin Sayıcı, in September 1979 during a survey conducted by the Lower Euphrates Project of the Middle East Technical University. The discovery was reported by M. Kalaç to the Xth Turkish Congress of History held in Ankara, 22–6 September 1986. Hawkins had the opportunity to visit the inscription in October 1986 and August 1987. Travelling from Adıyaman to Akpınar (22 km. as the crow flies), past Kuyulu (alias Turuş, 9 km.), one reaches Malpınar on the east bank of the Göksu Çayı (8 km.). See Fig. 1. The Göksu, flowing south, joins the Euphrates near Gümüşkaya, some 35 km. downstream from Samsat.

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Bilgin and Özçiris. "Unpublished Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions from Adıyaman Museum." Journal of the American Oriental Society 141, no. 4 (2021): 767. http://dx.doi.org/10.7817/jameroriesoci.141.4.0767.

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Woudhuizen, F. C. "The Luwian Hieroglyphic Contribution to the Alphabet." Živa Antika 66, no. 1-2 (2016): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.47054/ziva16661-2005w.

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WOUDHUIZEN, Fred C. "The Luwian Hieroglyphic Contribution to Anatolian Geography." Anatolica 29 (January 1, 2003): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ana.29.0.2015509.

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Kloekhorst, Alwin. "A Short Grammar of Hieroglyphic Luwian (review)." Language 83, no. 1 (2007): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2007.0025.

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Peker, Hasan. "A New Funerary Stele from Karkemish and New Values for Some Anatolian Hieroglyphic Signs." Belleten 87, no. 309 (2023): 357–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2023.357.

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Karkemish is located on the West bank of Euphrates River, about 60 kilometres southeast of Gaziantep, Turkey, and 100 kilometres northeast of Aleppo, Syria. Ruins of the city, over 90 hectares, of which over 55 lie in Turkey and around 35 in Syria. Since 2011 Karkemish has been newly explored by a joint Turco-Italian Archaeological Expedition. During the 2016 excavation campaign by the Turco-Italian Archaeological Expedition at Karkemish, a fragment of a funerary stele bearing a Hieroglyphic Luwian text was unearthed in the Lower Palace area. The stele probably dates to the early eighth century BCE (reign of Yariri/Yarri) and belonged to the wife of a cultic official. In this article, after presenting an edition of the inscription in question, new values for the Anatolian hieroglyphic sign L375 (which is attested on the stele in the writing PURUS-L375-sá of the word *kummayalli(ya)s, “sacred priest”) and related signs such as L375, L144 (= *521), L74, L129, and L398 are suggested while reinterpreting several passages of hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions from both the Empire and Late Hittite periods.

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Vertegaal, Alexander J. J. "Signs of length." Indogermanische Forschungen 123, no. 1 (2018): 159–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2018-0007.

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Abstract In Vertegaal 2017, it was argued that plene spellings(〈CV-V〉 sign sequences) in Hieroglyphic Luwian can be divided into two types: space-fillers on the one hand, and non-fillers on the other. This article focuses on plene spellings of the latter kind, as attested in texts from the Iron Age (CHLI). It is demonstrated that these non-filler plene writings are non-randomly distributed across morphemes and lexemes, indicating that this mode of spelling marks a phonetic feature. Using secure etymologies and analyses, it is proposed that non-filler (“linguistically real”) plene spellings mark the presence of long vowels or disyllabic sequences. The validity of this hypothesis is subsequently tested against less secure and doubtful etymologies as well as counterexamples. Finally, it is concluded that the hypothesis holds, thereby providing, for the first time, direct evidence for the writing of vowel length in Hieroglyphic Luwian.

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HAWKINS, J. David, Kazım TOSUN, and Rukiye AKDOĞAN. "A New Hieroglyphic Luwian Stele in Adana Museum." Höyük, no. 6 (January 1, 2013): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/hoyuk.2013.10.

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Vertegaal, Alexander J. J. "The phoneticisation of the Luwian hieroglyphic writing system." Hungarian Assyriological Review 2, no. 2 (2021): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.52093/hara-202102-00025-000.

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Sasseville, David. "Luwian and Sanskrit action nouns in *-i̯-eh2-." Indo-European Linguistics 8, no. 1 (2020): 275–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10003.

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Abstract The Luwian nominal class of common gender a-stems, which has been argued to reflect Proto-Indo-European stems in *-eh2-, has not yet been explored to a full extent. In Cuneiform Luwian, a number of action nouns in -a- c. derived from verbs in -i(ya)- (< *-i̯e/o-) have been noticed by scholars, but a larger analysis of all examples including Hieroglyphic Luwian is still lacking. It is the goal of the present paper to fill this gap. After a synchronic analysis of all examples, their stem formation will be compared to a similar derivational process found in Sanskrit. Consequently, the comparative evidence will shed light on the function of the suffix *-eh2- in Proto-Indo-European, including Anatolian.

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Adiego, Ignasi-Xavier. "The Survival of the God Name Šarruma in Cilician Names in the Greek Sources." Altorientalische Forschungen 46, no. 2 (2019): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2019-0010.

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Abstract This paper studies some Cilician names attested in Greek sources that contain the element ζαρμα-. The two main interpretative hypotheses – a connection to Luwian zalma-, or a connection to the god name Šarruma/Šarma- – are critically analysed. The conclusion reached is that while the ambiguity of ζαρμα- cannot be resolved, it is highly likely that both -sarma and -zarma really existed as different elements in the formation of personal names in Iron Age Hieroglyphic Luwian. There was probably a tendency towards confusion between -sarma and -zarma, caused by phonological proximity and semantic crossing of certain names.

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Schürr, Diether. "Urindogermanisch Wein und Met in den anatolischen Sprachen." ARAMAZD: Armenian Journal of Near Eastern Studies 13, no. 1 (2019): 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/ajnes.v13i1.950.

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The existence of wine and mead already in the Proto-Indo-European language is not compatible with the traditional hypothesis of a nomadic origin, but supported by the attestations of these words in the Anatolian languages: Hittite, Luwian in cuneiform texts, Late Luwian in hieroglyphic texts and even Lycian and Carian, albeit only in toponyms. There is no obstacle to supposing that the agrarian Proto-Indo-Europeans did already domesticate grapes and bees, like Anatolians and like Mycenean Greeks in the second millenium BC, and the loan of the word for wine into West-Semitic is a strong argument for this.

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Hawkins, J. D. "The Kululu Lead Strips Economic Documents in Hieroglyphic Luwian." Anatolian Studies 37 (December 1987): 135–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642893.

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The present study incorporates the results of work which I did on the KULULU lead strips in Ankara in the spring of 1978. There by the kind permission of Professor Tahsin Özgüç I was enabled to examine all the lead strips thoroughly. The texts presented here are based on tracings of collated photographs of the strips made at that time. I am most grateful to Professor Özgüç for his help and encouragement.The manuscript of this article was submitted to Belleten for publication in 1979, but due to unforeseen circumstances has remained unpublished until the present. It has therefore been decided to publish it in the present form without further delay. Since the original submission of the manuscript to Belleten, however, two major contributions on the KULULU lead strips have appeared:(1) Sargon Erdem: “Le strisce di piombo di KULULU” (Studia Mediterranea Piero Meriggi dicata (ed. O. Carruba; Pavia, 1979), 143–164);(2) Piero Meriggi and Massimo Poetto: “Note alle strisce di piombo di KULULU” (Investigationes Philologicae et Comparativae: GS für Heinz Kronasser (ed. E. Neu; Wiesbaden, 1982), 97–115).

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Simon, Zsolt. "Once again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign *19 〈á〉." Indogermanische Forschungen 118, no. 2013 (2013): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/indo.2013.118.2013.1.

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Bianconi, Michele. "Le mot carien pour ‘chef’, une nouvelle racine anatolienne et un changement phonétique carien-grec." Kadmos 63, no. 1-2 (2024): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2024-0004.

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Abstract In this paper, I analyse the Carian gloss σουαγγελα, attested in Stephen of Byzantium. I propose that possible cognates of γελα ‘king’, the second element of the gloss, may be identified in Hittite, Hieroglyphic Luwian, Lycian, and possibly cuneiform Luwian. This analysis incidentally provides viable etymologies for certain Armenian lexemes, which can now be considered as loanwords from Anatolian languages (specifically Luwian). The new Carian etymology enables the reconstruction of an Anatolian root meaning ‘head’ (vel sim.), accounting for most Anatolian lexical material through conservation or trivial semantic shifts. Additionally, it offers evidence for a sound change that likely occurred during borrowing of words from Carian into Greek. In the final section, I tentatively propose that the first element of the compound σουαγγελα also reflects an authentic Carian word. Through this contribution, I aim to demonstrate that even a seemingly uncertain item like a gloss can prompt a reevaluation of a set of words and uncover previously unnoticed etymological connections.

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Dinçol, Belkıs, Ali Dinçol, J. D. Hawkins, Hasan Peker, Aliye Öztan, and Ömer Çelik. "Two new inscribed Storm-god stelae from Arsuz (İskenderun): ARSUZ 1 and 2." Anatolian Studies 65 (2015): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006615461500006x.

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AbstractIn 2007 two stelae, each bearing figures of the Storm-god leading a ruler and a duplicate Hieroglyphic Luwian text, were discovered at Uluçınar (formerly Arsuz), on the Turkish coast south of Iskenderun. The inscription is the work of a Suppiluliuma, son of Manana, king of the land of Walastin, now understood as the Luwian designation of the Amuq plain with its capital at the Iron Age site of Tell Tayinat. The stelae, probably dating to the later tenth century BC, record the successful reign of the ruler and his happy relations with the Storm-god. Historically important is a passage which describes this Amuq king's victory over the Cilician plain, the city of Adana and the land of Hiyawa.

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Giusfredi, Federico. "“Chariots” in contact: on the value of the signs *91, *92 and *94 of Hieroglyphic Luwian." Kadmos 57, no. 1-2 (2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2018-0001.

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Abstract In this paper, I will re-examine the evidence for the interpretation of a complex compound logogram of the Hieroglyphic Luwian syllabary, PES(2). SCALA.ROTAE. I will also offer an improved interpretation of the text of the Korkun stela. Finally, I will tentatively suggest that the specific meaning of the compound logogram PES(2).SCALA may depend on the contact with the semiotic inventory of the cuneiform writing system.

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Vernet, Mariona. "Hi-inflected verbal *CóC-stems in Cuneiform and Hieroglyphic Luwian." Journal of Language Relationship 15, no. 1-2 (2017): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/jlr-2017-151-210.

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Cem; SAVAŞ, KARASU. "New Fragments Pertaining to the Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscription of Yalburt." Archivum Anatolicum-Anadolu Arşivleri 4 (2000): 99–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/archv_0000000076.

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Hawkins, J. David. "The Usage of the Hieroglyphic Luwian Sign “Crampon” (L.386)." Kadmos 49, no. 1 (2011): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos.2010.001.

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Rutherford, Ian. "Hieroglyphic Luwian: An Introduction with Original Texts (review)." Classical World 106, no. 1 (2012): 139–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2013.0004.

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Schürr, Diether. "Luwische Städte- und Länderglyphen (Hieroglyphic Luwian city and country glyphs)." Hungarian Assyriological Review 3, no. 1 (2022): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.52093/hara-202201-00028-000.

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Stauder, Andréas. "Ancient Egyptian Writing among Other Writing Systems: An Introductory Essay." Abgadiyat 18, no. 1 (2024): 59–84. https://doi.org/10.1163/22138609-01801007.

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The present essay briefly sketches aspects by which ancient Egyptian writing resembles and differs from other writing systems. Like all pristine writing systems, Egyptian writing is a mixed system, representing both the sound and meaning of language in its signs. Among these pristine systems, it is typologically remarkable for its focus on roots rather than syllables, its uniquely rich development of classifiers/semantic determinatives, and its early and thorough-going phonetization. Beyond language, Egyptian writing is one of a few, mostly genetically unrelated forms of hieroglyphic writing, with other notable examples being Mesoamerican hieroglyphs and Luwian hieroglyphs in Anatolia. The hieroglyphic type of writing is distinguished by the retained pictoriality of its signs, a rich dialogue between language and image, and specific graphic ideologies and conceptions of the hieroglyphic sign. Egypt and Anatolia both show a digraphic situation, with differences. Unlike, for example, cuneiform, Egyptian was not adapted to other languages, but two writing systems were invented in contact with Egyptian writing, in altogether different contexts: Proto-Sinaitic and Meroitic. In entirely different ways, both show aspects of what might be termed a ‘quasi-hieroglyphy’, providing ancient outside views on hieroglyphic writing and speaking to the enduring allure of Egyptian hieroglyphic writing.

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Burgin, James M., and Ilya Yakubovich. "“Initial-a-final”, Luwian low vowels, and language contact in the Syro-Anatolian world." Kadmos 63, no. 1-2 (2024): 115–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2024-0008.

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Abstract The Anatolian hieroglyphic inventory features two phonetic signs conventionally translated as “a”: 〈a〉 = L. 450 and 〈a〉 = L. 19. Their distribution has eluded explanation due to the complicated conventions governing the use of the 〈a〉 sign, which can be placed at the end of a word (“initial-a-final”), replaced with 〈a〉 (“a-substitution”), or deleted (“a-deletion”). Some words also regularly change between 〈a〉 and 〈a〉 within their paradigm. Based on a more refined understanding of these conventions, which vary by period and location, and comparison with data from the closely related Lycian language and Luwian names in Greek transmission, it will be suggested that 〈a〉 and 〈a〉 corresponded to the low vowels /a/ and /ɑ/ respectively. It will be argued that distinction between the two vowels in Luwian ultimately arose from the Proto-Anatolian contrast between the short and long non-high vowels, but also in some instances from the Luwic umlaut (mostly anticipatory backing of /a/ to /ɑ/). New evidence is also put forth that the vowel system of some dialects of Late Luwian underwent a change due to contact with Semitic languages. This resulted in an orthographic reform beginning in the late 9th century BC, which has practical implications for the dating of certain inscriptions.

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Oreshko, Rostislav. "New readings in the Hieroglyphic-Luwian inscriptions of BURUNKAYA and KIZILDAĞ 4." Kadmos 55, no. 1-2 (2016): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2016-0001.

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Abstract The paper presents results of collations of two Hieroglyphic-Luwian inscriptions of king Hartapu found in Central Anatolia and belonging to the post-Empire period (12th/11th century BC). In BURUNKAYA the improvements include: 1) identification of the first sign in the king’s name as a separate sign (instead of earlier <ha+ra/i>), probably L.417; 2) reading of one of the titles of the king as (DEUS)TONITRUS PURUS2-za/i (or EUNUCHUS2-za/i, phonetically kummaza) ‘priest of the Storm-God’; 3) identification of a part of the sign URBS/ REGIO in the second line of the inscription. In KIZILDAĞ 4 the discussion focuses on the central weathered part of the second line (§ 3); here, traces of two signs ANIMAL and of an animal head could be identified, which, in combination with other indications, allow the passage to be interpreted as an appeal to different visitors of the site to offer sacrificial animals to the Celestial Storm-God.

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Ivanov, Valerii. "Hittite ānt- and related lexemes." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 6 (2023): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080028904-1.

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There are two terms designating “equal” in cuneiform texts from Ḫattuša-Boğazköy, namely annauli- and ānt-. The lexeme ānt- has been connected with the Luwian terms ayawala- and ayal(a/i)-. The first one is a hapax in Hittite cuneiform corpus found in the so-called Tawagalawa letter (CTH 181), while the second one appears several times in the royal hieroglyphic inscriptions from Masuwari (Tell Ahmar). Although the meanings and etymologies of all these terms were discussed in recent scholarship, they have never been analyzed as part of a lexical system. The present article focuses on the contextual study of these terms. The author comes to the conclusion that Hitt. annauli- is to be interpreted as “of equal status”, while Hitt. ānt- means “equal by appointment”. Thus, the lexeme annauli- describes the balance of powers in the Ancient Near East of the 2nd millennium BCE, when all the Great Kings were supposed to be equal to each other. The term ānt- designates a substitute, who becomes equal to the ritual patron in the course of the ritual, while the term annauli- is mentioned in texts as the antonym of the ritual substitute. The Luwian terms ayawala- and ayal(a/i)- are ultimately derived from the Luwian verbal stem aya- “to do”, while Hitt. ānt- is possibly cognate with Latin aequus “equal”. The term ayal(a/i)- is a title linked to the performance of certain duties by the heir apparent, and ayawala- is connected with the ability of a prince or high official to act as king’s deputy.

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Massa, Michele, and James F. Osborne. "On the Identity of Hartapu." Altorientalische Forschungen 49, no. 1 (2022): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2022-0006.

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Abstract The recent discovery of the Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription of TÜRKMEN-KARAHÖYÜK 1 in the Konya Plain (Turkey) has sparked a debate regarding its author, Great King Hartapu, the dates of his rule, and his role in the political geography of south-central Anatolia. Several authors now propose that two kings of the same name may have reigned at different times in the same region. This paper proposes a textual analysis of all the Hartapu inscriptions, together with an assessment of the archaeological and historical contexts in which they were found. In light of this, we argue that only one individual called Hartapu was responsible for the whole corpus and that he reigned during the Middle Iron Age, likely in the 8th century BCE.

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Yakubovich, Ilya. "Once again on the evolution of the Anatolian hieroglyphic script." Kadmos 61, no. 1-2 (2022): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2022-0002.

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Abstract The Anatolian hieroglyphic script represents a logosyllabic system, which gradually evolved in Asia Minor in the course of the second millennium BCE. Although the first syllabic values of Anatolian hieroglyphs are attested about 1400 BCE, there have been recent attempts to demonstrate that linguistic considerations prompt the projection of the development of the syllabic script further back in time. The present paper addresses the arguments advanced in favour of such a hypothesis and shows their inconclusive character. A collateral result of the present investigation is the segmentation of the set of earliest syllabic signs for which logographic readings are also attested. The comparison between the logographic and syllabic values within this set is conducive to a conclusion that the Hittite language, as opposed to Luwian, played a decisive role in assigning the syllabic values to Anatolian hieroglyphs in Hattusa between 1400 and 1250 BCE.

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Simon, Zsolt. "A Goddess and a City or How to Read the Hieroglyphic Luwian Sign MANUS+MANUS." Asia Anteriore Antica. Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Cultures 5 (February 28, 2024): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/asiana-1961.

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This paper argues that the unusual determinative MANUS+MANUS of the goddess Pahalati in Hama that resisted explanation until now can be understood due to its new attestation in the logographic spelling of a Cilician toponym. It will be shown that an earlier attempt that identified MANUS+MANUS as a variant of MAGNUS, the city as Urušša, and the name of the goddess as a Phoenician-Luwian mixed phrase meaning ‘Great Lady’, is palaeographically, linguistically, and geographically impossible. A clue to the decipherment of MANUS+MANUS is provided by the homo(io)phonous settlement in Cilicia, Pahra-, which explains how the same sign could have been used both as a determinative and as a logogram in accordance with the regular rules of the usage of the determinatives.

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Trameri, Andrea. "Notes on the Use of the Sign URBS (L.225) in Anatolian Hieroglyphic." Altorientalische Forschungen 46, no. 2 (2019): 249–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2019-0017.

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Abstract This article discusses the use of the sign <URBS> (L.225) in Anatolian Hieroglyphic. In particular, it analyzes the attestations and contexts of use of the sign employed in combination with <mi> (L.391) (§ 2). It is well-known that the self-standing sign <URBS> was used as a determinative for city names, while the form with ligature +MI was employed as a logogram. A systematic analysis of the Anatolian Hieroglyphic corpus shows that this convention was very consistent. This article provides an updated corpus of attestations of the logographic usage; it is also shown that a less common form of this sign combination, without ligature (<URBS-MI>), was an alternative logographic writing in the early stage of the script, but the form with ligature (<URBS+MI>) became the standard after the 12th century. Possible exceptions to this convention and other inconsistent or problematic uses are discussed (§ 3). Conclusions include some considerations on the possible phonetic quality of the ligature +MI, and on the form of the Luwian word for “city” (§ 4). The final section discusses the use of the sign <URBS> in the spelling of the name Mursili, in light of the present analysis (§ 5).

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WEEDEN, MARK. "AFTER THE HITTITES: THE KINGDOMS OF KARKAMISH AND PALISTIN IN NORTHERN SYRIA." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 56, no. 2 (2013): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2013.00055.x.

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Abstract The disappearance and weakening of the Late Bronze Age territorial empires in the Eastern Mediterranean shortly after 1200 BC is traditionally held to be followed by a so-called Dark Age of around 300 years, characterized by a lack of written sources. However, new sources are appearing, mainly in the medium of Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions, which help us to understand events and, more importantly, political and geographical power constellations during the period. The new sources are briefly situated within the framework of the current debates, with special regard given to the territories of Karkamish and Palistin. Emphasis is laid on the apparent continuation of local idioms for the articulation of power, largely persisting from the Hittite Empire, in spite of any changes in population, social structure, or political institutions that may have occurred.

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Simon, Zsolt. "Marangozis, J.: A short grammar of hieroglyphic Luwian [Lincom studies in Indo-European linguistics 26]." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 47, no. 1 (2007): 139–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.47.2007.1.5.

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Kloekhorst, Alwin. "The origin of the phonetic value of the Anatolian hieroglyphic sign *41 (CAPERE/tà)." Kadmos 58, no. 1-2 (2019): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2019-0002.

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Abstract Following Rieken’s 2008 establishment that the Anatolian hieroglyphic sign *41 (CAPERE/ta) denoted the syllable /da/, with lenis /d/, Yakubovich (2008) argued that the sign’s phonetic value was acrophonically derived from the Hittite verb dā-i/d- ‘to take’. In the present article it is argued that this view can no longer be upheld in view of new proposals regarding the phonetic value of sign *41 (rather [da]) and the interpretation of Hitt. dā-i/d- (rather [tʔā-]). It is proposed that the value of sign *41 has instead been derived from the Luwian verb ‘to take’, lā-i/l-, which from a historical linguistic perspective must go back to earlier *.ā-i/ *.-. This acrophonic assignment of the value [da] to sign *41 must then be dated to the beginning of the 18th century BCE at the latest, which implies that already by that time the Anatolian hieroglyphs were in use as a real script that made use of phonetic signs.

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Morpurgo Davies, Anna. "Philology and linguistics: when data meet theory. Two case studies I: the case of Hieroglyphic Luwian." Transactions of the Philological Society 109, no. 3 (2011): 207–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-968x.2011.01291_1.x.

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Dalley, Stephanie. "Book Review: An Excellent Introduction to the Neo-Hittites: Annick Payne, Iron Age Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions." Expository Times 125, no. 10 (2014): 515–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524614524142n.

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Gurney, O. R. "The Annals of Hattusilis III." Anatolian Studies 47 (December 1997): 127–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642903.

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The Hittite kings were the first to record the events of their reigns in annalistic form, beginning, it seems, with the first king of the Empire, Tudhaliyas I/II. His successors continued the practice, and annals are preserved for Arnuwandas I, Suppiluliumas I (composed by his son), and above all for Mursilis II. There is no reason to think that the following kings were any less proud of their achievements, but Muwatallis II's archives have not yet been discovered, nor has any continuous text been found for the reign of Hattusilis III. For the reigns of Tudhaliyas IV and Suppiluliumas II (nothing is known of Arnuwandas III) it seems that with the development of the “hieroglyphic” script and the Luwian language these kings adopted the practice of inscribing their “deeds” (LÙ-natar “manliness”) in a new form beginning “I am …” on monumental inscriptions or commemorative statues.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Hieroglyphic-Luwian'

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