Academic literature on the topic 'Historia ecclesiastica (Sozomenus)'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Historia ecclesiastica (Sozomenus).'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "Historia ecclesiastica (Sozomenus)"

1

Argov, Eran I. "A Church Historian in Search of an Identity: Aspects of Early Byzantine Palestine in Sozomen's Historia Ecclesiastica." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum 9, no. 2 (January 19, 2006): 367–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zach.2005.006.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Quiroga-Puertas, Alberto J. "IN HECATE'S REALM: A NOTE ON SOZOMEN, HIST. ECCL. 7.23." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (April 2, 2015): 427–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838814000585.

Full text
Abstract:
‘Can you tell me, Philocles, what in the world it is that makes many men so fond of lying that they delight in telling preposterous tales themselves and listen with especial attention to those who spin yarns of that sort?’(Lucian, Philops. 1) In the seventh book of his Historia Ecclesiastica the church historian Sozomen provides us with a detailed account of the social and political climate and subsequent motives which precipitated the outbreak of the Riot of the Statues in Antioch a.d. 387. According to his version ‘on the night before the sedition occurred, a spectre was seen in the form of a woman of prodigious height and terrible aspect, pacing through the streets of the city, lashing the air with an ill-sounding whip, similar to that which is used in goading on the beasts brought forward at the public theatres. It might have been inferred that the sedition was excited by the agency of some evil and malicious demon. There is no doubt but that much bloodshed would have ensued, had not the wrath of the emperor been stayed by his respect for this sacerdotal entreaty.’
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Quiroga Puertas, Alberto J. "Fidem tene, verba seqVentVr. Rhetoric and Oratory in the Historia Ecclesiastica of Socrates Scholasticus and Sozomen." Veleia, no. 32 (September 15, 2015): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1387/veleia.14979.

Full text
Abstract:
Este trabajo se centra en las interpretaciones de las apreciaciones estilísticas y de crítica literaria realizadas por los historiadores eclesiásticos Sócrates y Sozomeno en sus descripciones de figuras relevantes de la Iglesia post-Constantiniana. Su valoración del impacto y del papel de la oratoria y la literatura trascendió el campo de la crítica literaria, constituyendo parte del entramado ideológico con el que se juzgaron las creencias religiosas y filiaciones doctrinales de tales figuras en la Iglesia de los siglos iv y v.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

NOBBS, ALANNA EMMETT. "Digressions in the Ecclesiastical Histories of Socrates, Sozomen and Theodoret." Journal of Religious History 14, no. 1 (June 1986): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.1986.tb00451.x.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Griffith, Sidney H. "Images of Ephraem: The Syrian Holy Man and His Church." Traditio 45 (1990): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012666.

Full text
Abstract:
Ephraem the Syrian is undoubtedly the best-known holy man of the Syriac-speaking world in the patristic period. Within fifty years of Ephraem's death, Palladius included a notice of him among the ascetic saints whose memory he celebrated in the Lausiac History. Sozomen the historian celebrated Ephraem's memory as a popular ecclesiastical writer, some of whose works had been translated into Greek even during his lifetime. Jerome claimed to recognize Ephraem's theological genius in a Greek translation he read of a book by Ephraem on the Holy Spirit. And toward the end of the fifth century, Gennadius of Marseilles called attention to Ephraem as a composer of metrical psalms. Well within the patristic era itself, therefore, Ephraem's reputation as holy man, theologian, and poet was secure.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Bralewski, Sławomir. "Empress Eudoxia in the Light of the 5th-Century Ecclesiastical Histories." Vox Patrum 75 (September 15, 2020): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4953.

Full text
Abstract:
In the dispute between John Chrysostom, Bishop of Constantinople, and the imperial court the main role is generally attributed to Empress Eudoxia, who was blamed for causing his exile. How did the authors of Ecclesiastical histories, writing in the first half of the 5th century, perceive this empress? The first of them, Philostorgius, clearly suggested that although initially the status of Eudoxia at the imperial court was not strong because of her barbaric origin, the empress - wielding her femininity as a powerful weapon—not only managed to defend herself but also strengthened her position in the courtly environment by plunging her opponents into utter powerlessness. As for Theodoret, this historian refused to disclose the names of those guilty of John Chrysostom’s fate. He also did not attribute intentional guilt to the imperial couple, considering that their guilt was unintentional. He suggested, however, that Eudoxia's influence at the imperial court was so great that if she wanted, she could have John return from the exile. In the case of Socrates and Sozomen, both historians, although they differed in their assessment of John Chrysostom, showed a remarkable convergence of views in the case of empress Eudoxia. They both described her with a clear restraint, pointing to her great emotionality, but the responsibility for the conflict with John they blamed mainly on the bishop’s enemies, who set the ruler against him.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Leppin, Hartmut. "Caterina C. Berardi, Linee di storiografia ecclesiastica in Sozomeno di Gaza. (Auctores nostri, 16.) Bari, Edipuglia 2016." Historische Zeitschrift 309, no. 2 (October 5, 2019): 467–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2019-1380.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Trompf, G. W. "Rufinus and the Logic of Retribution in Post-Eusebian Church Histories." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43, no. 3 (July 1992): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900001330.

Full text
Abstract:
It is no secret that the great orthodox ecclesiastical historians of the fourth and fifth centuries were purveyors of the new Christian imperial ideology. They as much as any group of writers laid the foundations of Byzantinism, by demonstrating from the course of events how it paid for emperors to be pious according to the prescriptions of the Catholic tradition, or how much better it was for the security, prosperity and destiny of the Roman Empire when the state and the (true) Church were consonant and false religion abandoned. So successful was the campaign in which they were engaged that by the sixth century, even though virtually all the Western provinces had fallen into barbarian hands, a clash between Church and State had become unthinkable, and no other ‘single hope for the permanency of the Empire’ had become possible but ‘the favour of God Himself, as Justinian, the energetic champion of reunification, proclaimed to all his successors.1 Such sentiments were in large measure the results of the works of those who had created attractive historical images of good Christian rulers.2 It was above all Eusebius Pamphilus, Tyrannius Rufinus, Socrates ‘Scholasticus’, Salmaninius Sozomen, Theodoret of Cyrrhus and Gelasius of Cyzicus who bequeathed to future generations an unblemished, idealised picture of Pax Constantiniana, a paradigm also reinforced by other Christian historians such as Lactantius and Athanasius.3 It was Rufinus who set the
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Hall, Stuart G. "Sozomenos: Historia Ecclesiastica/Kirchengeschichte. 4 vols. Edited by G. C. Hansen. Pp. 332, 344, 292, and 228. (Fontes Christiani, 73.1–4.) Turnhout: Brepols, 2004. isbn 2 503 52125 8, 52127 4, 52129 0, and 52137 1 (hardback); 2 503 52126 6, 52128 2, 52130 4, and 52138 X (paper). Hardback €41.03; paper €35.42 each (vols. 1–3). Hardback €35.42; paper €30.75 (vol. 4)." Journal of Theological Studies 56, no. 2 (October 1, 2005): 688–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fli185.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Kolovou, Foteini. "Sozomenos. Historia Ecclesiastica – Kirchengeschichte; griechisch-deutsch. Übersetzt und eingeleitet von Günther Christian HANSEN. Fontes Christiniani, 73/1–4." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 99, no. 2 (January 23, 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/byzs.2006.668.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Books on the topic "Historia ecclesiastica (Sozomenus)"

1

Un héritage de paix et de piété: Étude sur les histoires ecclésiastiques de Socrate et de Sozomène. Leuven: Peeters, 2004.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Springborg, Patricia. The Politics of Hobbes’s Historia Ecclesiastica. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803409.003.0010.

Full text
Abstract:
Hobbes’s Historia Ecclesiastica takes the name of the great Byzantine ecclesiastical histories from the fourth century on by Eusebius, Rufinus, Socrates of Constantinople, by Sozomen and Evagrius, by the Arian Philostorgius and the Nestorian Theodoret. Hobbes’s choice of title could not have been accidental, even if the poem represents a major genre problem. His preoccupation with heresy was a principal motivation for the burst of creative activity on that subject in the 1660s, which includes his Ecclesiastical History, and it is true that from Eusebius on, Christian historiographers were obsessed with heresy. But there is an alternative and not unrelated hypothesis, and that is that Hobbes, who condoned Cromwellian Independency and was an Erastian at heart, was hoping to establish the credentials of a more latitudinarian Anglicanism as a civil religion, thus appealing to the relative tolerance of the humanist historiographers against the rabid sectarianism of heresiographers of the 1640s.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!

To the bibliography