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1
Gutiérrez, Andrea. "Jewels Set in Stone: Hindu Temple Recipes in Medieval Cōḻa Epigraphy." Religions 9, no. 9 (September 10, 2018): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9090270.
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Scholarship abounds on contemporary Hindu food offerings, yet there is scant literature treating the history of food in Hinduism beyond topics of food restrictions, purity, and food as medicine. A virtually unexplored archive is Hindu temple epigraphy from the time that was perhaps the theological height of embodied temple ritual practices, i.e., the Cōḻa period (ninth-thirteenth centuries CE). The vast archive of South Indian temple inscriptions allows a surprising glimpse into lived Hinduism as it was enacted daily, monthly, and annually through food offerings cooked in temple kitchens and served to gods residing in those temples. Through analyzing thousands of Tamiḻ inscriptions from the tenth through the fourteenth centuries CE, I have gleaned information concerning two distinct material cultural facets. (1) The practice of writing these rare but remarkable recipes which themselves are culinary textual artifacts has allowed us to access (2) Hindu food offerings of the past, also complex, sensory historical artifacts. In exploring these medieval religious recipes for the first time, I aim to show: the importance that food preparation held for temple devotees, the theological reality of feeding the actual bodies of the gods held in these temples, and the originality of the Cōḻa inscriptional corpus in bringing about a novel culinary writing practice that would be adopted more extensively in the Vijayanagara period (fourteenth-seventeenth centuries CE). This study, a radical new attempt at using historical sources inscribed in stone, sheds new light on medieval Hindu devotees’ priorities of serving and feeding god. The examination of this under-explored archive can help us move our academic analysis of Hindu food offerings beyond the hitherto utilized lenses of economics, sociology, and anthropology. Further, it contributes to our understanding of medieval temple worship, early culinary studies, and the history of food in India.
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Sutama, I. Wayan. "Penjor Sebagai Simbol Pencitraan Diri Umat Hindu di Kota Mataram." Ganaya : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora 3, no. 1 (March 17, 2020): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.37329/ganaya.v3i1.422.
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In contemporary development, the penjor is increasingly being used both as a means of religious rituals and as a profane means. This research focuses on 3 questions 1). What is the process of the emergence of penjor in the city of Mataram? 2). What are the types, functions, and meanings of penjor in the city of Mataram? 3). How is penjor a symbol of the self-image of Hindus in the city of Mataram? This study uses a qualitative descriptive approach that emphasizes the interpretation of denotative and connotative meanings by using the theory of symbolic and semiotic interactionism. Data collection techniques by observation, interview, literature study, and documentation. The results of the analysis include: 1) The appearance of penjor in the city of Mataram began with the history of the attack of the Karangasem kingdom to Lombok. The increasingly safe situation of Lombok encourages the transfer of the Karangasem community to Lombok which carries Balinese Hindu traditions, including penjor, 2) Penjor is divided into 2 types namely ceremonial penjor and ornamental penjor. Penjor ceremony is made from bamboo with curved edges, the trunk is decorated with Ambu (young palm leaves) or Busung (young coconut leaves) filled with accessories. Penjor ceremony functioned as a means of religious rituals (god yadnya) and Manusa yadnya. The meaning of penjor symbolizes the mountain and its contents where the gods come from, as a form of expression of gratitude for the gift given by God and the celebration of Galungan. The commodification of penjor in the city of Mataram is still in a standard form but has begun to use a combination of natural and synthetic ingredients. 3) Penjor is a symbol of the self-image of Hindus, showing internal solidarity with other Hindus and externally to present the front stage as a Hindu that refers to the aesthetic and artistic values of religious ritual symbols that contain the values of the Satyam, Siwam, Sundaram.
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Prasetyo, Darma, Relin, D.E., and Poniman Poniman. "Serat Wedatama K.G.P.A.A Mangkunegara IV (Kajian Teologi Hindu)." Jurnal Penelitian Agama Hindu 3, no. 1 (June 10, 2019): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.25078/jpah.v3i1.823.
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<p><em>It is a pride for the Javanese people in particular as well as the Indonesian people in general, because the previous ancestors inherited many priceless literary works. One of the literary works that is still studied and infused by the Javanese community is Serat Wedatama. Wedatama fiber is a literary work in the form of songs that are classified as didactic moralistic, as stated in Pangkur Pupuh which reads: sinawung resmining kidung, which means: decorated with the beautiful song (tembang). Didactic literary work in Javanese society is a piwulang literature that gives moral guidance which should be carried out by humans. Serat Wedatama is the work of Kanjeng Gusti Pangeran Adipati Arya (K.G.P.A.A) Mangkunegaran IV.</em></p><p><em>The author is interested in examining Hindu Theology in Serat Wedatama K.G.A.A Mangkunegara IV, with problems namely: 1) How is the structure in Serat Wedatama K.G.P.A.A Mangkunegara IV ?. 2) What is the function of Serat Wedatama K.G.A.A Mangkunegara IV ?. 3) What is the meaning of Hindu theology contained in the Fiber Wedatama K.G.A.A Mangkunegara IV ?. This study aims to describe the structure, functions and theology of Hinduism contained in Serat Wedatama K.G.A.A Mangkunegara IV. Accurate data is obtained by using several literature studies, the basis of concepts and theories, namely Talcott Parsons Functional Structural theory and Habermas Hermeneutics theory, and research models. This research method, which starts from the type and approach of research, methods of data collection, literature study, documentation studies, data analysis techniques, and methods of presenting results. Data analysis</em><em> </em><em>was performed using descriptive-qualitative analysis techniques. The results of this study indicate that the Serat Wedatama structure consists of five pupuh, namely: Pangkur, Sinom, Pucung, Gambuh and Kinanthi. The number of Serat Wedatama temple is 100 stanzas. The functions obtained in Serat Wedatama are: Art Functions, Social Functions, Cultural Preservation Functions, Religious Functions, and Spiritual Functions. Can be explained that the meaning of Hindu Theology contained in the Fiber Wedatama KGPAA Mangkunegara IV, namely God Almighty (Hyang Tunggal), God All Sources (Hyang Widhi), God Is Everywhere (Hyang Most Holy) and God Who Is Acintya (Hyang Sukma ) which is parallel to the divinity in Siva Tattva. In essence God is the source of everything that exists in the universe and becomes the place for the return of everything. The One God, though still in place, does not move, but His speed exceeds the mind, precedes the speed of movement of the Gods, God is unthinkable, very magical, everywhere, and permeates everything.</em></p>
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Yasa, Putu Dana. "Teologi Kepemimpinan Hindu: Kepemimpinan Berlandaskan Ketuhanan." Khazanah Theologia 3, no. 1 (January 30, 2021): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/kt.v3i1.10257.
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Leadership theology is part of theology in general, and even various types of theological studies can be raised as long as it understands the frame work of theology itself. Leadership theology is two different areas of science, theology is in the area (Paravidya) while leadership is in the area (Aparivdya). Leadership theology is basically one solution to the decline in the quality of leaders in the modern era. A leader does not only master the teachings of leadership in general, but also must have a basic understanding of theology so that when leading, the leader will realize that his leadership will be directly accountable to God. This study is included in qualitative research. The data was collected by means of literature study. Novelthy (findings) in this study, namely the theology adopted by a leader will determine every decision taken by a leader. In addition, the experience of a leader will affect the leadership style and become a memory so that it will be a reflection of every leader's actions. An understanding of leadership and understanding of theology are a strong basis for a leader in carrying out his duties as God's representative to manage the universe.
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Prasanna Kumar, S., A. Ravikumar, L. Somu, P. Vijaya Prabhu, and Rajavel Mundakannan Subbaiya Periyasamy Subbaraj. "Tracheostomal Myiasis: A Case Report and Review of the Literature." Case Reports in Otolaryngology 2011 (2011): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2011/303510.
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“Myiasis” is considered in Hindu mythology as “God's punishment for sinners.” It is known to infest live human or animal tissue. Literature abounds with reports of myiasis affecting the nasal cavity, ear, nonhealing ulcers, exophytic malignant growth, and cutaneous tissue. But report of myiasis of the tracheal stoma is rare. Only a few cases of tracheal myiasis have been reported in literature. We report a case of tracheostomal myiasis in an elderly male. The species which had infested the stoma was identified asChrysomya bezziana, an obligate parasite. This is to our knowledge the first case report of an obligate parasite (Chrysomya bezziana) infestation of the tracheostoma from India.
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Banerji, Chitrita. "The Propitiatory Meal." Gastronomica 3, no. 1 (2003): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2003.3.1.82.
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This article is an analysis of the varied ways in which the meal has been used as a tool for appeasement and propitiation in Bengali Hindu society from ancient times. Bengal is a region that is naturally fertile and yet is often subjected to the fearsome destruction of floods and cyclones. The uncertainty of life has always been palpable here. The numerous rivers that make the region a delta also made Bengal the last hinterland of Aryan exploration and settlement in ancient times. Pre-Aryan inhabitants, whom historians describe as proto-Australoid, subscribed to animistic beliefs, which blurred the line between this world and the next. Their funerary practices involved serving food to supernatural creatures who inhabited the earth. In such a region, the imposition of the Hindu caste system, which attributed preeminence to the Brahmins and the males, further increased the sense of vulnerability on the part of a large section of the population'women and members of the lower castes. Mythic notions of food as something with which to appease a dangerous creature eventually translated into the social custom of serving carefully prepared meals to gods, Brahmins, males and other beings with power and superiority. The article presents examples from mythology, religious texts, literature and even film, to illustrate this custom. Widows were particularly vulnerable in Bengali Hindu society. They were not allowed to remarry and also blamed for the death of their husbands. The rituals and deprivations of a widow's life provide the most poignant instances of appeasement through food. One of the best-known rituals of propitiation is the Bengali feast of Jamaishashthi, when the son-in-law is invited by his wife's family and served an elaborate multi-course meal. He is also given expensive gifts. The purpose of the ritual was to ensure that he treats his wife well and protects her from being treated too abusively by his mother and sisters. The practice has survived in modern times even though it has lost much of its potent significance.
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Istri Dwi Wulandari, Anak Agung, I. Wayan Mandra, and Gek Diah Desi Sentana. "NILAI-NILAI PENDIDIKAN AGAMA HINDU YANG TERKANDUNG DALAM GEGURITAN LUBDAKA." Jurnal Penelitian Agama Hindu 2, no. 1 (May 28, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.25078/jpah.v2i1.439.
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<p><em>Geguritan</em><em> Lubdaka</em><em> is one of the classic literary works containing a lot of moral knowledge and religion. The teachings in Geguritan</em><em> Lubdaka</em><em> provide motivation in improving the spiritual quality of human beings. Judging from its contents as a whole Geguritan</em><em> Lubdaka </em><em>contains many religious teachings as well</em><em> </em><em>as religiou</em><em> </em><em>ceremonies (rituals) and speech (advice). The problem will be discussed, among others, (1) How is the structure of Geguritan Lubdaka, as one of the traditional literary works of Bali, (2) What is the function of Geguritan Lubdaka when associated with the social and religious (religious) environment ?, (3) Values What kind of Hindu Religious Education is contained in Geguritan Lubdaka ?. Theories used to analyze problems are: structuralism theory, functional theory, and value theory. The method used is: Type of Research and research approach, Data Types and Data Sources, Data Collection Techniques which include Observation, Interview, Library Studies and Documentation, Data Analysis include descriptive analysis methods and hermeneutic analysis methods, and the last method of data analysis.</em><em></em></p><p><em>The function of Geguritan Lubdaka in social environment as the media of individual and group entertainer, giving message and meaning so that we can control ourselves from negative things, indirectly Geguritan Lubdaka also can be used as education media in teaching Dharma Gita especially Hindu religion, and can unite individual into one group (Sekaa Santi). While the function of divinity or religion can be seen through the figures of the gods that are found in Geguritan Lubdaka, such as Lord Shiva and God Yama. Furthermore, based on the analysis of the structure can be disclosed the values of Hindu religious education contained in Geguritan Lubdaka namely the value of tattwa education (philosophy of Religion), the value of moral education (ethics) and the value of education ceremony. The point between literature and religion has a very close relationship and has an important role in supporting religious activities, and does not leave its limitations. So philosophy, ethics and ceremony are the basic concepts of Hinduism that have an important role in the Geguritan Lubdaka.</em><em></em></p>
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Chatterjee, Partha. "The State of Exception Goes Viral." South Atlantic Quarterly 120, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 194–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-8795842.
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The recent protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act have been widespread, spontaneous, and without the active sponsorship of political parties. They have brought out on the streets thousands of students and women who have never before participated in political rallies. What is the significance of this movement as a point of resistance against authoritarian Hindu nationalism? What does it mean for the future of Indian democracy?
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Perdana ; Rahadhian P. Herwindo, Aditya Bayu. "STUDY ON ARCHITECTURAL RELATION OF ANCIENT MATARAM HINDU CANDI AND VĀSTUŚĀSTRA." Riset Arsitektur (RISA) 4, no. 03 (May 30, 2020): 234–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/risa.v4i03.3930.234-251.
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Abstract - Classical Indian architectural principles and tradition has been collected and preserved in a vast body of literature collectively known as the Vāstuśāstra. This branch of classical Indian knowledge is a realization of Hindu ideals in terms of architectural edifice, which significantly influence the religious architecture of the Indian cultural sphere which extends to the medieval Island of Java. Even though Indian influences are recognizable in the design of Javanese Hindu candis from the Ancient Mataram era, to what extend the Indian vāstuśāstra was followed is less obvious, for the Javanese candis contain some architectural elements that are not found in vāstuśāstra or Indian temples. By identifying and comparing vāstuśāstra and ancient Indian temples with Javanese candis, it should bring more clarity on which elements are part of the Indian culture continuity and which are part of the local genius. By doing so, the relation between Javanese candi and vāstuśāstra could be reasonably deduced. In this study, a comparative and qualitative method with with historical and textual approach is used. The author focuses on the overall form of the elevation as well as the mass and spatial arrangement. This study would collect and compare the relevant parts of vāstuśāstra as well as Indian examples obtained from literary studies with datas from six samples of Mataram era candis, three from the early period and three from the midclassic period.Comparison by the author shows several results. Firstly, the elevation of Mataram era Hindu candi fits into the basic mould of Indian temples as described in the vāstuśāstra, with seven distinct elements in the vertical direction termed Upapīṭha, Adhiṣṭhāna, Pada, Prastara, Gala, Śikhara, and Stūpi. However, various architectural details of these elements have marked differences from the norms of Indian temples and from what is instructed in the Vāstuśāstra. The distinctive Javanese Kala-Makara for example, does not conform to the Indian Toraṇa-Makara described in Mānasāra. Some Javanese elements has no Indian prototype at all. Secondly, the mass and spatial arrangement of Javanese candis have even more pronounced difference than Indian temples. The typical Javanese arrangement of main temple opposing three secondary temples in a row is not found in India. Conversely, Indian arrangement with an attaching Maṇḍapa in front of the main temple tower is not present in Java at all. In the case of orientation, Javanese candis may be oriented to west or east, while Indian temples overwhelmingly preferred east.The result of this study suggests that the relation between Javanese candi and the vāstuśāstra is a loose and flexible one; vāstuśāstra is used on some aspect such as the basic temple shape but disregarded in the details and ornaments. Javanese candi designers freely adopts and discards various parts of the vāstuśāstra according to prevailing conditions. Those conditions might be due to local materials and taste which form distinctive traits of local genius. Javanese designers never sought to replicate a perfect imitation of Indian temples in Java; rather, Javanese designers shows a creative and selective attitude in responding to foreign influence which yields the innovative and unique design of candi. In the oldest phases, Indian influences can be detected in such a way that candi can be considered an Indian export that has been localized. As time goes, especially since the time of Prambanan, Indian prototype becomes more difficult to discerned until candi becomes a thoroughly local architectural product.Key Words: Javanese candi, Indian temple, Vāstuśāstra, Ancient Mataram
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Rajesh, M. N. "Travel of Bonpo Gods from the Eurasian Borderlands to the Tibetan Culture Area and the Borderlands of North-east India." Kawalu: Journal of Local Culture 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/kawalu.v5i1.1874.
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Abstract
Popular writing has brought about an image of Hindu deities that are seen as a part of Hinduism only and Hinduism is also seen as a religion of the Indian subcontinent. While this may be largely true in many cases, it forces us to look at Hinduism in very Semitic terms as a closed religion. On the contrary we see that there was a considerable travel of gods and goddesses from other religions into Hinduism and vice versa. And thus negates the idea of Hinduism as a closed system. This therefore brings us to the problem of defining Hinduism which is by no means an easy task as there is no agreement on any singular definition. Pre-modern India had more contacts with her neighbours and thus central Asia and south East Asia emerge as some of the main regions where Indian influence is seen in many aspects of life. Even to a casual observer of both central Asia and South East Asia we see that there striking Indian influences in culture, religion and other aspects of life. All of them are not part of the textual literature that has become very nationalistic in the recent past and this tends to also dismiss the earlier writings as western Eurocentric. It is true that there is a great element of eurocentricism in the earlier writings but one point that needs to be highlighted is that these earlier writings also faithfully portrayed many aspects like iconography etc. in a very descriptive manner that focused on the measurements, likeness, colour and other associated characteristics of the statues. Such trends are clearly visible in the writings of Jas Burgess,E.B Havell etc. who were influenced by the dominant paradigm in contemporary Europe of the 1850‟s where the duty of the historian was to just record. Such an approach was informed by the writings of the German philosopher Leopold Von Ranke. Though there are certain value judgments at the end of the chapter, the main narrative is a dry as dust and it is easy to decipher the characteristics or reconstruct the iconographic programme in any shrine and by extension the religious practices. In the modern period , where the dominant forms of anti-colonial struggles led to a writing of nationalist history succeeded by Marxist influenced social histories in many parts of Asia, the identification of the national boundaries and national cultures also extended to religions and many aspects were either muted or totally obliterated in history writing to present a homogenous picture. Thus, we have a picture of Hinduism and Buddhism that fits in with the national narratives. Such a collapse of categories is there in the borderland of India where the cultural boundaries are not clearly marked as also h religious boundaries. One single example that illustrates this assertion is the portrayal of Sri Lanka as a Sinhala Buddhist region with the Tamil regions of Sri Lanka marked off as separate entity and both being largely exclusive. In the Buddhist temples of Sri Lanka, one finds firstly the statue of Ganesha and later the images of Karthikeya and also the god Shani or Saturn. This image of a Buddhist monastery sharply contrasts with the highly buddhistic space of a Sinhala Buddhist temple where non-Buddhist elements are not found.
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Mustafar, Farrah Wahida, and Adam Badhrulhisham. "Pesta Pongal dan Tahun Baru Cina, Perayaan Adat atau Perayaan Keagamaan? Satu Toleransi Agama di Malaysia." ‘Abqari Journal 25, no. 1 (September 27, 2021): 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33102/abqari.vol24no2.415.
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The purpose of this study was to examine the celebrations of non-Muslims, namely the Pongal Festival for Hindus and the Chinese New Year for the Chinese community, on whether the Pongal Festival and Chinese New Year are customary or religious festivals and to propose interfaith dialogue as the solution to ensure religious tolerance among the people. This phenomenon highlights the importance of interfaith dialogue to achieve inter-religious tolerance especially for Malaysia consists various races and religions. This literature review study using qualitative method concluded that the Pongal Festival celebrated by Hindus is religious in nature due to the element of worship to the Gods. Meanwhile, Chinese New Year consists of celebrations which can be classified as customary or cultural celebrations. According to the syara’, any act of tasyabbuh in akidah and belief is strictly prohibited. Though the aspect of tasyabbuh needs to be looked further in detail especially in the context of Malaysia as pluralistic-society country. Therefore, inter-religious dialogue, a consensus within the framework of a plural society can be created in a harmonious environment by taking into account the spirit of the Malaysian constitution which celebrates freedom of religion and by considering Islam as the religion of the federation.
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Mandi Yasa, I. Komang, I. Nengah Duija, and Luh Dewi Pusparini. "PEMENTASAN TARI LELEGONGAN PADA PIODALAN DI PURA PUSEH DESA PAKRAMAN CULIK KABUPATEN KARANGASEM (Perspektif Pendidikan Agama Hindu)." Jurnal Penelitian Agama Hindu 2, no. 1 (May 28, 2018): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25078/jpah.v2i1.444.
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<p><em>The daily life of Balinese people who are Hindus as if it can not be separated with elements of culture and art. The offerings with the form of offerings with great care in the selection of materials offerings, appear to present expressive symbols with aesthetic taste and artistic arrangement. Many religious ceremonies are performed every year in sacred temples, the atmosphere of art, especially the art of dance, is very prominent. In the art of dance, sacred dance or guardian is a dance performed in a series of ceremonies or yadnya or a series of specific rituals, and the dances are usually purified. In connection with that in the Village Pakraman Culik, District Abang, Karangasem regency has a uniqueness in the ceremony piodalan pura puseh there staging Lelegongan Dance. This dance performance is a manifestation of gratitude towards Ida Sang Hyang Widhi Wasa.</em><em> </em><em>There are also problems that will be discussed, among others: (1) Why Leleged Dance staged at piodalan ceremony at pura puseh, (2) Structure of Lempegongan dance performance, (3) Hindu religion values that contained in Lelegongan dance performance, to (1) reveal the background of Lelegongan dance, (2) explain the structure of dance performance of Lelegongan, (3) analyze the values of Hindu religious education contained in Lelegongan dance performance.</em></p><p><em>The methods used to collect data are non participant observation and structured observation, structured interview, literature. The data collected were analyzed by qualitative descriptive analysis with reduction measures, data presentation and conclusion drawing.</em><em> </em><em>The results of this study shows Lelegongan dance is a guardian dance performed on each piodalan in pura puseh as an expression of gratitude before Ida Sang Hyang Widhi Wasa in general and also the Bhatari Bhatari who berstana at pura puseh and Ida Bhatari Danuh who berstana at pura puseh, Performance Lelegongan Dance at the ceremony piodalan Pura Puseh Village Pakraman Culik Abang district Karangasem regency is a dance that is considered sacred. In the staging of the Lelegongan dance there are several ceremonies that must be passed before the dance is performed, the first melasti ceremony or the cleansing ceremony of God's symbol, the second peak of the guardian is the peak ceremony in the ceremony piodalan where in the ceremony of the peak of the guardian was held Lertegongan dance performance , after the stages of Lelegongan dance all villagers of Pakraman Kulik do pray together. Next nganyarin which will end the penyineban ceremony. Educational values contained in the Lelegongan Dance namely (1) The value of Tattwa education is as a form of community belief in Ida Sang Hyang Widhi Wasa,(2) The value of education ethics Susila as a symbol of the behavior of the community during the ceremony piodalan, (3) The value of education ceremony that is as a form Bhakti Pakraman Culik Village community before Ida Sang Hyang Widhi Wasa which in this case poured in rituals with facilities and infrastructure namely with Banten, (4) Aesthetic Value that is as a form of spiritual satisfaction</em></p>
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SAKUMA, Ruriko. "Two Types of Avalokitesvara that Generate Hindu Gods." Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies (Indogaku Bukkyogaku Kenkyu) 59, no. 1 (2010): 525–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4259/ibk.59.1_525.
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Alam, Muzaffar. "Strategy and imagination in a Mughal Sufi story of creation." Indian Economic & Social History Review 49, no. 2 (June 2012): 151–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946461204900201.
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This article examines a seventeenth-century text that attempts to reconcile Hindu and Muslim accounts of human genesis and cosmogony. The text, Mir’āt al-Makhlūqāt (‘Mirror of Creation’), written by a noted Mughal Sufi author Shaikh ‘Abd al-Rahman Chishti, purportedly a translation of a Sanskrit text, adopts rhetorical strategies and mythological elements of the Purāna tradition in order to argue that evidence of the Muslim prophets was available in ancient Hindu scriptures. Chishti thus accepts the reality of ancient Hindu gods and sages and notes the truth in their message. In doing so Chishti adopts elements of an older argument within the Islamic tradition that posits thousands of cycles of creation and multiple instances of Adam, the father of humans. He argues however that the Hindu gods and sages belonged to a different order of creation and time, and were not in fact human. The text bears some generic resemblance to Bhavishyottarapurāna materials. Chishti combines aspects of polemics with a deft use of politics. He addresses, on the one hand, Hindu intellectuals who claimed the prestige of an older religion, while he also engages, on the other hand, with Muslim theologians and Sufis like the Naqshbandi Mujaddidis who for their part refrained from engaging with Hindu traditions at all.
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Barua, Ankur. "Myth as Metaphysics: The Christian Saviour and the Hindu Gods." Sophia 51, no. 3 (August 2, 2011): 379–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11841-011-0260-6.
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Maillart-Garg, Meena, and Michael Winkelman. "The “Kamasutra” temples of India: A case for the encoding of psychedelically induced spirituality." Journal of Psychedelic Studies 3, no. 2 (May 29, 2019): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/2054.2019.012.
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The essay proposes that entheogenic mushrooms and shamanic experiences are encoded in the Khajuraho Temples of India. Erotic sculptures of Khajuraho have statues with limbs depicted in strange positions, separated from the body or with orientations that are anatomically impossible. These represent dismemberment experiences typical of shamanic and mystical initiation, a phenomenon with precedents in Hindu and Buddhist traditions. The central placement of mushroom depictions in the temple structures indicates that their identities should be sought among entheogenic mushrooms, but features that could distinguish entheogenic mushroom species are often ambiguous. Nonetheless, the centrality of their placement supports the entheogenic hypothesis. While the presence of multiple fungi and plant sources for soma seems likely, the argument for the originality of Amanita muscaria is made in assessing the principal names of the God Vishnu with respect to features of the mushroom. Various associations of the Gods at Khajuraho and other sites suggest the broad identification of Hindu Gods with entheogenic mushrooms. Icons of mushroom are also secretly encoded in the Khajuraho sculptures in association with the so-called vandalized or broken sculptures of Khajuraho. A repeated “figure 8” pattern suggests that the artists deliberately constructed them to appear vandalized in order to encode information depicting the early stage of A. muscaria and other entheogenic fungi. These encoded figures provide support for the argument that A. muscaria, Hindu God Vishnu, Jain Mahaveera, and the Buddha (and perhaps other Gods and Goddesses of Vedic/Jain/Hindu/Buddhist pantheon) could be interconnected. This paper concludes with an assessment of the implications of this entheogenic evidence for the reinterpretation of central aspects of religious beliefs and ideologies of India.
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Adnyana, Putu Eka Sura, I. Made Dwitayasa, and I. Made Adi Brahman. "KONSEP KETUHANAN HINDU DALAM ĪŚĀ UPANIṢAD (Kajian Teologi Hindu)." Jurnal Penelitian Agama Hindu 2, no. 1 (May 28, 2018): 439. http://dx.doi.org/10.25078/jpah.v2i1.501.
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<p><em>The book of Īśā Upaniṣad is upanisad which is quite unique and important. Īśā upaniṣad is the shortest and smallest upaniṣad of all 18 types of upaniṣad, but is the most important upaniṣad of all upaniṣad books in Hinduism. Īśā Upaniṣad is always associated with Veda Śruti, the Yajur Veda Putih (Śukla Yajur Veda). Īśā Upaniṣad is in addition to the notion of Īśā, as well as some of the teachings on which Hinduism is based.The results of this study can be described that the principles of the teachings contained in Īśā Upaniṣad, namely divinity, karma, the universe, vidyā and avidyā. God is called Īśā. The absolute Iśā, and the Impersonal. The universe and all its contents are either soul or soulless, controlled by Īśā. Therefore every living creature fights steadily with the karma and closer to God in his life. Furthermore, Hindu theological teachings contained in Iśā Upaniṣad, namely: God almighty, God can not be thought, God is the source of all, God is everywhere, ātman, sambhūti and asambhūti. God is called Īśā, essentially Esa, the source of everything that exists in the universe and becomes the place of the return of all things. The one, while still in place, does not move, but his speed exceeds the mind, preceding the velocity of the Gods. God is unthinkable, supernatural, pervading everything, everywhere.</em></p><p><em> </em></p>
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Simoncelli, Adriana. "Dance in Indian culture: A cosmic manifestation of divine creation and a path to liberation." Dziennikarstwo i Media 15 (June 29, 2021): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2082-8322.15.2.
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Dance is a human cultural activity aimed at non-verbal emotional communication, mentioned for the first time in the circle of European culture by Homer in the Iliad (8th/7th century BC). In Indian culture — the most extensive one of four contemporary civilizations of antiquity (next to Egyptian, Mesopotamian, and Chinese), whose cradle is the Indus Valley Civilization — the first material evidence of the presence of dance is dated between 2300–1750 BC. It is a bronze statuette of a dancing girl, making us aware of the fact that this type of activity has accompanied people since the dawn of time, regardless of their origin and cultural affiliation. India and its oldest religion, Hinduism, have made this art highly prized because of its original, pure spiritual character.
The first treatise entirely devoted to dance, entitled Natyashastra (Treatise on Performing Arts), was written according to tradition between the 2nd century BC and the 2nd century AD, although many premises indicate that its beginnings date back to the 5th century BC, and the final version — to around 5th century AD. Its author was Bharata Muni, an ancient sage, theatrologist and musicologist who allegedly received knowledge of arts from the god Brahma himself to create a symbolic representation of the world which, by showing good and evil, would persuade both the viewers and the performers to act ethically. From Natyashastra it appears that dance was created by the gods for their worship. In its most original form, dance grew out of the sacrificial ritual, hence the knowledge of it was secret, highly codified and communicated in strict confidentiality. The patron of the dance and its divine performer par excellence is the god Shiva in the aspect of Nataraja (Lord of the Dance), who in one image combines god as the creator, protector and destroyer of the universe, while simultaneously containing the Indian concept of an endless time cycle. Accurate recreation of the mythical dance initiated by Shiva guarantees that the faithful achieve salvation by overcoming sin, ignorance, and laziness represented by the demon Apasmara, on whom the god treads in a dancing trance.
For the Indian Hindu culture dance has a highly important ritualistic and mystical meaning, hence it is also present along with music and singing, which is a melodic recitation of sacred verses, in all literature, from the Vedas (sacred books of Hinduism), through encyclopedic Puranas, to epics such as Mahabharata and Ramayana. Dance is indispensable to the theater as well as visual and audiovisual arts, brings relief to those in mourning and sorrow, leads to liberation from samsara (the wheel of incarnations), and is a reflection of divinity in its purest, most dynamic manifestation: movement. Thanks to dance being a rejection of oneself, entering a mystical trance, one can connect with the Absolute here on Earth and experience divinity.
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Waghorne, Joanne Punzo. "The Diaspora of the Gods: Hindu Temples in the New World System 1640–1800." Journal of Asian Studies 58, no. 3 (August 1999): 648–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659115.
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The proliferation of hindu temples now spread over the North American religious landscape appear at first glance to be part of a new process of globalization for Hinduism in an era of transnational religions. South India, long a bastion of temple culture, is simultaneously in the midst of a new boom in temple construction. The present resurgence of “Hinduism” in north India, steeped in ideology, nonetheless is written in terms of the alleged destruction of thousands of temples in north India by Muslim rulers and calls for their reconstruction. “My gods are crying,” writes one “angry” Hindu; “They are demanding restatement in all their original glory” (quoted in Bhattacharya 1991, 127).
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Suryawan, I. Gde, I. Nyoman Duwika Adiana, and I. Kadek Jayanhti Riva Prathiwi. "Rupa Gayah dalam Ritual Masyarakat Hindu di Desa Sembung, Mengwi, Badung." Sphatika: Jurnal Teologi 11, no. 1 (July 2, 2020): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.25078/sp.v11i1.1500.
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<em>Style is a collection of several satays and the bones of animals slaughtered (usually pigs) and then shaped so that they look attractive. In general the form of style can be divided into three namely the style of style, body style and peak style. Alas gayah consists of pig bones arranged like pigs while alive. On the body of the style is composed of several satay namely pengideran satay, satay that symbolizes the Gods Nawa Sanga (nine Gods who control the nine cardinal directions), pengurip-urip satay is satay which shows the amount of urip Dewata Nawa Sanga, and satay decoration is satay which symbolizes the contents of the nine directions of the compass; the world and functioning style decoration. The form of style in each region in Bali varies according to the taste of art and creativity of the maker, but has the same symbol and meaning, which is the symbol of the universe and is meaningful as a neutralizing the negative elements of the Great Bhuwana (nature) and Bhuwana Alit (humans).</em>
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Thomases, Drew. "Appropriating Archetypes." Nova Religio 24, no. 3 (February 1, 2021): 96–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2021.24.3.96.
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Based on ethnographic fieldwork in Southern California, this paper explores how non-Indians use and appropriate statues of Hindu deities. In particular, I focus on a particular group of spiritual seekers who see these statues, or murtis, not as manifestations of the divine—that is, not as Hindu gods themselves—but instead as symbols that correspond to Jungian “archetypes.” This spiritual practice of “working with” an archetype is quite different from what one might encounter in a Hindu temple in India, and indeed, the underlying theologies of the practice map better onto American metaphysical religion than they do Hinduism. The article ends with a reflection on appropriation, focusing on the ways in which this spiritual practice promotes a form of universalism in which the very idea of appropriation becomes impossible.
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Gonçalves, João Carlos Barbosa. "Called or not called, are the hindu gods present in the West?" Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 21, no. 2 (2008): 297–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2176-6436_21-2_7.
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David, Ann R. "Performing for the gods? Dance and embodied ritual in British Hindu temples." South Asian Popular Culture 7, no. 3 (October 2009): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14746680903125580.
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Darya, I. Wayan. "Eksistensi Gamelan Gong Gede Saih Pitu Dalam Ritual Agama Hindu Di Banjar Kebon Singapadu ( Perspektif Teologi Hindu )." Jurnal Penelitian Agama Hindu 2, no. 2 (December 4, 2018): 510. http://dx.doi.org/10.25078/jpah.v2i2.652.
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<p><em>Types of gamelan that exist in the earth comes from the voice of Genta Pinara Pitu which became the inspiration of the birth gamelan in the realms of the Gods, Rsi, and also on the nature of Bhuta Kala. Furthermore, humans are also inspired to create various types of gamelan, including gamelan Gong Gede Saih Pitu in Banjar Kebon Singapadu. Gamelan can be used as a ritual medium that essentially has a deep theological meaning. Tones of the gamelan are the nyasa (sacred symbols) of the ista dewata who control all directions which form a circle called the pemgider bhuana. Playing one tone means having direct contact with one of the gods. However, the understanding of the existence of Gamelan Gong Gede Saih Pitu about the concept of ideas, structure, barrel, patih / saih, and the type of tetabuhan that it uses, need to be studied further to deepen the existence of Gong Gede Saih Pitu gamelan in Hindu theological perspective hindu ritual. This research uses qualitative research method with theological approach. Problem solving using Structural Theory, Symbol Theory, and Structural Functional Theory to dissect the gamelan's theatrical structure, function, and meaning of Gong Gede Saih Pitu in Banjar Kebon Singapadu.</em></p><p><em>Data obtained from the text and obtained in the field through observation and interview, then processed and analyzed in accordance with the theory used with the method of theological approach, then obtained the result that the gamelan Gong Gede Saih Pitu as a form of art that developed today, has the theological concept derived from the sound of pale pent in the pangider bhuana circle, and its existence not only as an accompaniment of ritual procession and as a cultural development, but has a religious function and psychological function, and contains philosophical-theological meaning, aesthetic meaning, and grandeur, and dignity, which shows how great the concept of the gamelan is as the implementation of Hindu theological tones.</em></p><p><em>Through the results of this research will materialize the understanding of gamelan theology contained in the lontar Prakempa and Aji Gurnitha, and dismissed the notion of the use of gamelan in Hindu rituals as a tradition of mule keto which is identical with the euphoria of splendor to enliven the atmosphere of the ceremony.</em></p>
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Jacobsen, Knut. "The Child Manifestation of Śiva in Contemporary Hindu Popular Prints." Numen 51, no. 3 (2004): 237–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527041945508.
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AbstractGod posters have become one of the most visible aspects of popular religious culture in South Asia. In this article I argue that the God poster industry has created opportunities for iconographic innovations, but that the God posters nevertheless build on traditional sacred narratives and conceptions of the Hindu gods found especially in the Hindu epics and the Purānas.. Even if the iconographic representation of the child manifestations of Śiva is something new, these God posters rely on the presence of the child manifestations of Śiva in the sacred narratives of the Hindu tradition. While only some of the episodes of Śiva as a child till now have been depicted in the God posters, it is not unreasonable to expect that more episodes involving the manifestation of Śiva as a child will be depicted in God posters in the future.
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Zubko, Katherine C. "Christian Themes and the Role of the Nāyikā in Bharatanāṭyam." International Journal of Asian Christianity 1, no. 2 (September 11, 2018): 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-00102006.
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Within the Indian classical dance style of bharatanāṭyam, performers traditionally embody the stories of Hindu gods and goddesses. This paper discusses selected examples of how Christian themes have been incorporated into the art form by both Hindu and non-Hindu participants, including the adaptation of the aesthetics of the nāyikā, a female heroine yearning for her absent beloved. In an extended case study, I examine the presentation of one such unique nāyikā, a Christian Indian woman who contracts HIV from her husband, in particular demonstrating how various gesture sequences draw upon the recognizable, empathetic foundation of the suffering heroine to depict the realities of the illness of HIV. The despair and pain of the nāyikā, and the role of a sakhī as sympathetic doctor, invite audiences into a familiar aesthetic framework that also creates receptivity towards a significant social critique.
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WATANABE, Hiroki. "Untouchables in Hindu Tantric Literature." JOURNAL OF INDIAN AND BUDDHIST STUDIES (INDOGAKU BUKKYOGAKU KENKYU) 52, no. 2 (2004): 910–06. http://dx.doi.org/10.4259/ibk.52.910.
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Bala, Rajni. "Women Empowerment And Hindu Literature." Learning Community-An International Journal of Educational and Social Development 7, no. 1 (2016): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2231-458x.2016.00004.x.
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VICZIANY, MARIKA, and JAYANT BAPAT. "Mumbādevī and the Other Mother Goddesses in Mumbai." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 2 (March 2009): 511–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0700340x.
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AbstractMumbādevī is the patron Goddess of the city of Mumbai, one of the largest and most cosmopolitan cities of Asia. Local traditions say that Mumbādevī was a Koḷī Goddess and worshipped by the indigenous Koḷī fisher community for centuries. However, since the turn of the twentieth century the temple of Mumbādevī and the rituals surrounding the Goddess have gradually been Sanskritised. Today, Mumbādevī is more closely associated with the Gujarati community. This paper examines this transformation and in doing so reflects on the survival of Mumbādevī, the ongoing popularity of Goddess worship in Mumbai and the failure of Hindu fundamentalists to subordinate the Mother Goddesses of Mumbai to a more limited range of Hindu Gods.
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Taylor, John, and Carl Dennis. "Practical Gods." Antioch Review 60, no. 3 (2002): 535. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4614385.
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Chappel, Frank. "The conceptualization of gods in Hindu communities and Universal aspects of the Divine." Journal of Indian Philosophy and Religion 14 (2009): 145–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jipr2009149.
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Dubey, Abhay. "MUSIC AND SOCIETY." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 3, no. 1SE (January 31, 2015): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v3.i1se.2015.3390.
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In India, music is believed to be as eternal as God. Before the creation of the world —it existed as the all-pervading sound of "Om" —ringing through space. Brahma, the Creator, revealed the four Vedas, the last of which was the Sama Veda —dealing with music.Vedic hymns were ritualistic chants of invocation to different nature gods. It is not strange therefore to find the beginnings of Hindu music associated with Gods and Goddesses. The mythological heaven of Indra, God of Rain, was inhabited by Gandharvas (singers), Apsaras (female dancers) and Kinnaras (instrumentalists). Saraswati, Goddess of Music and Learning, is represented as seated on a white lotus playing on the Veena. The great sage Narada first brought the art to earth and taught it to men.
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Chakravarty, Saumitra. "Kali, Untamed Goddess Power and Unleashed Sexuality: A Study of the 'Kalika Purana' of Bengal." Journal of Asian Research 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jar.v1n1p1.
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<p><em>This paper attempts to analyse the paradox inherent in the myth of Kali, both in her iconic delineation and the rituals associated with her worship as depicted in the twelfth century Kalika Purana. The black goddess Kali breaks conventional stereotypes of feminine beauty and sexuality in Hindu goddess mythology. She is the dominant sexual partner straddling the prone Siva and the wild warrior goddess drinking demon blood. She is originally depicted as a symbol of uncontrolled fury emerging from the fair, beautiful goddess Ambika in the battle with the demons in older goddess texts. Thereafter she gains independent existence both as the dark, mysterious and sexually demanding version of the more benign and auspicious Parvati and the Primordial Goddess Power pre-dating the Hindu trinity of male gods, the Universal Mother Force which embraces both good and evil, gods and demons in the Kalika Purana. Unlike other goddess texts which emphasize Kali's role in the battle against the demons, the Kalika Purana's focus is on her sexuality and her darkly sensual beauty. Equally it is on the heterodoxical rituals associated with her worship involving blood and flesh offerings, wine and the use of sexual intercourse as opposed to Vedic rituals. </em></p>
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Kaytor, D. "Shakespeare's Gods." Literature and Theology 29, no. 1 (December 18, 2013): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/litthe/frt043.
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Ibrahim, Mohammed Abboudy. "Ancient Egypt Gods in Roman Literature." Bulletin of the Center Papyrological Studies 14, no. 1 (December 1, 1997): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/bcps.1997.82809.
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Shippey, T. A., and Richard North. "Heathen Gods in Old English Literature." Modern Language Review 95, no. 1 (January 2000): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3736381.
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Carruth, Hayden. "Gods." Hudson Review 43, no. 1 (1990): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3852337.
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MORI, Mariko. "Curse and Conception in Hindu Literature." Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies (Indogaku Bukkyogaku Kenkyu) 59, no. 2 (2011): 821–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4259/ibk.59.2_821.
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Basu, Aparna. "The Hindu Widow in Indian Literature." Indian Historical Review 30, no. 1-2 (January 2003): 228–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360303000221.
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Sirjana, Thapa, and Mikyung Jang. "Hindu Gods, Snakes, and Fairies Images in Sandplay Therapy Process of Nepalese Earthquake Survivors." Journal of Symbols & Sandplay Therapy 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.12964/jsst.160008.
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Orr, Leslie C. "Michael Willis,The Archaeology of Hindu Ritual: Temples and the Establishment of the Gods." South Asian Studies 26, no. 2 (September 23, 2010): 238–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02666030.2010.517922.
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BADAMI, SUMANT. "Violent Gods: Hindu Nationalism in India's Present; Narratives from Orissa by Angana P. Chatterjee." American Ethnologist 37, no. 4 (November 2010): 857–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1425.2010.01287_24.x.
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Mitra, Semontee. "Merchandizing the Sacred: Commodifying Hindu Religion, Gods/Goddesses, and Festivals in the United States." Journal of Media and Religion 15, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15348423.2016.1177351.
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Gunn, G. "America's Gods." American Literary History 19, no. 1 (December 5, 2006): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajl035.
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Szemler, G. J. "Tethered Gods." Classical Review 49, no. 2 (October 1999): 447–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.2.447.
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Stynen, Ludo, and Yves Petry. "Gods eigen muziek." World Literature Today 77, no. 1 (2003): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40157922.
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Araujo, Anderson. "After Many Gods." Renascence 73, no. 1 (2021): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/renascence20217312.
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In January 1928, The Dial published T. S. Eliot’s review of Personae: The Collected Poems of Ezra Pound (1926). Even as he acknowledges his indebtedness to his fellow American poet-critic, Eliot seems bewildered by Pound’s belief system, which in his estimation is a heady mix of mysticism, occultism, pseudoscience, and Confucianism. With a touch of exasperation, he ends the review by asking provocatively, “what does Mr. Pound believe?” Although he would never give an answer that Eliot would find satisfying, Pound would revisit the question time and again in his prose and poetry. In the process, he reveals more about his eccentric set of creeds than even Eliot might have bargained for. Striving to synthesize a range of philosophical and polytheistic traditions, Pound would cast off the Presbyterianism of his early youth. From the 1930s onward, his deepening affiliation with Italian Fascism and near-cultic devotion to Mussolini would add yet another layer to his spectrum of beliefs. With Eliot’s query in The Dial functioning as a recurring point of reference, this essay examines Pound’s religious beliefs as a shifting panoply of mythico-theological, aesthetic, and political ideas. The picture that emerges is as complex as it is difficult to pin down, blurring the boundaries of what constitutes “faith” itself.
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Murdihastomo, Ashar. "IDENTIFIKASI DEWA-DEWI AGAMA HINDU-BUDDHA SEBAGAI DEWA PELINDUNG PELAYARAN (IDENTIFICATION OF HINDU-BUDDHIST GODS AND GODDESSES AS PATRON DEITIES OF SEAFARING)." Naditira Widya 13, no. 2 (December 27, 2019): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.24832/nw.v13i2.397.
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Surpi, Ni Kadek. "Śivagrha (Prambanan Temple) as an Archetype of Hindu Theology in Nusantara (An Endeavor to Discover Hindu Theological Knowledge through Ancient Temple Heritage)." Analisa: Journal of Social Science and Religion 5, no. 01 (July 29, 2020): 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v5i1.1024.
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Many scholars believe that the Hindu community in Nusantara worship Trimūrti (Brahmā, Visnu, and Śiva) equally. This opinion is shared among the experts. However, it is not prevalent within Hinduism. Hence, it contradicts the concept of Ista Devata (the glorification of one Devata among the others). This qualitative study examines Prambanan Temple as an Archetype of Hindu Theology in Nusantara. This study focusses on the structure of the Prambanan temple complex, which related to the concept of Hindu Nusantara Theology, the depiction of Hindu Nusantara Theology, and the special meaning of Prambanan Temple. Data analysis was carried out using an Ethnographic Content Analysis (ECA). This study concludes that Prambanan Temple is convincing as an Archetype of Hindu Theology, in two typologies. The typology of Nirguna Brahman lies in the concept where Prambanan is a place to worship Parabrahman, The Absolute, The Supreme God. Meanwhile, the typology of Saguna Brahman lies in the concept where Prambanan is a Śivagrha, The House of Lord Śiva, a place to worship Śiva as the Highest Gods. This typology of Saguna Brahman is the base of Śivaistik Theology. Prambanan temple construction uses the Vāstupurusamandala pattern, which made it as the grandest temple in Nusantara. Even though Śivagrha is popular as a temple complex to worship Tri Murti as equals, the fact which lies in temple structures as well as in the manuscript (prasasti) proves that it has a Śivaistik Concept, where Śiva is worshiped as the highest Devata (Parabrahman).
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Saitya, Ida Bagus Subrahmaniam. "Ekologi Hindu dalam Teks Ādi Parwa." Sphatika: Jurnal Teologi 10, no. 2 (July 4, 2020): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.25078/sp.v10i2.1550.
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<p>Natural disasters that occur today are closely related to a decrease in environmental quality caused by human actions, the occurrence of disasters, bringing humans to further consequences. Therefore, humans must change their behavior and outlook on nature. To create a harmonious life between humans and their environment in Hinduism, it is called Tri Hita Karana. The Tri Hita Karana concept is a philosophy of life, it has a concept that can preserve<br />cultural and environmental diversity amidst the impact of globalization and industrial progress. Ecology is the study of the relationship between organisms and their environment, both inorganic (abiotic) and organic (biotic) environments. In Hindu ecology there are 3 (three) dragons, namely Anantabhoga, Bāsuki, and Takṣaka. In the story of ipdiparwa, the dragon Anantabhoga was awarded by Bhaṭāra Brahmā for holding the earth. The three dragons are incarnations of the gods because seeing the state of living beings on earth is very miserable, then Lord Śiwa sent Lord Brahma to become the dragon Anantabhoga, Lord Wiṣṇu became the dragon Bāsuki, and Dewa Īśwara became the dragon Takṣaka. Anantabhoga’s dragon was in the ground, the head of the Bāsuki dragon became the sea and its tail became a mountain, while the winged Takṣaka dragon entered the sky. In the text of Śiwāgama it is mentioned that after this earth was created by Bhaṭāra Śiwa and Bhaṭāri Umā, at one time a disaster occurred, plants did not live well, water was not nutritious, and air caused illness. Therefore, Sanghyang Trimūrti came down to the world to help humans. Bhaṭāra Brahmā enters the ground and transforms into Anantabhoga’s dragon, Bhaṭāra Wiṣṇu plunges into the water, transforms into a Bāsuki dragon, and Bhaṭāra Iśwara enters into the air turning into a Takṣaka dragon.</p>