Academic literature on the topic 'Himba (African people) - Namibia'

AbstractContinent-wide in African folklore the hyena is depicted as a dull witted, easily duped creature—despite the fact that the hyena is also known as a cunning and dangerous predator. This article explores why in particular the Himba of northwestern Namibia entertain the characterisation of the hyena as stupid yet from the management of their flocks and herds have experienced first hand how clever a predator the hyena is. For the Himba, the answer lies in the hyena's anatomy, in the perception that the hyena is a hermaphrodite. As such, the hyena stands at the margins of fixed social categories; it is neither this nor that but a hybrid, a creature acting outside of its proper bounds. Among the Himba, such marginal people or creatures are not felt to be dangerous, rather, their primary characteristic is stupidity.

The objective of the study was to investigate the Tourism and Commoditization of Traditional Cultures among the Himba People of Namibia. Globalization theory by Greg Richards and the use value theory by Marx was linked with this study. A mixture of methods comprising of descriptive cross-sectional survey, phenomenology and ethnographic research designs was employed to assess the effect of commoditization of traditional cultures among the Himba people through tourism. The study employed two principal data collection techniques: questionnaires and in-depth interviews. Stratified sampling and purposive sampling procedures were used. Purposive sampling was used as a non-probability sampling method in the sampling of key informants such as tour-guide, local leaders and museum employees. The study took place in two sampled villages in the Opuwo rural constituency, namely, Ohunguomure Village and Okatutura ka Vinjange, which form the major cultural tourist destinations. The sample size of this study was 98. Data was analysed using qualitative and quantitative approaches. Quantitative analysis was applied to close-ended questions, and the data were analysed in terms of frequencies and percentages using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) version 21. Qualitative data obtained from open-ended questions and interviews were analysed thematically. The study concludes that commoditization of culture is diluting culture and destroys the originality of the culture. The study recommends the need for this Ministry to have a component or department that specifically works towards the issue of commoditization of the Himba culture in the Kunene Region.

Objectives: To evaluate the knowledge, attitudes, beliefs, practices and risk perceptions with regard to HIV/AIDS among the Himba people from the Kunene region; and to identify its determinant factors.Design: The research study was quantitative. That is, cross sectional, descriptive and analytical. A total of 290 respondents were posed a number of multiple-choice questions about specific areas: HIV modes of transmission, knowledge on prevention measures, wrong conceptions of HIV/AIDS, beliefs, attitudes and practices.Results: In this study, the mean overall score of knowledge of HIV/AIDS and its transmission modes was found to be 15.8 out of 30 with a 95% confidence interval of [15.1]; [16.5]. It was found that the Himba people’s knowledge on HIV/AIDS does not differ according to the gender of the respondent. In fact, the mean score of knowledge of HIV/AIDS and its modes of transmission among females was 15.9 with a confidence interval of [15.1]; [16.8], whilst the mean score of knowledge of HIV/AIDS and its modes of transmission among males was 15.7 with a confidence interval of [14.5]; [16.8]. Using a bivariate analysis, factors such as condom use as a safer sex practice, level of education, type of marriage, and the gender of the respondents showed a statistically significant association with HIV knowledge at a 0.05 level of significance.Conclusion: There is a need to increase knowledge that can be translated into change in behaviour and practices among the Himba, the efforts of all stakeholders are required. Such efforts include promoting education through mobile schools, intensifying sex education within the community through outreach programmes and putting in place policies integrated with indigenous cultural practices that will lead to positive attitudes and beliefs.

A taxonomic revision of exclusively African genera of Prodidominae (Gnaphosidae), with the exception of Theuma, is provided. Austrodomus Lawrence, 1947 is revised. The type species A. zuluensis Lawrence, 1947 is redescribed, the male of A. scaber (Purcell, 1904) is described for the first time, and one new species, A. gamsberg sp. nov. (♂), is described from Namibia. Katumbea Cooke, 1964 is considered a junior synonym of Austrodomus and A. oxoniensis (Cooke, 1964) comb. nov. from Tanzania is redescribed. Eleleis Simon, 1893 is revised. The type species, E. crinita Simon, 1893, is redescribed and eight new species are described: E. limpopo sp. nov. (♂♀) from South Africa and Zambia, E. okavango sp. nov. (♂♀) from Botswana and Namibia, E. etosha sp. nov. (♂♀), E. himba sp. nov. (♂) and E. luderitz sp. nov. (♀) from Namibia, E. leleupi sp. nov. (♂) and E. haddadi sp. nov. (♀) from South Africa, and E. solitaria sp. nov. (♀) from Cape Verde. Purcelliana Cooke, 1964 is revised. The type species, P. problematica Cooke, 1964, is redescribed and three new species are described: P. kamaseb sp. nov. (♂♀) and P. khabus sp. nov. (♂♀) from Namibia, and P. cederbergensis sp. nov. (♂) from South Africa. Plutonodomus Cooke, 1964 is redescribed based solely on the type species, P. kungwensis Cooke, 1964. In addition, three new genera are described: Kikongo gen. nov., to include K. ruwenzori sp. nov. (♂♀) and K. buta sp. nov. (♂♀) from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (D.R. Congo), and K. rutshuru sp. nov. (♂♀) from D.R. Congo and Kenya; Kituba gen. nov., to include K. mayombensis sp. nov. (♂♀) and K. langalanga sp. nov. (♀) from D.R. Congo; and Yoruba gen. nov., to include Y. ibadanus sp. nov. (♂♀) from Nigeria and Y. toubensis sp. nov. (♂♀) from Ivory Coast. Distribution maps are provided for the species discussed in this study and an identification key is provided for all twelve genera of Prodidominae recorded in Africa.

Several researchers have proposed that humans are predisposed to treat ethnic identities as stable and inherent. However, the ethnographic, historical, and genetic records attest to the ubiquity of inter-ethnic migrations across human history. These two claims seem to be at odds. In this article we compare three evolutionary accounts of how people reason about identity stability, and the effect that the cultural evolution of ethnic group boundaries may have on these beliefs. We test our hypotheses among Himba pastoralists in Namibia, whose recent fission from the neighboring Herero makes them ideal for studying the effect of cultural distance on folk beliefs about identity stability. In a vignette experiment, we asked participants whether an individual born in one group who moved to another group would retain their original group membership and cultural characteristics or acquire those of the new group. Across vignette conditions we examine the importance of the direction of migration, parental social influence, and age at migration on perceptions of identity stability. We also compare participant responses to two out-groups, the Herero, and the more distantly related Damara. We find that participants seldom thought of identity as stable or fixed at birth. Furthermore, we show that cultural distance and endogamous preferences are independent of beliefs of identity stability. Himba believed the Damara character was more likely to change identity and cultural traits than was the Herero character, despite their greater cultural distance from the former group, and despite the fact that all participants expressed more anti-Damara than anti-Herero sentiment.

The paper presents factors why people are reluctant to bank money in rural Southern African countries. Six countries namely Botswana, Namibia, Mozambique, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe were used in the study. A focus group of 10 people from each of the stated Southern African countries was composed and used to obtain perceptions, views, reactions, attitudes, experiences among others on why people are reluctant to bank their money. People are unwilling to bank their money in rural Southern Africa and the reasons behind this seem to be many. If no correctional measures are put in place, rural Southern Africa will continue to be unbanked for the next five decades.

Abstract The South West African People’s Organisation (SWAPO of Namibia) had a unique status among anti-colonial movements. Fighting South Africa’s illegal occupation of South West Africa/Namibia, dubbed by the United Nations as a “trust betrayed,” it resorted to armed struggle in the 1960s. SWAPO was subsequently recognized as “the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people” by a United Nations General Assembly resolution since the mid-1970s. The political culture in post-colonial Namibia is much characterized by the dominance of SWAPO as a former liberation movement and its official history. This paper summarizes the relevance of the armed struggle for the heroic narrative. It contrasts the glorification with some of the ‘hidden histories’ and trajectories related to some less documented realities of the armed struggle and its consequences which do not have much visibility in the official historiography. It thereby finally seeks to present a more nuanced picture by giving voice to some protagonists of a post-colonial political culture not considered as mainstream.

Namibian politics and society are today dominated by people who trace their descent from the settlements and homesteads of Ovamboland in southern Angola and northern Namibia. Yet, prior to 1915, and the defeat by South Africa of the German colonial army in German South-West Africa, very few Ovambo had settled in areas to the south of the Etosha Pan. In 1915, a Portuguese expeditionary army defeated Kwanyama forces in southern Angola, and unleashed a flood of refugees into northern Namibia. These refugees entered an area that was already overstretched. Since 1912 the rains had failed and, on account of the First World War, trade and migration had come to a standstill. As a result the area was experiencing its most devastating famine ever. Unable to find sanctuary in Ovamboland, thousands of people trekked southwards into central Namibia, an area which had only just come under the control of South Africa. The famine allowed for the easy entrance of South African military administrators and labour recruiters into Ovamboland and heralded the demise of Ovambo independence. By focusing on developments in the central Namibian town of Karibib between 1915 to 1916, the article explores the move of the Ovambo into central and southern Namibia. It traces the impact of war and drought on Ovambo societies, and follows Ovambo famine migrants on their route south into areas administered by the South African military administration. Discussion also concentrates on the reception and treatment of Ovambo famine migrants in the Karibib settlement, and argues that the refugee crisis heralded the establishment of Ovambo in modern central and southern Namibia.

Setswana (also known as ‘Tswana’ or, more archaically, ‘Chuana’ or ‘Sechuana’) is a Bantu language (group S.30; ISO code tsn) spoken by an estimated four million people in South Africa. There are a further one million or more speakers in Botswana, where it is the dominant national language, and a smaller number of speakers in Namibia. The recordings accompanying this article were mostly produced with a 21-year-old male speaker from the area of Taung, North-West province, South Africa. Some of the accompanying recordings are of a 23-year-old female speaker from Kuruman (approximately 150 km west of Taung). The observations reported here are based on consulting with both these speakers, as well as a third speaker, from Kimberley. All three were speakers of South African Setswana varieties. For discussion of some differences between these varieties and more Northern and Eastern Setswana dialects – including those spoken in Botswana – see (Doke 1954, Cole 1955, University of Botswana 2001).

Abstract:Economic experiments carried out in the computer laboratory seldom account for broader real-world contextual variables that affect humans as learning and norm-adopting individuals. The here presented ‘within-culture across-country’ design of a standard trust experiment reveals an interesting phenomenon which most probably is related to the context that people live in: South African communities expressed extremely low trust while participants from Namibia exhibited high trust, but low reciprocity, although both share the same ethnic background. The country effect between the two regions remained large even after using a matching estimator to substantiate that these differences were not driven by sample selection bias. Qualitative evidence from the study area suggests that corrupt local institutions have led to lower trust in South African communities while participants in Namibia seemingly applied a deep-rooted behavioural norm of the Nama society which they perceived to be appropriate for the exchange in the experiment.

Bibliography: pages 194-207.
This contextual archaeological narrative explores the relationship between material culture and social relations, with reference to social, economic, environmental and political changes taking place in Himba and Herero settlements in far north-western Namibia. A starting point is that changes in the organization of space and use of material culture cannot be understood as merely expressing changed social and economic conditions and/or changed value systems. It is necessary to examine how socio-economic conditions and cultural values and ideas work together to transform, produce and maintain cultural representations. By focusing intimately on one semi-nomadic herding community over a five-year period,(where domestic space has to be reconstituted, both physically and conceptually, each time a group relocates,} the study probes how meaning is differentially invested in the spatial order that people build and live in, how the material goods they make, borrow, lend, buy and use recursively come to have and hold meaning, and how and why this meaning changes. In mapping space and material goods at more than 100 wet season and dry season camps and homesteads, a number of discourses are tracked: changing gender relations, changing relations between different generations, people's relationships with natural resources, the spatial relations of former hunter-gatherers now living as herders, as well as material culture conformities and nonconformities between Himba and Herero households. A key concern is to re-empower social actors, past and present, in the creation of (archaeological) meaning. A number of case studies show that meaning is not inherent in space or material goods; people activate meaning by their strategic interpretations. This has implications for both method and theory in archaeology, as well as for the contemporary research and rural development process in Africa. While challenging assumptions about what is knowable from the past's material remains when such remains are, inevitably, recontextualized in a particular present, the thesis contributes to knowledge about material culture and social change and thus offers a number of research directions which could contribute to a more reflexive, dialogic and socially relevant archaeology.

Around Africa there seems to be an increasing disillusion with 'development', seen under the rubric of teleological 'progress', which is touted by post-colonial governments as being the cure for Africa's ailments and woes. Numerous authors have pointed out that this local disillusion, and the attempt to manage the inequities that arise through development and modernity, can be seen to be understood and acted upon by local peoples through the idiom of witchcraft beliefs and fears (see Geschiere & Fisiy 2001; Geschiere 1997; Nyamnjoh 2001; Comaroff & Comaroff 1993; Ashforth 2005) and spirit possession nanatives (see Luig 1999; Gezon 1999), or more simply, occult beliefs and praxis (Moore & Sanders 2001). The majority of the Mayeyi of Namibia's Eastern Caprivi perceive that development is the only way their regiOn and people can survive and succeed in a modernising world. At ~he same time there is also a seeming reluctance to move towards perceiving witchcraft as a means of accumulation (contra Geschiere 1997). This notion of the 'witchcraft of wealth' is emerging, but for the most part witches are seen as the enemies of development, while spirit possession narratives speak to the desire for development and of the identity of the group vis-a-vis the rest of the world. The thesis presented argues that, although modernity orientated analyses enable occult belief to be used as a lens through which to 1..mderstand 'modernity's malcontents' (Comaroff & Comaroff 1993), they can only go so far in explaining the intricacies of witchcraft and spirit possession beliefs themselves. The dissertation argues that one should return to the analysis of the cosmological underpinnings of witchcraft belief and spirit possession, taken together as complementary phenomena, in seeking to understand the domain of the occult. By doing so the thesis argues that a more comprehensive anthropological understanding is obtained of occult belief and practice, the ways in which the domain of the occult is constituted and the ways in which it is a reflection or commentary on a changing world.

The current situation regarding the accountabilty of transnational corporations, using the lawsuit of the Herero community of Namibia against two German corporations that were involved in the German colonial enterprise that killed approximately 80% of the Herero tribe was explored.

Mandume has fought two colonial powers, Portugal and British-South Africa from the time he became king in 1911 to 1917. This thesis looked at the different ways in which Manume is remembered in Namibia and Angola after these countries had gained their independence from colonialism. His bravery in fighting the colonizers has awarded him hero status and he is considered a nationalist hero in both Namibia and Angola. However, he is memorialized differently in Namibia and Angola. The process of remembering Mandume in different ways is related to where his body and head are buried respectively. This is because there is a belief that his body was beheaded, and his head was buried in Windhoek while the rest of his body is buried in Angola. The monument that is alleged to host his head is claimed to belong to him to this day. However, this monument was erected for the fallen South African troops who died fighting him. The author argued that this belief was in response to the need to reclaim a monumental space to commemorate Mandume in the capital city.

Current discourse regarding the use and management of natural resources in the drylands of sub-Saharan Africa is inspired by three issues: 1) the growing emphasis on strengthening 'community-based' management of natural resources as a means of combining resource conservation with improvements in livelihoods; 2) continuing debate concerning the replacement of communal forms of land management with systems of private tenure; 3) and the widespread assumption of environmental 'degradation' and 'desertification' caused by the land-use practices of African livestock farmers. The way these areas of debate are interpreted affects policy and development intervention relating to the management and conservation of dryland natural resources. In relation to these issues, this thesis has two primary aims: 1) to analyse patterns and determinants of natural resource-use and management by Khoe-speaking Damara farmers in and north-west Namibia; 2) to assess the ecological implications of this resource-use in the context of the unpredictable variations in primary productivity characteristic of dryland environments. A combination of quantitative and qualitative anthropological and ecological techniques are employed to meet these objectives. The use of gathered non-timber products for food and medicine was monitored in 7 repeat-surveys over an 18 month period for a sample of 45 households comprising 2017 individual 'diet-days'. Statistical analysis suggests that food resources are consumed when abundant rather than as dry season supplements, that wealth is a poor predictor of gathered resource-use and that the use of natural resources is remarkably resilient given the disruptive effects of land alienation during this century. The utilisation of timber for fuel and building-poles was quantified at the household level and compansons with equivalent data from rural societies in more humid environments suggests conservative use of these resources. Qualitative data emphasise the continuing relevance of culturally-informed management practice relating to the use of natural resources. With regard to the second research objective, woody and herbaceous vegetation datasets were compiled, the former comprising 2760 plant individuals in a stratified sample of 75 transects and the latter consisting of 48 qradrats, half fenced to exclude livestock, in which herbaceous vegetation was monitored over two growing seasons. A number of standard ecological variables, including patterns in community floristics, diversity, cover and population structure, were used to explore the prediction that concentrations of people and livestock cause measurable impacts on vegetation around settlements. Statistical analysis suggests that effects of settlement are extremely localised and are within the range of variability shown by these measures over larger spatial scales, and that between-year variability in herbaceous vegetation dominates that measured both between- and within-sites. The research results indicate that current understanding of local resource-use practices in northwest Namibia is constrained by two conceptual influences: 1) a misleading colonial ethnography which continues to inform debate and interventions regarding the use and management of natural resources, operating to deny the present-day validity of local ecological knowledge and practice; 2) a temperate-zone ecology which focuses on density-dependent interactions between the biotic components of ecosystems, and plays-down the role of unpredictable abiotic factors, particularly rainfall, in driving a continuing dynamic of non-equilibrium variability in arid environments.

The purpose of this study was to investigate and document parental involvement in a San community in Namibia over a period of two months. The emphasis was to investigate whether San parents in the Omusati region were involved in the learning of mathematics of their children. The learner participants were selected according to those who were open to sharing their ideas. An interpretive approach was used to collect and analyse data. The collected data was gathered from 9 participants (4 learners in grade 5 together with their parents, plus their mathematics teacher). Semi-structured interviews, parental contributions and home visit observations were the three tools that I used to collect data. The selected school is located in a rural area in the Omusati region of northern Namibia. The interviews were conducted in Oshiwambo (the participants‟ mother tongue) and translated into English and then analyzed. I discovered that the selected San parents were involved in some but limited school activities. The findings of this study emphasizes that illiteracy may be one of the contributing factors of low or non-involvement of parents among the San community. Other factors which I found caused parents not to assist their children with homework was parents spending much of their time at the local cuca shops during the day until late in the evenings. The study also highlights possible strategies that can be carried out by teachers to encourage parental involvement in school activities.

This report maps the African landscape of Open Science – with a focus on Open Data as a sub-set of Open Science. Data to inform the landscape study were collected through a variety of methods, including surveys, desk research, engagement with a community of practice, networking with stakeholders, participation in conferences, case study presentations, and workshops hosted. Although the majority of African countries (35 of 54) demonstrates commitment to science through its investment in research and development (R&D), academies of science, ministries of science and technology, policies, recognition of research, and participation in the Science Granting Councils Initiative (SGCI), the following countries demonstrate the highest commitment and political willingness to invest in science: Botswana, Ethiopia, Kenya, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda. In addition to existing policies in Science, Technology and Innovation (STI), the following countries have made progress towards Open Data policies: Botswana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, South Africa and Uganda. Only two African countries (Kenya and South Africa) at this stage contribute 0.8% of its GDP (Gross Domestic Product) to R&D (Research and Development), which is the closest to the AU’s (African Union’s) suggested 1%. Countries such as Lesotho and Madagascar ranked as 0%, while the R&D expenditure for 24 African countries is unknown. In addition to this, science globally has become fully dependent on stable ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) infrastructure, which includes connectivity/bandwidth, high performance computing facilities and data services. This is especially applicable since countries globally are finding themselves in the midst of the 4th Industrial Revolution (4IR), which is not only “about” data, but which “is” data. According to an article1 by Alan Marcus (2015) (Senior Director, Head of Information Technology and Telecommunications Industries, World Economic Forum), “At its core, data represents a post-industrial opportunity. Its uses have unprecedented complexity, velocity and global reach. As digital communications become ubiquitous, data will rule in a world where nearly everyone and everything is connected in real time. That will require a highly reliable, secure and available infrastructure at its core, and innovation at the edge.” Every industry is affected as part of this revolution – also science. An important component of the digital transformation is “trust” – people must be able to trust that governments and all other industries (including the science sector), adequately handle and protect their data. This requires accountability on a global level, and digital industries must embrace the change and go for a higher standard of protection. “This will reassure consumers and citizens, benefitting the whole digital economy”, says Marcus. A stable and secure information and communication technologies (ICT) infrastructure – currently provided by the National Research and Education Networks (NRENs) – is key to advance collaboration in science. The AfricaConnect2 project (AfricaConnect (2012–2014) and AfricaConnect2 (2016–2018)) through establishing connectivity between National Research and Education Networks (NRENs), is planning to roll out AfricaConnect3 by the end of 2019. The concern however is that selected African governments (with the exception of a few countries such as South Africa, Mozambique, Ethiopia and others) have low awareness of the impact the Internet has today on all societal levels, how much ICT (and the 4th Industrial Revolution) have affected research, and the added value an NREN can bring to higher education and research in addressing the respective needs, which is far more complex than simply providing connectivity. Apart from more commitment and investment in R&D, African governments – to become and remain part of the 4th Industrial Revolution – have no option other than to acknowledge and commit to the role NRENs play in advancing science towards addressing the SDG (Sustainable Development Goals). For successful collaboration and direction, it is fundamental that policies within one country are aligned with one another. Alignment on continental level is crucial for the future Pan-African African Open Science Platform to be successful. Both the HIPSSA ((Harmonization of ICT Policies in Sub-Saharan Africa)3 project and WATRA (the West Africa Telecommunications Regulators Assembly)4, have made progress towards the regulation of the telecom sector, and in particular of bottlenecks which curb the development of competition among ISPs. A study under HIPSSA identified potential bottlenecks in access at an affordable price to the international capacity of submarine cables and suggested means and tools used by regulators to remedy them. Work on the recommended measures and making them operational continues in collaboration with WATRA. In addition to sufficient bandwidth and connectivity, high-performance computing facilities and services in support of data sharing are also required. The South African National Integrated Cyberinfrastructure System5 (NICIS) has made great progress in planning and setting up a cyberinfrastructure ecosystem in support of collaborative science and data sharing. The regional Southern African Development Community6 (SADC) Cyber-infrastructure Framework provides a valuable roadmap towards high-speed Internet, developing human capacity and skills in ICT technologies, high- performance computing and more. The following countries have been identified as having high-performance computing facilities, some as a result of the Square Kilometre Array7 (SKA) partnership: Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mozambique, Mauritius, Namibia, South Africa, Tunisia, and Zambia. More and more NRENs – especially the Level 6 NRENs 8 (Algeria, Egypt, Kenya, South Africa, and recently Zambia) – are exploring offering additional services; also in support of data sharing and transfer. The following NRENs already allow for running data-intensive applications and sharing of high-end computing assets, bio-modelling and computation on high-performance/ supercomputers: KENET (Kenya), TENET (South Africa), RENU (Uganda), ZAMREN (Zambia), EUN (Egypt) and ARN (Algeria). Fifteen higher education training institutions from eight African countries (Botswana, Benin, Kenya, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Sudan, and Tanzania) have been identified as offering formal courses on data science. In addition to formal degrees, a number of international short courses have been developed and free international online courses are also available as an option to build capacity and integrate as part of curricula. The small number of higher education or research intensive institutions offering data science is however insufficient, and there is a desperate need for more training in data science. The CODATA-RDA Schools of Research Data Science aim at addressing the continental need for foundational data skills across all disciplines, along with training conducted by The Carpentries 9 programme (specifically Data Carpentry 10 ). Thus far, CODATA-RDA schools in collaboration with AOSP, integrating content from Data Carpentry, were presented in Rwanda (in 2018), and during17-29 June 2019, in Ethiopia. Awareness regarding Open Science (including Open Data) is evident through the 12 Open Science-related Open Access/Open Data/Open Science declarations and agreements endorsed or signed by African governments; 200 Open Access journals from Africa registered on the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ); 174 Open Access institutional research repositories registered on openDOAR (Directory of Open Access Repositories); 33 Open Access/Open Science policies registered on ROARMAP (Registry of Open Access Repository Mandates and Policies); 24 data repositories registered with the Registry of Data Repositories (re3data.org) (although the pilot project identified 66 research data repositories); and one data repository assigned the CoreTrustSeal. Although this is a start, far more needs to be done to align African data curation and research practices with global standards. Funding to conduct research remains a challenge. African researchers mostly fund their own research, and there are little incentives for them to make their research and accompanying data sets openly accessible. Funding and peer recognition, along with an enabling research environment conducive for research, are regarded as major incentives. The landscape report concludes with a number of concerns towards sharing research data openly, as well as challenges in terms of Open Data policy, ICT infrastructure supportive of data sharing, capacity building, lack of skills, and the need for incentives. Although great progress has been made in terms of Open Science and Open Data practices, more awareness needs to be created and further advocacy efforts are required for buy-in from African governments. A federated African Open Science Platform (AOSP) will not only encourage more collaboration among researchers in addressing the SDGs, but it will also benefit the many stakeholders identified as part of the pilot phase. The time is now, for governments in Africa, to acknowledge the important role of science in general, but specifically Open Science and Open Data, through developing and aligning the relevant policies, investing in an ICT infrastructure conducive for data sharing through committing funding to making NRENs financially sustainable, incentivising open research practices by scientists, and creating opportunities for more scientists and stakeholders across all disciplines to be trained in data management.