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Journal articles on the topic 'Hilary of Poitiers'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 April 2022

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1

Cano Gómez, Guillermo J. "Centurio, tribunus, princeps en Hilario de Poitiers, in Matth. 7, 3-5: texto bíblico y exégesis a la luz de gnósticos y Orígenes." Augustinianum 60, no. 1 (2020): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20206013.

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In this paper we shall examine a few texts by authors who predate Hilary in order to investigate a possible exegetical tradition or interpretative current that could include several gnostic groups cited by Irenaeus of Lyons (II c.), to Origen (III c.) and saint Hilary of Poitiers (IV c.). However, one of the interpretations that Origen presents in his Commentary on saint John is the same interpretation that Hilary gives, but it is more developed. Certainly, Hilary and Origen comment two different Gospels, but both comment homologous scenes; Hilary comments Mt. 8:5-13 and Origen, Io. 4:46-54. In addition, we believe some testimonies in Hilary’s commentary can reveal the influence of Origen’s commentary on Hilary/s. One of these testimonies could be the explanation of the strange reading transmitted by Hilary who calls tribunus to the centurio of the Gospel.

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2

Borchardt, C. F. A. "Hilarius van Poitiers oor die versoening." Verbum et Ecclesia 10, no. 1 (July 18, 1989): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v10i1.993.

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Hilary of Pontiers on the atonement The development of Hilary’s thought on the atonement is discussed by comparing his three main works, viz. Commentary on Matthew, De Trinitate and Commentary on the Psalms. His indebtedness to the Early Latin Fathers Tertullian and Cyprian is also pointed out. The so-called divinization of man in Hilary’s works generally ascribed to the influence of Eastern theologians with whom he made contact during his period of exile in the East, may rather be seen as a spiritualisation of the body which is consistent with the ideas of other Latin writers.

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3

Karczewska, Helena. "„Bestiariusz niewiary”. Ludzie oddaleni od Boga w nauczaniu św. Hilarego z Poitiers." Vox Patrum 59 (January 25, 2013): 225–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4025.

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Bishop of Poitiers, referring to the allegorical interpretation of Scripture, makes the characteristics of people away from God through unbelief. Comparing them to beasts, Hilary creates an unique „bestiary of disbelief”. Bishop of Poitiers shows the catalogue of beasts and gives them a symbolic significance which reveals the nature of opponents of the Church. In the allegorical world of beasts many animals can be found: foxes mean false prophets, ravens – sinners and cattle as a symbol of heathen. In general Bishop of Poitiers indicates symbol of serpent as heretics who reject the gift of faith in Christ and contempt the doctrine of the Church. In Hilary’s works a lot of helpful directions for believers are given. Bishop focuses on gaining spiritual knowledge and proclamation of the Gospel.

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4

Williams, D. H. "A Reassessment of the Early Career and Exile of Hilary of Poitiers." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42, no. 2 (April 1991): 202–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900000051.

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Exiled from his see in the year 356, Hilary of Poitiers suddenly emerges on the historical scene out of a shroud of undocumented silence. It is well known by students of Hilary and his times how few facts are available about the saint's early life and his first years as bishop. The existence of such lacunae in the career of a person who would eventually become one of the West's major theologians and apologists created a vacuum too tempting not to fill. It comes as no surprise, therefore, to find later hagiographic accounts eager to trace Hilary's virtus and undefiled orthodoxy back to the earliest stages of his life. This is well exemplified by Hilary's sixth-century biographer Venantius Fortunatus, who locates signs of future fidelities in the very beginning. Despite the implications in the first book of De Trinitate that Hilary had been a pagan prior to becoming a Christian, Venantius confidently tells us how the saint took in Christian doctrine and true religion with his mother's milk.

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5

Wickman, Eric. "Shaping Church-State Relations After Constantine: The Political Theology of Hilary of Poitiers." Church History 86, no. 2 (June 2017): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717000543.

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Writing in the half-century after the “conversion” of Constantine, Bishop Hilary of Poitiers wrote two works regarding Emperor Constantius II. The first,Ad Constantium, is a polite and formal letter, seeking an audience with the emperor. The second,In Constantium, is a harangue against the emperor. Some scholars have proposed that the difference in tone between these two documents indicates that Hilary had come to advocate for the emperor to be completely uninvolved in the affairs of the Church. Closer analysis reveals that Hilary always endorsed a position in which the emperor should be involved in ecclesiastical affairs, so long as he submitted to the higher authorities of scripture and the ancient apostolic faith. Hilary would have had no concerns with a pro-Nicene emperor enforcing proto-orthodox church councils and creeds. Prior to Hilary, most of Christianity had accepted imperial involvement in the Church. But the involvement of the Roman emperors in ecclesial matters caused many to have to consider the problems of someone outside of the Church making decisions for the Church. Hilary's efforts stand as one of the first western attempts to nuance and limit the emperor's ecclesiastical role.

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6

Scully, Ellen. "The Soteriology of Hilary of Poitiers." Augustinianum 52, no. 1 (2012): 159–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20125218.

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7

A., Van de Beek. "Hilary of Poitiers and theological language." Acta Theologica 40, no. 1 (June 17, 2020): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18820/23099089/actat.v40i1.9.

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8

Barnes, T. D. "Hilary of Poitiers On His Exile." Vigiliae Christianae 46, no. 2 (1992): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007292x00034.

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9

Scully, Ellen. "Jerusalem: Image of Hilary’s Christocentric Eschatology in the Tractatus super Psalmos." Vigiliae Christianae 66, no. 3 (2012): 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007211x561644.

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Abstract In his lengthy Tractatus super Psalmos, Hilary of Poitiers states only twice that humans are to “live the life of the angels.” Nevertheless, these rare statements seem to undermine both the role of the human body in eschatological life and the christocentrism of Hilary’s soteriology. However, this paper will argue that Hilary’s designation of different eschatological locations for humans and angels—namely in Mt. Zion and Jerusalem, respectively—in the Tractatus super Psalmos demonstrate that Hilary, at least in this later work, believes that while humans will resemble angels in certain aspects, ultimately they will be conformed to Christ whose body is the holy temple or Church of the heavenly Jerusalem, Mt. Zion itself.

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10

Cano Gómez, Guillermo J. "Hilario de Poitiers, In Mt. 7, 3-5 y la angelología." Augustinianum 57, no. 1 (2017): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20175714.

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Saint Hilary of Poitiers in his Commentary on Matthew explains the famous scene of the centurion and his servant (Mt. 8, 5-13). According to Hilary, the centurion represents the “prince of the nations,” but he does not explain who this “prince” is because he wants to speak about the servant. However, he gives two references in the Bible for those who want to know who this prince is. The hypothesis defended in this article maintains that the prince is an angel who looks after the Gentile nations. This hypothesis is grounded in research on Hilary’s biblical references and in the comparison with other texts in which he expounds his doctrine about this type of angel.

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11

Toom, Tarmo. "Hilary of Poitiers’ De Trinitate and the Name(s) of God." Vigiliae Christianae 64, no. 5 (2010): 456–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007210x493461.

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Abstract“Hilary of Poitiers’ De Trinitate and the Name(s) of God” investigates the implications of the ancient nomos/physis debate to Trinitarian theology. While the Cappadocians, countering Heteroousians, eventually demonstrated that naturalist understanding of naming did not work for Christian theology, Hilary still assumed that it did. Hilary is usually grouped with naturalists who held that names were not arbitrary and conventional impositions, but that they corresponded to the nature of what they designated. Yet, there are several complications with such a grouping, because not all naturalists (e.g., Cratylus, Stoics, Origen, Eunomius) say the same thing, focus on same issues, have theological interest in names, or agree with Hilary. Accordingly, this paper will argue that Hilary can be called a “naturalist” only in a qualified sense.

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12

Smulders, P. "A Bold Move of Hilary of Poitiers." Vigiliae Christianae 42, no. 2 (1988): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007288x00039.

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13

Bodrožić, Ivan, and Vanda Kraft Soić. "Heretical doctrine of Photinus of Sirmium in Hilary of Poitiers’ De trinitate." Vox Patrum 68 (December 16, 2018): 283–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3357.

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This article aims to provide the comprehensive and systematic review of the doctrine of Photinus of Sirmium († 376), based on the work of Hilary of Poitiers De Trinitate composed between 358 and 360. Photinus error is primarily Christological. The first part of the article deals with Hilary’s interpretation of Photinus’understanding of the subject of the Incarnation according to which God the Word/the Word of God was comprehended as a part or one of God’s powers, a mere word, the expression of thought, which does not really differ from God, having no subsistence or existence, so that God is ultimately considered solitary. It is a strict Monarchianism. The second part focuses on Photinus’understanding (based on De Trinita-te) of what was “assumed” of the humanity by the Word of God for the pur-pose of Incarnation, and in which way. Two interpretations referring to Pho-tinus’understanding of the conception of Jesus Christ in Mary, attribute it supernatural causes (the Virginal conception by the non-subsistent Word) and presumably quite natural causes. For the purpose of the Incarnation, the Word of God “assumes” (“takes on”) the entire man, conceived in Mary. The “Incarnation”, as such, is accomplished by the extension of the non-subsisting Word and its in/ dwelling in that man. Based on De Trinitate, the third part deals with the effects of “the Incarnation” as it was understood by Photinus. Hilary concludes that it results in two subjects: on the one hand, it is solus communis generis homo who was born of Mary, and on the other hand, the non-subsistent Word of God that dwelt in that man. The union of the man born of Mary and the Word of God – a part of God’s powers – is reduced, by Photinus and in Hilary’s interpretation, to habitatio, temporary and accidental in/dwelling of the Word of God in the man in a manner the Spirit dwelt in prophets. The effect of the in/dwelling of the Word in a man born of Mary (or the dwelling itself) can be taken as prophetal inspiration, animation, consisting of mere external strengthening of the man and empowering him for his and Divine activity, nevertheless, man’s vital and, and as it seems operative, principle is his soul. Based on De Trinitate, Divine Sonship or filiation and “deification” of man born of Mary, according to Photinus, seems to be due to the fact that the non-subsisting Word of God – a part of God’s powers – dwells in him, inspiring or animating him by strengthening him and empowering him for divine activity. According to Hilary, Photinus denies pre-existence of the Word, that is, the Son, Christ so he cannot even be the co-Creator of the world. He becomes existent, that is, subsistent only through the Incarnation and birth of Mary. For Hilary, Photinus’ adoptionist position is clear: the man is assumed into the Son and into the God. According to Hilary, in Photinus’ doctrine there is no place for the real Incarnation of the true Son of God. Hilary’s interpretation of Photinus’ understanding of Jesus Christ, the Son, is that he is not the Word made flesh, nor he is one and the same both God and Man. For Hilary Jesus Christ or Son of God as Photinus understands him is just someone like a prophet (a man) inspired, that is empowered by a Word of God dwelling in him – by a part of God’s powers – for divine activity; ultimately, Hilary reduces him to a mere man, to a creature. The fourth part points out that opinions expressed in the scholarship – based exclusively on the Book Ten of Hilary’s De Trinitate – according to which Photinus, motivated by soteriology, insisted on the wholeness of Jesus’ humanity that is on the fact that Jesus Christ had a human soul, should be taken relatively. To conclude, on the basis of Book Ten of De Trinitate Photinus insisted on the wholeness of the humanity of Jesus Christ, that is, on his possessing of the human soul, just to the extent which he held that he was a mere man (in whom the non-subsistent Word of God dwelt as a Spirit in prophets).

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14

Barnes, T. D. "The Capitulation of Liberius and Hilary of Poitiers." Phoenix 46, no. 3 (1992): 256. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088695.

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15

Beckwith, Carl. "A theological reading of Hilary's ‘autobiographical’ narrative in De Trinitate I.1–19." Scottish Journal of Theology 59, no. 3 (July 25, 2006): 249–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930606002250.

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Hilary of Poitiers begins his treatise De Trinitate with what appears to be an autobiographical narration of his journey to the Christian faith. Scholars, though taking different approaches to explain this narration, have overlooked its significance for Hilary's treatise. In the following essay, I argue that Book I is a reflection on sources of knowledge about God, the role of faith and reason in theological inquiry, the proper approach to scripture, and the soteriological context of any discussion on the mystery of God. These methodological reflections guide the reader through Hilary's treatise and make Book I crucial to understanding his purpose in De Trinitate.

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16

Ткачёв, Евгений Викторович. "St. Hilary of Poitiers Against Arians, or Against Auxentius." Метафраст, no. 1(1) (June 15, 2019): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2658-770x-2019-1-1-103-124.

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Вниманию русскоязычного читателя представляется перевод небольшого полемического трактата свт. Илария Пиктавийского «Против Авксентия». Данный трактат является важным источником по истории арианских споров на Западе. В предисловии к переводу описывается контекст написания трактата, его структура и богословская аргументация свт. Илария в полемике с одним из видных влиятельных представителей арианской партии Авксентием, архиепископом Медиоланским. The Russian-speaking reader is presented with a translation of a small polemical tract of St. Hilary of Poitiers “Against Auxentius”. This treatise is an important source on the history of Arian disputes in the West. In the preface to the translation the Author describes the context of in which the treatise was written, the structure of this essay and theological argument of St. Hilary in his polemics with one of the prominent and influential representatives of the Arian party, Auxentius, Archbishop of Milan.

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17

Burns, Paul C. "Hilary of Poitiers' Road to Béziers: Politics or Religion?" Journal of Early Christian Studies 2, no. 3 (1994): 273–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.0.0124.

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18

Williams, Daniel H. "Defining Orthodoxy in Hilary of Poitiers' Commentarium in Matthaeum." Journal of Early Christian Studies 9, no. 2 (2001): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2001.0036.

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19

Weedman, Mark. "Hilary and the Homoiousians: Using New Categories to Map the Trinitarian Controversy." Church History 76, no. 3 (September 2007): 491–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700500559.

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Hilary of Poitiers and Basil of Ancyra were unlikely companions. The former was a Latin bishop from a backwater part of Gaul who had only recently become immersed in the Trinitarian controversy. The latter was a leading figure in the East, schooled in classical Greek theology and a veteran in the ongoing struggle over the nature of God. It is also true that their political fortunes diverged significantly. Though both Hilary and Basil's parties “lost” at the Synod of Constantinople in 360, Basil thereafter slipped into obscurity while Hilary's pro-Nicenes would eventually secure political and theological victory in 381. This pairing is so unlikely, in fact, that scholars have long been reluctant to acknowledge the depth of Hilary's relationship with Basil. Among other issues, such a relationship creates a number of historiographical problems by challenging the traditional mapping of the various theological and political alignments of the mid-fourth century. In the traditional version, Hilary is commonly portrayed as the “Athanasius of the West,” who, in the late 350s, emerged as the leading supporter of the pro-Nicenes in the West. Basil, on the other hand, is regarded as a “semi-Arian,” who rejected the Nicene doctrine that the Son was homoousios to the Father, preferring instead to call the Son “like according to substance” (homoios kat’ ousian).

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20

Grzywaczewski, Józef. "Syn reprezentujący Ojca w "De Trinitate" św. Hilarego z Poitiers." Vox Patrum 75 (September 15, 2020): 185–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.8366.

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Artykuł oparty jest na dziele De Trinitate św. Hilarego z Poitiers, a ściślej mówiąc na tych fragmentach, które dotyczą doświadczenia Boga w rodzinie Abrahama. Tam, gdzie w Starym Testamencie jest mowa o Aniele Boga (aniele Jahwe), Hilary dopatrywał się Syna Bożego. W ten sposób wykazywał, że nauka o Synu Bożym znajduje się już w Starym Testamencie. Jeśli się czyta odpowiednio księgi Starego Przymierza, to można w nich dostrzec istnienie Syna oraz to, że jest On równy Ojcu. Niniejszy artykuł ukazuje zagrożenie dla wiary w Bóstwo Chrystusa w IV w. oraz wysiłek teologów, w tym św. Hilarego z Poitiers, w celu przedstawienia prawidłowej nauki na temat relacji Syna do Ojca.

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21

Kołosowski, Tadeusz. "Nauka o wcieleniu Słowa u św. Hilarego z Poitiers." Vox Patrum 38 (December 31, 2000): 125–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.7235.

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The author of the article presents the teaching of Saint Hilary about Incarnation of Christ and how bishop of Poitiers understands: the form of God and form of servant, the eternal birth of Word by Father, the real Deity and human nature of Christ, the question of soul human and body of Christ, the unity of Word Incarnate and the meaning of Incarnation's mystery.

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22

Crean, Thomas. "Hilary of Poitiers on the inter-Trinitarian Relation of the Son and the Holy Spirit." Augustinianum 59, no. 2 (2019): 385–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201959225.

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Given the authority accorded to Hilary of Poitiers by ecumenical councils of the 1st millennium, it is of interest to determine his teaching about the disputed question of the eternal relation of the Son and the Holy Spirit. The question is complex, partly because it is one that Hilary in most cases touches upon only indirectly, when arguing for the divinity of the Son, and partly because the meaning of the relevant passages, even on the level of Latin syntax, is often hard to determine, and a matter of disagreement between different translators or editors. Y. Congar and A. E. Siecienski, in their surveys of the discussions of the inter-trinitarian relations of the Son and the Holy Spirit in the patristic age do not examine all these textual difficulties, nor do they discuss the Opus Historicum, which contains a highly relevant passage on this subject. The present article attempts to throw light on the question by examining the key texts and suggesting answers to the problems of translation and interpretation that they present. It concludes that Hilary’s position is substantially identical to that which would later be agreed by the Greek and Latin churches at the council of Florence, and enshrined in the decree Laetentur caeli.

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23

Smulders, P. "A Bold Move of Hilary of Poitiers: "Est ergo erans"." Vigiliae Christianae 42, no. 2 (June 1988): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1583914.

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24

Borchardt, C. F. A. "Sulpicius Severus' dependency on Hilary of Poitiers in his Chronica." Acta Patristica et Byzantina 5, no. 1 (January 1994): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10226486.1994.11745843.

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25

Toom, Tarmo. "Hilary of Poitiers’ “Ruled” Exegesis in His De Trinitate: A Case-Study of John 1:1–2." Journal of the Bible and its Reception 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbr-2016-1011.

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AbstractThis article studies the role of theological preunderstanding in interpreting the text of Scripture in the middle of the fourth century CE. It investigates Hilary of Poitier’s use of Scripture in Trinitarian controversies, his hermeneutical approach in his

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26

Guignard, Christophe. "Hilaire de Poitiers, Commentaire sur Matthieu 33, 5 : plaidoyer pour le texte de la famille α." Augustinianum 60, no. 2 (2020): 379–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm202060221.

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Three major reshuffles delineate two families (α and β) within the manuscript tradition of the Commentary on Matthew by Hilary of Poitiers. In the first two cases (3, 2; 9, 7-9), J. Doignon in his critical edition (SCh 254 and 258) favored the text of the α family, judging that the β family generally attests to numerous revisions intended to suppress difficult lectiones. In the third case, on the other hand, he adopted the short text of the β family, thus demoting two short passages in 33, 5 specific to the α family. This article shows that on the one hand the language of these passages is attributable to Hilary and on the other their content fits perfectly with his exegesis. It thus argues for their authenticity.

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27

Loades, Ann. "13 January: Hilary, Bishop of Poitiers, Teacher of the Faith, 367." Theology 100, no. 793 (January 1997): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9710000101.

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28

Bodrožić, Ivan. "Il cristianesimo come religio divina nel pensiero di sant’Ilario di Poitiers." Vox Patrum 61 (January 5, 2014): 195–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3618.

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Święty Hilary z Poitiers († 367) żył w trudnym momencie historycznym, w którym panował kryzys w stosunkach władzy politycznej i kościelnej. Z jednej stony dziedzictwo Konstantyna Wielkiego w postaci uznania chrześciajństwa za religię państwową, z drugiej zaś pokusy ingerencji włądzy cywilnej w wewnętrzne sprawy Kościoła przez jego nastepców. Zaistniałą sytuację pogarszały znacznie walki między różnymi frakcjami chrześcijan, którzy nie mogli nadal osiagnąć pokoju i zgody w kwestaich religijnych nawet pomimo tego, że na Soborze Nicejskim, zostało ogłoszone wyznanie wiary Kościoła. Cesarz Konstancjusz, sprzyjający arianon, w rzeczywistości chciał politycznego rozwiązania problemu teologicznego nie uwzględniajac jednak faktu, że kompromis religijny podważy prawdę o Bogu. Na kanwie tych wydarzeń zasadniczą kwestią stanie się precyzyjne określenie pojecia religii prawdziwej. Autor artykułu podjął badania nad różnymi znaczeniami terminu religio w pismach Biskupa Poitiers. Analiza tekstów pozwoliła na zaprezentowanie jego rozumienia religii, a zwłaszcza, wskazanie kryteriów określających zarówno religię jak i Kościół, który również może być rozumiany pod pojęciem religii. Jak konkluduje Autor dla św. Hilarego jedyną, prawdziwą religią jest ta, która została objawiona przez Boga, On sam ją zapoczątkował na ziemi. Dodatkowo religia ta jest zgodna z prawem, ponieważ pochodzi od Boga, który jest jego autorem. Hilary pokazuje wyraźnie, że prawda religijna nie ma prowieniencji ludzkiej, ale jest prawdą ze względu na to, co objawił Bóg. Stąd też postulaty Hilarego pod adresem cesarza, który nie może działać w Kościele jako absolutny pan i traktować Kościoła jako religii pogańskiej. Kościół jest depozytariuszem prawdy otrzymanej od Boga jak również wskazówek odnośnie do właściwego i należnego Bogu kultu i nie może odejsć od tego nawet za cenę konfliktu z cesarzem.

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29

Image, Isabella. "Divine Perfection and Human Potentiality: The Trinitarian Anthropology of Hilary of Poitiers." International Journal for the Study of the Christian Church 19, no. 4 (July 30, 2019): 345–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1474225x.2019.1637700.

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30

Kochaniewicz, Bogusław. "„Credo in carnis resurrectionem” w "Komentarzach do Symbolu" św. Piotra Chryzologa." Vox Patrum 61 (January 5, 2014): 457–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3637.

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An analysis of sermons 56-62bis showed that Peter Chrysologus’ doctrine of the universal resurrection of the dead is not original and exhaustive. He presented to the catechumens the two most important arguments, explaining the truth of the faith: God’s omnipotence and resurrection of Christ. Bishop of Ravenna, commenting on the phrase “credo in carnis resurrectionem” also used the analogies referring to the cyclicality of the phenomena of nature (day and night, the seasons). Despite the developed reflection on this topic in the writings of early Christian writers of the fourth and fifth centuries, Peter Chrysologus did not use the arguments defending the truth about the resurrection of the dead resulting from: the purpose of life, the human structure and justice. His sermons also lack other topics: the relationship of the universality of the resurrection to the universality of redemption (Hilary of Poitiers), reflection on the properties of the resurrected body – his spirituality (Cyril of Jerusalem, Ambrose) and comparison of its properties to the body of an angel (Hilary of Poitiers, Jerome, Augustine). There is also no biblical argument that has been used, for example in the writings of St. Irenaeus of Lyons, or in the commentary of Venantius Fortunatus to the Symbol. Despite these shortcomings, Peter Chrysologus’ comment to an article about the general resurrection of the dead, deserves to be acknowledged – it is a testimony of faith of the Church in the 5th century Ravenna and the expression of his pastoral care of the faith of the community.

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Karczewska, Helena. "Wiara w życiu człowieka w ujęciu św. Hilarego z Poitiers." Vox Patrum 61 (January 5, 2014): 343–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3630.

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According to Hilary, faith is a recognition of the divinity of Jesus and a proper understanding of the Trinity. As understood by him, faith is important above all in the fight against heresy and in the daily life of the people. He teaches that faith is not opposed to knowledge, although they differ from each other. Rational faith and spiritual education repel the attacks of heretics and pagans. Faith is a remedy against impious doctrine and it heals the inner darkness of the believer. For faith to lead to union with God it must be tempted, because temptation leads to self-discovery. Faith can be strengthened only in danger and suffering, and acts of faith lead the believer to salvation.

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Tóth, Beáta. "Gift as God — God as Gift?" Studia Phaenomenologica 9, no. 9999 (2009): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/studphaen20099special50.

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While the notion of gift has received much scholarly attention in recent philosophical discussion, theology appears as being too strongly dependent on philosophy by being oblivious of its own resources within the rich theological tradition concerning the Trinitarian community of loving gift exchange. After considering the possibility of a transition from a faith-informed phenomenology to phenomenologically inspired theology, the essay examines two early tests cases, Hilary of Poitiers and Augustine of Hippo, where the relationship these authors saw between gift and love within the life of the economic and the immanent Trinity can be archeologically traced.

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Williams, Daniel H. "The Anti-Arian Campaigns of Hilary of Poitiers and the “Liber Contra Auxentium”." Church History 61, no. 1 (March 1992): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167999.

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Few historians of early Christianity would dissent from the view that Hilary of Poitiers was the west's most able and articulate anti-Arian apologist of the 360s. In the course of this bishop's exile in Asia Minor (356–360) and return to the west, there is evidence of a substantial literary activity, most of which was circulated soon after his death and survives to the present day. Works such as his letters to the emperor Constantius II, expecially the so-called In Constantium, his collected dossier against Valens and Ursacius, and his theological treatises De synodis and De trinitate, attained for this once obscure bishop from Gaul a position of preeminence in the minds of the next generation of anti-Arians.

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Williams, D. H. "Hilary of Poitiers and Justification by Faith According to the Gospel of Matthew." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 16, no. 4 (November 2007): 445–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106385120701600404.

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Meeks. "Superseding Patristic Supersessionism: Hilary of Poitiers and Cyril of Alexandria on Hosea 1–3." Journal of Theological Interpretation 14, no. 1 (2020): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jtheointe.14.1.0087.

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Stevenson, Kenneth. "From Hilary of Poitiers to Peter of Blois: a Transfiguration journey of biblical interpretation." Scottish Journal of Theology 61, no. 3 (August 2008): 288–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930608004043.

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AbstractThe Transfiguration narratives have received considerable attention from New Testament scholars, but so far very little has been written about them from the point of view of their reception-history. The purpose of this article is to examine the ways in which they have been interpreted in the Latin West from the time of Hilary of Poitiers in the fourth century to Peter of Blois in the early thirteenth. Among these writers, from the big names like Jerome to the lesser known figures like Peter of Celle, a varied tapestry emerges where light allegory plays an important part, whether in the symbolisms given to the choice of the three disciples, Peter, James and John, or to the dazzling clothes of Christ as baptismal – a particular insight of Bede, which keeps recurring in subsequent writers and preachers. Unlike the East, where the Transfiguration became a major festival on 6 August from the seventh century onwards, the Latin West was slow to absorb it; but it was given particular impetus by Peter the Venerable, Abbot of Cluny, in the twelfth century. Whether read as narrative in connection with Lent (‘glory before cross’), or as a festival in its own right, the Transfiguration emerges as an unusually rich source of biblical interpretation that poses real challenges to the use of the religious imagination today. And it provides a significant contribution to the development of a balanced view of reception-history in our own time.

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WILLIAMS, D. H. "Justification by Faith: a Patristic Doctrine." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 57, no. 4 (August 25, 2006): 649–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046906008207.

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This essay challenges the criticism usually levelled at the early Fathers prior to Augustine for not articulating a view of justification by faith that corresponded with Pauline Christianity as reflected in the formulas of the sixteenth-century reformers. Not only is such a view anachronistic and tends to assume that there was (or is) a uniform definition of justification, but there is evidence that Latin theology before Augustine promulgated the tenets of unmerited grace and the necessity of righteousness that come only through justifying faith. In particular, the Matthew commentary of Hilary of Poitiers explicitly formulates a biblical theology of ‘fides sola iustificat’, and probably contributed to a revival of interest in the Pauline Epistles by the end of the fourth and early fifth centuries.

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Fernández, Samuel. "“Begotten” and “Created”. The Synod of Ancyra (358 C.E.) on the Perfect Birth of the Son of God." Augustinianum 61, no. 1 (2021): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20216111.

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The present article seeks to reconstruct the Christological meaning of the verbs “creating” and “begetting” in the Synodical letter of Ancyra (358). In order to assess the teaching of this document, the first part of the article provides an overview of the Christological use of “creating” and “begetting” from the beginning of the Arian crisis up to the eve of the synod of Ancyra. The second part studies the verbs “creating” and “begetting” in the Letter of Ancyra. The synodical document makes an original and significant theological effort, purifying and complementing both the notion of “creation” (Prv 8:22) and “generation” (Prv 8:25), in order to grasp the perfect notion of the eternal birth of the Son. This understanding is confirmed by Hilary of Poitiers.

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Beckwith, Carl L. "The Condemnation and Exile of Hilary of Poitiers at the Synod of Beziers (356 C.E.)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 13, no. 1 (2005): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2005.0002.

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Flower, Richard. "Witnesses for the Persecution." Studies in Late Antiquity 3, no. 3 (2019): 337–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2019.3.3.337.

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During the reign of Constantius II (337–361), a number of Christian bishops were exiled from their sees, reportedly for their opposition to the emperor's “Homoian” theological position. Several of them (Athanasius of Alexandria, Hilary of Poitiers, Lucifer of Cagliari, Eusebius of Vercelli) responded to their institutional insecurity and geographical isolation by writing accounts of their experiences in a range of textual forms: letters to individuals or groups, historical narratives with quoted documents, or formal invectives. This article explores the variety of ways in which these examples of exilic literature construct different forms of communities in order to weave supportive narratives around the authors and their allies: Hilary and Lucifer emphasized their possession of parrhesia both within and through their texts; Athanasius constructed a network of opposition to heresy with himself as its focus; Eusebius presented himself as the lynchpin of a north Italian community which he could still lead from exile in Palestine. Through inscribing particular roles onto both their readers and other figures discussed within the texts, these exiled authors sought to foster their own reputations as leaders of these communities and arbiters of membership, thereby bolstering their positions at a time when their authority was under serious threat.

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Schneider, Robert A. "Reviews of Books:Between Crown and Community: Politics and Civic Culture in Sixteenth-Century Poitiers Hilary Bernstein." American Historical Review 110, no. 2 (April 2005): 560–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/531461.

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Scully, Ellen. "The Human Factor: ‘Deification’ as Transformation in the Theology of Hilary of Poitiers. By Janet Sidaway." Journal of Theological Studies 69, no. 2 (April 20, 2018): 827–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fly046.

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Mercer, Jarred. "Eucharistic priority in Hilary of Poitiers' trinitarian theology: a critique of contemporary approaches to divine–humancommunio." International journal for the Study of the Christian Church 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 277–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1474225x.2014.944362.

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Wawrykow, Joseph. "The Summa Contra Gentiles Reconsidered: On the Contribution of the de Trinitate of Hilary of Poitiers." Thomist: A Speculative Quarterly Review 58, no. 4 (1994): 617–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tho.1994.0003.

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Meconi, David. "Hilary of Poitiers on the Trinity: From De Fide to De Trinitate. By Carl L. Beckwith." Heythrop Journal 52, no. 5 (July 26, 2011): 827. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2011.00682_5.x.

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Alba López, Almudena. "David as a Prefiguration of Christ and Redeemed Humanity in the Works of Hilary of Poitiers." Revue des sciences religieuses, no. 94/2-4 (December 31, 2020): 261–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rsr.9403.

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Kato, Teppei. "Hebrews, Apostles, and Christ: Three Authorities of Jerome’s Hebraica Veritas." Vigiliae Christianae 73, no. 4 (August 31, 2019): 420–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341394.

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Abstract Against many defenders of the LXX, such as Hilary of Poitiers and Augustine, Jerome tries to prove the superiority of the Hebrew text as a source text of translation. To do so, in his Preface to the Chronicles (iuxta Hebraeos), Jerome relies on three authorities: the Hebrews, the Apostles, and Christ. The Hebrews philologically endorse Jerome’s translation, by judging whether it literally agrees with the Hebrew text. The Apostles support Jerome’s position both philologically and theologically: sometimes their Old Testament quotations literally agree with the Hebrew text; at other times they spiritually agree with the Hebrew text, even though they do not literally. Christ functions as the highest authority. Relying on these three, Jerome’s real purpose concerning Hebraica veritas is not only the philological discussion between the Hebrew text and the LXX, but also the theological discussion between these two texts and the Old Testament quotations in the New Testament.

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Tarmo Toom. "Hilary of Poitiers on the Trinity: From De Fide to De Trinitate (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 17, no. 4 (2009): 677–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.0.0279.

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Grzywaczewski, Józef. "Postawa św. Atanazego i św. Hilarego wobec decyzji synodu w Ancyrze (358)." Vox Patrum 64 (December 15, 2015): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3711.

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The Synod of Ancyra was organized at 358 by Basil, bishop of this city. The bishops who took part in this Synod published a Synodical Letter, called in English Manifesto. They presented in this letter the essence of the Homoiousian theology (it also written Homoeousians). They did not accept the Nicaean concept of equality of the Son to the Father, expressed by the term homoousios (consubstantial). They proposed other idioms, especially homoios kat ousian (similar to the Father according the essence); sometimes they used the term homoiousios (similar to the Father in all things). According to the teaching of the Homoiousians, the Son possessed the Divinity not in himself, but by the participation in Father’s Divinity. Athanasius of Alexandria expressed quite positive opinion about the theology of the Synod of Ancyra. Maybe he did know it very well; maybe he tried to see positive elements in it, because the Homoiousians were in opposition to the extreme Arianism. Hilary of Poitiers expressed also a positive opinion about the Manifesto of Ancyra. He appreciated its moderate position in Christology in comparison to the extreme Arians. He supposed that the above mentioned terms used by the bishops of Ancyra had the same meaning as the Nicaean term homoousios. Both Athanasius and Hilary did not pay much attention on terms but especially on the relation of the Son to the Father; he distinguished the identity of each Person; he was conscious of the difference of their mission, and he underlined the equality of their Divine nature and dignity.

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Pierce, Alexander H. "Isabella Image, The Human Condition in Hilary of Poitiers: The Will and Original Sin between Origen and Augustine." Augustinian Studies 50, no. 1 (2019): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies20195015.

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