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1
Grandakovska, Sofija. "Mnemotope of Zion and Theopolitical Chronotopes in Ottoman Macedonia." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 9 (December 31, 2020): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2020.003.
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Mnemotope of Zion and Theopolitical Chronotopes in Ottoman MacedoniaThe discussion in the text, through the intersection of the disciplines of literature and history, oral poetry and ethical sermons from the period of the Enlightenment process in Ottoman Macedonia, aims to affirm the comparative relation between two questions. The first one is: How does one reach Zion (understood as a mnemotope) in the absence of a political identity of the Sephardim of Monastir (Bitola) within the framework of the Ottoman millet system? The second question is: How is the theo-messianic desire for Zion (understood as a vertical history) possible and accomplishable in the linearity of history, in the context of existing political chronotopes, or so-called Christian-Orthodox nationalisms in Ottoman Macedonia? In this complex historical period, the image of Zion does not have a real political place, but it still remains to emanate significant meaning about the homeland as a spiritual space. Mnemotyp Syjonu i teopolityczne chronotopy w osmańskiej MacedoniiZaprezentowana w niniejszej pracy dyskusja ma na celu potwierdzenie związków pokrewieństwa między dwoma pytaniami: jak dotrzeć do Syjonu (rozumianego jako mnemotyp) przy braku politycznej tożsamości Sefardyjczyków z Monastyru/ Bitoli, w ramach systemu osmańskiego milletu? Drugie pytanie postawione w tekście brzmi: w jaki sposób teomesjanistyczne pragnienie Syjonu (rozumiane jako historia wertykalna) jest możliwe i osiągalne w historii linearnej, w kontekście istniejących politycznych chronotypów lub tak zwanych chrześcijańsko-prawosławnych nacjonalizmów w Macedonii osmańskiej? W artykule posługuję się analizą komparatystyczną w kluczu interdyscyplinarnym, który stwarza podstawy do połączenia literatury i historii, poezji ustnej i etycznych kazań z okresu oświecenia w Macedonii osmańskiej.
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Molina Marín, Antonio Ignacio, and Deborah Molina Verdejo. "Elizabeth D. Carney." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 3 (December 1, 2020): 175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.60.
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Elizabeth Donnelly Carney is one of the most renowned scholars on Ancient Macedonia. Carney’s research has contributed to open the studies about Ancient Macedonia to the scope of Gender Studies. Her influence in many modern interpretations concerning the complex relations of power and court network in Argead Macedonia also includes topics like mutiny, social performances (like royal banquets) and court groups (like the Royal Pages). Her scope is wide, and she usually focuses on concrete topics from multiple perspectives. Books like Women and Monarchy in Ancient Macedonia, or the recent Eurydice and the Birth of Macedonian Power (2019) (completing the works devoted to three generations of Macedonian Royal women with her Olympias (2006) and Arsinoë of Egypt and Macedon: A Royal Life (2013)) are now must-to works for world-wide researchers concerning Ancient Greece and Macedon. Among her many skills, the Editorial Board of Karanos wants to remark her kind proximity and her usual predisposition to comment and help, with her experience, to improve discussions, projects and papers with admirable knowledge.
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Baković, Ivica. "Kazalište kao stjecište kolektivne i privatne traume u Erigonu Jordana Plevneša." Slavia Meridionalis 16 (October 21, 2016): 482–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2016.023.
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Theatre as the confluence of the collective and private trauma in Erigon by Jordan PlevnešThe text problematizes the concept of national history and trauma in the play Erigon, written by the contemporary Macedonian playwright Jordan Plevneš. The starting point of the analysis are some peculiarities of Plevneš’s poetics and of the theatrical conceptions of Antonin Artaud that are central to Erigon as well as the problem of the representation (and performance) of history in drama and theatre. In Erigon one can recognize the critique of eurocentrism and the European centres of power along with their influence on the formation of political and historical processes in Macedonia and the Balkans in general. The main question concerns the societal role of political theatre and its power. Teatr jako ujście zbiorowej i prywatnej traumy w Erigonie Jordana PlevnešaTekst prezentuje koncepcję historii narodowej i traumy w sztuce Erigon autorstwa współczesnego macedońskiego dramatopisarza – Jordana Plevneša. Punktem wyjścia do analizy są cechy charakterystyczne poetyki Autora oraz koncepcje teatralne Antonina Artauda, które zajmują w Erigonie miejsce centralne, podobnie jak problem reprezentacji (i performansu) historii w dramacie i teatrze. W Erigonie rozpoznać można krytykę eurocentryzmu obecnego w politycznych i historycznych procesach w Macedonii, a także ogólnie na Bałkanach. Główne pytanie dotyczy roli teatru politycznego i jego siły oddziaływania na społeczeństwo.
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Hammond, N. G. L. "Connotations of ‘Macedonia’ and of ‘Macedones’ until 323 b.c." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 1 (May 1995): 120–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800041744.
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It was a characteristic of Macedonian custom that a name was used in a special and in a general sense. For example, ‘Foot-Companions’ was the name of a Bodyguard of Philip and also of the men of the Phalanx-Brigades from Lower Macedonia, and ‘Hypaspists’ was the name of Infantry-Guardsmen of Alexander and also of the men of three Hypaspist Phalanx-Brigades. Geographical names were repeated: there were at least two regions and two cities called ‘Emathia’, two or three regions called ‘Doberus’, four cites called Philippi or Philippopolis, and Alexandrias galore. To a modern mind this makes for confusion. That is certainly the case with the names ‘Macedonia’ and ‘Macedones’, which I shall treat separately in this article.
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Проева [Proeva], Наде [Nade]. "Националните митови во современа Европа и негирањето на македонскиот идентитеm." Slavia Meridionalis 12 (August 31, 2015): 107–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.008.
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National myths in modern Europe and denial Macedonian identity The independence proclamation of the Republic of Macedonia in 1991 provoked ardent reactions and denials by its neighbours, against the fact that she was the only peaceful actor in the Yugoslavia’s dissolution. The first negative reactions and denials came from the Southern Neighbor, whose denial was directed towards the name, i.e. the identity, while the others referred to the language, identity and even a part of the territory. The most vociferous and at the same time the most successful was the reaction of the Southern Neighbour, who gained support of the European ‘democrats’, which de facto turned them into accomplices in the open blackmail that demanded the Republic of Macedonia to change its constitutional name. Namely, the 1992 Lisbon Declaration of the E(uropean) C(ouncil) imposed a demand to the Republic of Macedonia to accept any name that would not contain the word “Macedonia” in order to be recognized by the EU!?! The newly independent state was finally admitted to the UN under a reference “the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” through violation of the provisions of the UN Charter. Twenty years later the country is still enforced to use the offensive reference, and often even to tolerate the FYROM acronym. This article deals precisely with the politics of pressures and blackmail exercised by NATO and EU with regard to the so‑called name dispute. It also centers on national myths that are used in order to “justify” such politics and on the attitude of the European ‘democrats’ towards those national myths. In contrast to the democratic rules preached by NATO and EU across the world, the Republic of Macedonia was and still is blackmailed by an unprincipled demand to select a NEW name in order to please one member-state. As a consequence of that demand, the national myth linked with ancient Macedonians (so-called antiquisation, although the better term is antique-mania) has been revived and upgraded. A number of pseudo-historians with various professional backgrounds, such as journalists, politicians, writers, physicians, and even university professors, has involved in this endeavor. To make things worse, even some historians and archaeologists may be seen in this group, with a mission to defend the right to the name and identity. The societal climate has been politicized to such a degree that not only the neighbours, but even EU has been caught in the vicious circle of competing and mutually exclusive national myths. The Union obviously insists on the philhellenic myth i.e. on the alleged Hellenic roots of the European culture as such. Mity narodowe współczesnej Europy i negowanie tożsamości macedońskiej Niepodległość Republiki Macedonii - państwa, które w 1991 roku drogą pokojową odłączyło się od struktur Jugosławii - wywołała ostre spory z jej sąsiadami. Pierwszy wywołał jej południowy sąsiad, negując jej nazwę, pozostali sąsiedzi podważali natomiast jej język, tożsamość i prawo do części terytorium. Najgłośniejszy i najbardziej skuteczny w tych działaniach okazał się sąsiad południowy, który otrzymał wsparcie demokracji europejskich, przyczyniając się do tego, że Europejczycy stali się de facto współodpowiedzialni za szantażowanie RM w celu zmiany jej konstytucyjnej nazwy. W oparciu o Deklarację Lizbońską z 1992 roku Rada Europy uwarunkowała uznanie Republiki Macedonii tylko wtedy, gdy z konstytucyjnej nazwy państwa usunięte zostanie słowo Macedonia. Niespotykanym dotąd precedensem w historii ONZ stało się przyjęcie nowego państwa do jej struktur pod nazwą „Była Jugosłowiańska Republika Macedonii”, skróconej do uwłaczającego akronimu FYROM.W artykule podjęto kwestię dotyczącą nacisków ze strony NATO i UE wobec tzw. problemu nazwy a także mitów narodowych, którymi usprawiedliwia się tę politykę oraz stosunku demokracji europejskich wobec tych mitów. Jednak wbrew zasadom demokracji, jakie szerzy UE i NATO, Republika Macedonii była i nadal jest szantażowana bezzasadnym żądaniem znalezienia NOWEJ nazwy według żądań jednego z jej członków.Następstwem tych działań w RM stało się odnowienie i rozszerzenie narodowego mitu o związki z Macedończykami antycznymi. Nieodłącznym elementem towarzyszącym temu zjawisku jest turbo folk oraz wsparcie pseudohistoryków wszelkich profesji: dziennikarzy, polityków, literatów, lekarzy a nawet profesorów uniwersyteckich. Najbardziej zatrważającym – w celu ochrony właściwej nazwy państwa dowodzącej tożsamości – stało się włączenie do tego nurtu zawodowych historyków i archeologów.Sytuacja uległa upolitycznieniu do takiego stopnia, że nie tylko sąsiedzi, ale również UE wkroczyła do magicznego kręgu demonstrowania mitów narodowych, odwołując się do filohelleńskiego mitu rzekomych helleńskich korzeni kultury europejskiej.
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Panagakos, Anastasia N. "Citizens of the Trans-Nation: Political Mobilization, Multiculturalism, and Nationalism in the Greek Diaspora." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 7, no. 1 (March 1998): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.7.1.53.
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In the early 1990s, the Greek diaspora experienced an exceptional period of political mobilization, sparked by the international community’s recognition of the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia as an independent state. While there is little contestation that Macedonia exists as a geographic area, who can claim Macedonian history and ethnic identity is much more problematic. The struggle to claim Macedonian identity has been fought between groups located in Greece, the Republic of Macedonia, Bulgaria, and the Greek and Macedonian diasporas, each group proclaiming themselves the true Macedonians. In the diaspora, this struggle has manifested itself through newspaper editorials, letter-writing campaigns, lobbying efforts, festivals, and political rallies.
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Agudo, Mario, and Ignacio Molina. "William Greenwalt." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 1 (November 8, 2018): 123–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.9.
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Interview with William Greenwalt (Santa Clara University)In this first issue, Karanos’ Editorial Board wants to pay a well-merited tribute to one of the main promoters of the Ancient Macedonian Studies: William (Bill) Steven Greenwalt (University of Santa Clara). His name is most that well known in our fieldwork, but maybe he has not enjoyed the deserved authority as far as he does not finalize his research achievements with a typical monography or a History of Macedon. Nevertheless, Greenwalt is one of the researchers who had contributed mostly in the return of the interest on Ancient Macedonia beyond the figure of Alexander the Great, concretly attending to the Argead dynasty. Thanks to his work and efforts, questions like the royal charisma of the Argeads or his polygamy are now discussed in full and accepted in the academic sphere. Likewise, he is also a researcher who has popularized in the academia the name of Karanos, legendary monarch who gives name to our journal. It was, then, almost mandatory to begin with him our section of interviews to the Main Voices in Ancient Macedonian Studies.Disciple of Harry Del and E. Gruen, Greenwalt has developed a research line focused in religious topics, with a strong influence from the anthropological perspective. Some of his theories can be put in question and discussed by researchers who does not agree with him, but as far as we think that almost anything in the Ancient (Macedonian) World can be subject to question, we are sure that Greenwalt’s contribution to the knowledge of Ancient Macedonia and the force and weight of his ideas along the last decades is beyond any doubt, and helped to the brilliant progress and renovation of our fieldwork.
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Takovski, Aleksandar, and Nenad Markovikj. "Macedonia outside “Macedonia”." Journal of Language and Politics 16, no. 5 (May 16, 2017): 731–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15006.tak.
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Abstract The name dispute between Republic of Macedonia and Greece manifests itself in Greece’s objections to the use of the noun “Macedonia” or the adjective “Macedonian” to refer to any other ethnicity, culture, tradition and history except Greek. In order to promote itself as a sole claimant to the name, Greece has constructed a discourse which legitimizes its exclusive right to it, while at the same time it delegitimizes such right to Macedonia. However, this discourse does not only deny Macedonia the right to the name but it also denies Macedonia the right to discuss identity issues, while at the same time it obliterates Macedonian presence in the discourse in any relation to the disputed term. In this respect, this study seeks to analyze the specific linguistic strategies underlying these discursive effects.
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Rossos, Andrew. "The British Foreign Office and Macedonian National Identity, 1918-1941." Slavic Review 53, no. 2 (1994): 369–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501298.
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The study of the Macedonian identity has given rise to far greater controversies and debates than that of most, if not all, other nationalisms in eastern Europe. This has been only in part due to the hazy past of the Slavic speaking population of Macedonia and to the lack of a continuous and separate state tradition, a trait they had in common with other "small" and "young," or so-called "non-historic," peoples in the area.
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Sujecka, Jolanta. "The Continuity and Discontinuity. The Question of Territorialism and Double Identity from the Perspective of 20th Century Macedonia." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 1 (July 22, 2015): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2012.003.
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The Contuinity and Discontinuity. The Question of Territorialism and Double Identity from the Perspective of 20th Century MacedoniaThe sense of territorial identity gains force whenever political means of solving the Macedonian Question, a repugnant legacy of the Eastern issue, become scarce. This attitude is reflected in the articles published by the representatives of the Macedonian diaspora in journals of its different centres. Due to space constraints I decided to present only (and at least) the views of Krste Misirkov, a very complex figure indeed, who in contemporary Macedonia belongs to the undisputable national pantheon. His opinions on the Macedonian Question were far from explicit and his statements delivered at different stages of his life do not fit into a cohesive whole as the national purists would want it. However, it is difficult to imagine a better mirror for “Macedonian matters” in the 20th century and a more comprehensive picture of the twisted paths that the Macedonian Slavs took to reach the concept of ‘Macedonian’ understood as an ethnos, not only in its territorial aspect.A bond with the territory has never disappeared from Macedonian self-perception. Only the constant presence of territorial identity explains the assimilation of the ancient heritage, which is in fact heritage of a territory, into the Macedonian national canon. It is further confirmed by the most recent Macedonian history textbooks for high school students where the ancient tradition is treated as a part of their own heritage. While the bond with the territory is still an integral part of the Macedonian elite’s consciousness, the question of double identity remains less obvious. In Misirkov’s time double identity, expressed through various ethnic configurations, on the one hand shaped Macedonian self-identity and on the other proved the distinctiveness of a ‘Macedonian’ at that time (i.e. in the first half of the 20th century) from a ‘Serb’ in Serbia proper and a ‘Bulgarian’ in Bulgaria proper, thus creating favourable conditions for the emergence of separatist understanding of Macedonianness, allowing even non-Slavs to be Macedonians. Macedonianness began to be founded on Slavicness relatively late and this dependence was propagated quite naturally mainly by Slavophile circles (the circle of Nace Dimov) and by the communists in the 1920’s and 1930’s. However, in the first half of the 20th century there still existed alternatives, such as, for instance, the above-described project of Krste Misirkov. The most evident connection between the term ‘Macedonian’ and Slavicness crystallised in Tito’s post-war Macedonia, de facto undermining the notion of double identity in the sense in which it had functioned in the first half of the 20th century.Ciągłość i jej brak. Kwestia terytorializmu i podwójnej tożsamości z perspektywy macedońskiejPoczucie tożsamości terytorialnej odzywa się ze szczególną siłą w sytuacjach, kiedy wyczerpują się polityczne możliwości rozwiązania problemu macedońskiego, jako niedobrego spadku po kwestii wschodniej. Potwierdzają to wypowiedzi przedstawicieli macedońskiej diaspory publikowane na łamach czasopism, wychodzących w różnych miejscach jej skupisk. Zdecydowałam się na przedstawienie jedynie (i aż) poglądów Krste Misirkova, należącego w dzisiejszej Macedonii do niekwestionowanego panteonu narodowego, w istocie postaci wielce skomplikowanej. Jego poglądy w kwestii macedońskiej były dalekie od jednoznaczności, a wypowiedzi wygłaszane na różnych etapach życia nie układają się w całość, jakiej chcieliby narodowi puryści, natomiast trudno sobie wyobrazić lepsze zwierciadło „spraw macedońskich” w XX wieku i pełniejszy obraz krętych dróg, jakimi macedońscy Słowianie dochodzili do pojęcia „Macedończyk” rozumianego jako éthnie, a nie tylko terytorialnie.Więź z terytorium nigdy nie zniknęła z macedońskiego myślenia o sobie samych. Jedynie stałą obecnością tożsamości terytorialnej można wytłumaczyć asymilację dziedzictwa antycznego, czyli faktycznie dziedzictwa terytorium, do macedońskiego kanonu narodowego. Potwierdzają to najnowsze macedońskie podręczniki do nauki historii dla szkół średnich, w których tradycja antyczna jest traktowana jako część tradycji własnej. O ile jednak więź z terytorium jest nadal integralną częścią świadomości macedońskich elit, to zupełnie inaczej wygląda kwestia podwójnej tożsamości. W czasach Misirkova podwójna tożsamość, wyrażająca się poprzez różne etniczne konfiguracje, z jednej strony kształtowała macedońską tożsamość własną, z drugiej zaś to dzięki niej pojęcie „Macedończyk” w tym czasie (tzn. w pierwszej połowie wieku XX) potwierdzało swoją odrębność od Serba z Serbii właściwej i od Bułgara z Bułgarii właściwej i tym samym sprzyjało kształtowaniu się separatystycznego rozumienia macedońskości. Ten sposób widzenia umożliwiał bycie Macedończykiem także nie-Słowianom. Oparcie pojęcia macedońskości o słowiańskość nastąpiło stosunkowo późno i było propagowane w sposób naturalny głównie przez środowiska słowianofilskie (petersburski krąg Nace Dimova), ale w latach dwudziestych i trzydziestych XX w. także przez środowiska komunistyczne. Jednak w pierwszej połowie XX wieku miało wciąż alternatywne propozycje, jak chociażby omówiony przeze mnie projekt K. Misirkova. Najwyrazistsze powiązanie pojęcia „Macedończyk” ze słowiańskością nastąpiło w powojennej Macedonii czasów Josipa Broz Tity i w istocie podważyło pojęcie podwójnej tożsamości, w tym sensie w jakim funkcjonowała ona w okresie wcześniejszym, tzn. w pierwszej połowie wieku XX.
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Friedman, Victor. "The Balkan Sprachbund in the Republic of Macedonia Today: 'Eurology' as Discontinuity and Dialectology as Continuity." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 1 (July 22, 2015): 115–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2012.008.
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The Balkan Sprachbund in the Republic of Macedonia Today: “Eurology” as Discontinuity and Dialectology as ContinuityIn the article, I attempt to uphold the thesis about the continuity of the processes which gave rise to the phenomenon of the Balkan linguistic league. I argue that these processes are very much alive in today’s Republic of Macedonia and in other Balkan states. I develop my thesis drawing on examples from modern languages: Macedonian, Albanian, Aromanian, and Romani in its urban variation spoken in modern Republic of Macedonia. However, while in all other Balkan states the classic Balkan multilingualism is present as a distinctive feature on the local level, in Macedonia it is manifest both on the local level and in the cities. I thus point out the need for dialectological research in urban and multilingual rural sites so as to overcome the limitations of classic dialectology, with its historic-nationalist, monolingual focus. Only the former type of research allows for the study of language contact as the source of language change. Finally, I emphasise the fact that the Balkan Sprachbund assumed its present form in a period when what became the core of the EU was divided into dozens of mini-states, while in the Ottoman state, as Olivera Jašar-Nasteva said, you could travel the whole territory of the Empire with one document (teskere). This means that the idea of creating a unified linguistic alliance with the centre constituted by the “old” EU member states and the Balkans as its periphery is a product of contemporary political situation, not of the historical context which enabled the emergence of the Balkan Sprachbund.Bałkańska liga językowa w Republice Macedonii dziś: „eurologia” jako nieciągłość i dialektologia jako ciągłośćW niniejszym artykule staram się podtrzymać tezę o ciągłości funkcjonowania procesów, które wykreowały fenomen bałkańskiej ligi językowej i ich żywotności na terytorium dzisiejszej Republiki Macedonii, a także na obszarze pozostałych bałkańskich państw. Tezę tę dokumentuję poprzez przykłady zaczerpnięte ze współczesnych języków, macedońskiego, albańskiego, arumuńskiego i romskiego w miejskim wariancie na terytorium dzisiejszej Republiki Macedonii. O ile jednak klasyczna bałkańska wielojęzyczność jest obecna jako cecha dystynktywna we wszystkich państwach bałkańskich na poziomie lokalnym, to w Macedonii jest to cecha występująca zarówno na poziomie lokalności, jak i w miastach. W związku z tym, w artykule wskazuję na potrzebę badań dialektologicznych w miastach i wielojęzycznych wsiach, a nie tylko na poziomie klasycznej dialektologii z jej narodowo-historycznym i jednojęzycznym ukierunkowaniem, jako że tylko w tych pierwszych można zbadać źródłowe rezultaty kontaktu językowego. Wreszcie podkreślam fakt, że bałkańska liga językowa swój dzisiejszy obraz osiągnęła w czasie, kiedy Zachód, zwłaszcza zaś obszar jądra dzisiejszej Unii Europejskiej, był podzielony na osobne jednostki polityczne, tymczasem po terytorium Imperium Osmanów podróżowało się, jak podkreśla Oliviera Jašar-Nasteva, z jednym dokumentem podróży (teskere). Oznacza to, że idea stworzenia jednego europejskiego językowego sojuszu z centrum w obrębie "starych" państw-członków Unii Europejskiej i Bałkanami jako jego peryferiami jest płodem współczesnej sytuacji politycznej, nie zaś historycznego kontekstu, który umożliwił powstanie bałkańskiej ligi językowej.Балканcки јазичен cојуз во Република Македонија денеc: „eурологија” како неконтинуитет и диjалектологија како континуитетCо примери од cовремените македонcки, албанcки, влашки, и ромcки градкcи говори во Република Македонија, во оваа cтатија cе докажува дека процеcите што го cоздадоа балканcкиот јазичен cојуз во минатото cе уште функционираaт во Република Македонија, како и во другите балканcки земјии. Cепак, додека клаcичната балканcка многујазичноcт cе уште cе наоѓа во cекоја балканcка земја, таа поcтои повеќе на локалното ниво во другите земји додека во Македонија таа cе уште е доcта раcпроcтранета, оcобено во градовите. Во врcка cо тоа, во cтатијата cе наcочува кон фактот дека заедно cо клаcична дијалектологија cо нејзината национална и еднојазично-иcториcка ориентаcија, има потреба и за дијалектологија на градовите и многујазични cела, затоа што точно во тие контекcти ги забележуваме изворните резултатите на јазичен контакт. Најпоcле, иcто така cе наcочува кон фактот дека балканcкиот јазичен cојуз го добиваше неговиот cовремен образ точно во времето кога во западна Европа, оcобено во териториите кои поcле cтануваат јадрото на Европcката Унија, поcтојуваше огромна политичка фрагментација додека во Оcманcката Империја, како што велеше Оливера Јашар-Наcтева, cе патуваше низ целиот полуоcтров cо едно теcкере. Значи идеата на еден европcки јазичен cојуз cо центар во јадрото на cегашната Европcка Унија и cо Балканот на периферијата е повеќе cоздадена од cовремената политчка cитуација, а не одговара на иcтроиcките околноcти нa балканcкиот јазичен cојуз.
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Committee, Editorial. "1. The Balkans at the Turn of the Nineteenth to the Twentieth Centuries." Historein 12 (April 6, 2013): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.209.
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<p>Nikos Sigalas, review of <em>The "lost homelands" beyond nostalgia: a sociocultural-political history of Ottoman Greeks, mid-19th–early 20th centuries</em>, by Haris Exertzoglou.</p><p>Elias G. Skoulidas, review of <em>"Blessed are those who possess the land": Land-conquering plans for the "disappropriation" of consciences in Macedonia, 1880-1909</em>, by Spyros Karavas.</p><p>Roumen Daskalov, review of <em>The Balkans: modernisation, identities, ideas; in honour of Prof. Nadia Danova</em> (collective volume).</p><p>Loring M. Danforth, review of <em>Battlefields of Memory: The Macedonian Conflict and Greek Historical Culture</em>, by Erik Sjöberg.</p><p>Sada Payır, review of <em>Les Grecs d'Instabul au XIXe siècle: Histoire socioculturelle de la communauté de Pera</em>, by Méropi Anastassiadou.</p><p>Dimitris Stamatopoulos, review of <em>Society and Politics in Southeastern Europe during the 19th Century</em>, by Tassos Anastasiadis and Nathalie Clayer (eds).</p><p> </p>
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Pitt, Evan Michael. "An Ill-defined Rule: Cassander’s Consolidation of Power." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 2 (November 8, 2019): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.26.
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Cassander’s implementation of power during the early stages of his rule of Macedonia was wide ranging and multifaceted. He employed numerous different strategies to gain support from a variety of influential groups within the Macedonian homeland and adjacent areas to secure his position. Much of the discussion surrounding Cassander’s actions to accomplish control over Macedonia has focussed on his desire to become the next king in Macedonia as demonstrated by overt public actions, a feat he achieved after the Peace of 311. However, when one considers the coinage issued by Cassander prior to 311, this single-minded monarchic aim appears less evident, calling into question the strength of this understanding of his actions.
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Antela, Borja. "Terrible Olympias. Another Study in Method." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 3 (December 1, 2020): 103–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.52.
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Olympias of Epirus is one of the main characters in the history of the emergency of Macedonia as an international power with Philip II and Alexander. Nevertheless, despite the many books, papers and studies that had been improving our knowledge about Argead Macedonia in times of the great Macedonian conquerors, the historians of the XIXth and XXth centuries treated Olympias in the same terms of the ancient sources. This uncritical perspective denotes a clear tendency and aims to reproduce gender stereotypes that comes to our own days.
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Trajanovski, Naum. "The Three Memory Regimes of Ilinden Commemorations (2001–2018)." Southeastern Europe 44, no. 1 (March 18, 2020): 28–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-04401002.
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This article aims to map and periodize memory regimes in North Macedonia, with the divergent set of Ilinden commemorations epitomizing the developments and critical changes in the period from 2001 to 2018. Ilinden is still by and large considered to be pivotal for Macedonian nation-building, structuring the long Macedonian 20th century and serving as the most prominent state holiday. The commemorative narratives, understood as political strategies with the aim of taking a position towards and interpreting the past, establish a set of patterns, groups or trajectories which will be argued to be principal in the creation of official memory in North Macedonia. Herein, the set of 18 Republic Day/Ilinden commemorations will be reconstructed, triangulating the analysis of Macedonian media outlines, institutional discourses and political rhetoric, and finally, it will be discussed as a tripartite periodization model, drawing upon the theoretical framework offered by Kubik and Bernhard (2014).
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Миронска-Христовска [Mironska-Hristovska], Валентина [Valentina]. "Релациите меѓу Високата Порта и Охридската архиепископија во 18 век (причини за приближување и одделување)." Slavia Meridionalis 11 (August 31, 2015): 321–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2011.019.
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Relations between the Sublime Porte and the Archbishopric of Ohrid in the 18th century (reasons for rapprochement and estrangement)Non-canonical abolition of the Ohrid Archbishopric on May 17, 1767 is an act that made deep impact in Macedonian history. The abolition of the Ohrid Archbishopric, conducted at the discretion of the Constantinople Patriarchate – is the key axis around which present denials of Macedonian Church revolve together with the denial of historical cultural tradition of Macedonian nation, Macedonian territories and Macedonian name. As a result of this situation, from today’s perspective, we are given the opportunity to highlight the raising of Macedonian question, which unfortunately hasn’t been resolved primarily due to the politics of our neighbours.Since the abolishment occurred during the Ottoman rule in Macedonia, the subject matter results from it as well as the consideration of relations between the Sublime Porte and the Ohrid Archbishopric. Ever since the 14th century Macedonia was territorially and administratively under the Sublime Porte, where as spiritually it was independent (as of the 10th century). The Porte not interfering with the autocephaly of Ohrid Archbishopric provided a range of benefits to the development of Macedonian medieval written tradition (notably by scriptor centers), the continued development of Slavic church services, the development of other cultural spheres as well as preservation of Macedonian folk language and Macedonian beat.The key turning point in deteriorated relationship between the Archbishopric and the Porte occurred in the late 17th or early 18th century, when the Porte was highly engaged in European political and military events, when its economic power declined, when phanariotes strengthened their positions as Constantinople Patriarchate and in the external and internal politics of the Ottoman empire. Their propaganda against Ohrid church superiors was so successful that triggered frequent replacement of archbishops, their financial power was so great that they became leaders in trade on the Balkans, Russia and Europe, they acquired range of privileges, one of the key being that they were official interpreters – dragomen in negotiations between the Porte and European powers. They used it all to achieve their political goal – abolition of the Ohrid Archbishopric, an act through which they tended to realize their Megali Idea for the process of which they began assimilation that interfered with church services, cultural heritage, language, identity and the territory of Macedonian people. Relacje pomiędzy Wysoką Portą a arcybiskupstwem ochrydzkim w XVIII wieku (powody zacieśniania i rozluźniania wzajemnych stosunków) Niekanoniczna likwidacja arcybiskupstwa ochrydzkiego 17 maja 1767 roku okazała się wydarzeniem brzemiennym w skutki dla historii Macedonii. Decyzja patriarchatu w Carogrodzie o jego likwidacji stała się punktem odniesienia, wokół którego koncentrują się problemy współczesności – negowanie istnienia Macedońskiego Kościoła Prawosławnego, kulturowo-historycznej tradycji macedońskiej, narodu macedońskiego, terytorium państwa oraz jego nazwy własnej. Ciągłość tej sytuacji z dzisiejszej perspektywy daje możliwość podkreślenia problemu macedońskiego, który nie został rozwiązany w wyniku polityki, jaką prowadziły sąsiednie państwa.Likwidacja arcybiskupstwa nastąpiła w okresie panowania osmańskiego, co pozwala na ukazanie relacji kształtujących się pomiędzy Wysoką Portą a arcybiskupstwem ochrydzkim. Ziemie macedońskie od XIV wieku znajdowały się pod terytorialną i administracyjną jurysdykcją państwa osmańskiego, utrzymywały jednak od X wieku niezależność religijną.Autokefalię arcybiskupstwa ochrydzkiego wobec Wysokiej Porty umożliwiała średniowieczna tradycja piśmiennicza (skupiona głównie wokół ośrodków skryptorskich), kontynuacja liturgii w języku słowiańskim oraz zachowanie języka, którym posługiwali się słowiańscy mieszkańcy ziem macedońskich.Pogorszenie relacji pomiędzy arcybiskupstwem a Portą nastąpiło pod koniec XVII wieku i na początku wieku XVIII, kiedy imperium osmańskie było maksymalnie zaangażowane w politykę i wojny prowadzone w Europie, kiedy słabło ekonomicznie. Tymczasem fanarioci wzmacniali swe pozycje w patriarchacie w Carogrodzie, zyskiwali też na znaczeniu w wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej polityce państwa. Działania, jakie podejmowali wobec biskupów ochrydzkich, okazały się na tyle skuteczne, że zaczęli wypierać hierarchów macedońskich z ich stanowisk. Fanarioci stawali się coraz większą siłą finansową – zyskali uprzywilejowany status w handlu na Bałkanach, w Rosji i w Europie, otrzymali również liczne przywileje, jakie zapewniała im funkcja oficjalnych tłumaczy (dragomanów) w rozmowach pomiędzy Portą a państwami europejskimi. Wszystko to wykorzystywali do realizacji swoich celów politycznych – likwidacja arcybiskupstwa w Ochrydzie miała być krokiem do urzeczywistnienia Megali Idei, prowadzącym do asymilacji ludności ziem macedońskich poprzez wprowadzenie liturgii w języku greckim, asymilację dziedzictwa kultury, języka i tożsamości.
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Kostopoulos, Tasos. "“Land to the Tiller”. On the Neglected Agrarian Component of the Macedonian Revolutionary Movement, 1893–1912." Turkish Historical Review 7, no. 2 (October 19, 2016): 134–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-00702002.
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The aim of this article is to question and revise the dominant assumption that dissociates the revolutionary activities in late Ottoman Macedonia from the agrarian question that remained open throughout that period. Through the cross-checking of various Greek, Bulgarian, Macedonian and western primary sources, emanating from both the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization and its adversaries, the latter’s promise of a radical land reform (and the beginnings of its de facto implementation) emerge as the main motive behind the mass mobilization of Christian peasants that transformed an initial nucleus of urban-based middle-class activists into a popular parallel state within a state, openly defying Ottoman sovereignty over the area.
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Blazevska, Aneta, and Makedonka Stojanovska. "History of Forest Enterprise Management Development in Macedonia." South-east European forestry 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2013): 43–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15177/seefor.13-05.
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Brunnbauer, Ulf. "Fertility, Families and Ethnic Conflict: Macedonians and Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia, 1944–2002*." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 3 (September 2004): 565–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000246406.
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In 2001, the Republic of Macedonia—the former Yugoslavia's southernmost republic—was on the brink of civil war as the ethnic Albanian “National Liberation Army” (UÇK) was fighting Macedonian security forces and establishing rebel control over parts of the country. The armed conflict took more than 200 lives and displaced, at one time or another, more than 100,000 people. Civil war was prevented by an agreement between the four major ethnic Macedonian and ethnic Albanian parties in the country, signed on August 11, 2001 in the town of Ohrid, thereafter usually referred to as the “Ohrid Agreement.” Far-reaching constitutional and legislative changes would re-construct the Republic of Macedonia as a multi-ethnic democracy. Since then, constitutional amendments and new laws have been passed, increasing the rights and power of minorities, especially the Albanian one. The new constitution combines the concept of civic citizenship with elements of de facto consociationalism, and satisfies the demand of the Albanian minority to help shape the destiny of their country using a collective voice.
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Pitt, E. M., and W. P. Richardson. "HOSTILE INACTION? ANTIPATER, CRATERUS AND THE MACEDONIAN REGENCY." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 1 (April 6, 2017): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000301.
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At some time around August 324 b.c., Antipater, the regent of Macedonia received orders from Alexander the Great that he was to be replaced with another eminent officer in the Macedonian court, Craterus. In addition to his removal from office, Antipater was ordered by Alexander to leave Macedonia for the East, bringing with him fresh levies to replenish those that comprised Craterus' own contingent of veterans from Opis. Though Craterus left Alexander's court shortly thereafter, neither man can be said to have made the journey speedily or directly. A range of reasons has been given to explain Craterus' slow advancement, including the construction of infrastructure to allow the transportation of military resources from east to west, the poor state of his health, and the need to recruit more men. By the time of Alexander's death in June of 323, Craterus and his forces had only reached the province of Cilicia in southeastern Anatolia. Antipater's immediate reaction to his new role is not recorded, but what is known is that he remained steadfast in Macedonia, seemingly in defiance of Alexander's orders. It is the purpose of this paper to evaluate Antipater's refusal to depart from Macedonia, to explore whether tensions between Antipater and his replacement could account for Craterus' sluggish advance and to highlight the impact that Greek domestic politics had on Antipater's position in Macedonia.
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Nemykina, Elena Aleksandrovna. "Transformation of the Nemanichi’s ideology in the monuments of the Milutin era (1282–1321) in the conquered Macedonian territories." Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana, no. 2 (28) (2020): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2020.206.
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This article is devoted to the problem of the influence of ideological attitudes on the iconographic programs of the medieval Macedonian monuments at the end of the 13th – the first quarter of the 14th century. This period is associated with the reign of the Serbian king Milutin (1282–1321), who conquered a number of Macedonian territories from Byzantium and married the daughter of the Byzantine emperor Andronicus II Palaeologus (1282–1328). Close kinship with the imperial family and Milutin’s active policy towards Byzantium become the key factors for the reorientation of Serbian ideology from a national platform to an imperial one.This article is devoted to the problem of the influence of ideological attitudes on the iconographic programs of the medieval Macedonian monuments at the end of the 13th – the first quarter of the 14th century. This period is associated with the reign of the Serbian king Milutin (1282–1321), who conquered a number of Macedonian territories from Byzantium and married the daughter of the Byzantine emperor Andronicus II Palaeologus (1282–1328). Close kinship with the imperial family and Milutin’s active policy towards Byzantium become the key factors for the reorientation of Serbian ideology from a national platform to an imperial one.The process of «byzantinization» affects all the areas of the life of the Serbian kingdom, including art. Establishing his presence in Macedonia, Milutin, with the help of the Greek masters, actively builds and restores churches, rebuilds the Greek buildings and invites the Greek artists, Michael and Eutychios, belonging to the progressive artistic movement to paint churches. Thus, the architectural and pictorial ensembles of this time arise within the framework of the Byzantine artistic tradition and correspond to the main currents of the Byzantine art. Fresco paintings are created in accordance with the stylistic principles of the advanced trends of the Paleologian Renaissance and are replete with fresh iconographic solutions, new semantic accents and compositions. Good preservation of the most of Milutin’s monuments ensured close attention of the researchers. However, with a thorough study of the Byzantine traditions in the Serbian cultural paradigm, the fact of embedding national specifics into the Byzantine imperial theme remained unnoticed, as evidenced by a number of the iconographic features of the monumental paintings considered in this article.Keywords: imperial theme, iconography, medieval fresco painting, national specifics, Milutin, ideology of Nemanichi, Macedonia, Serbian Kingdom, art, cultural studies, cultura of Medieval Ages.
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Reames, Jeanne. "Becoming Macedonian: Name Mapping and Ethnic Identity. The Case of Hephaistion." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 3 (December 1, 2020): 11–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.50.
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An epigraphical survey (with digital mapping component) of Greece and Magna Graecia reveals a pattern as to where Hephais-based names appear, up through the second century BCE. Spelled with an /eta/, these names are almost exclusively Attic-Ionian, while Haphēs-based names, spelled with an alpha, are Doric-Aeolian, and much fewer in number. There is virtually no overlap, except at the Panhellenic site of Delphi, and in a few colonies around the Black Sea.Furthermore, cult for the god Hephaistos –long recognized as a non-Greek borrowing– was popular primarily in Attic-Ionian and “Pelasgian” regions, precisely the same areas where we find Hephais-root names. The only area where Haphēs-based names appear in any quantity, Boeotia, also had an important cult related to the god. Otherwise, Hephaistos was not a terribly important deity in Doric-Aeolian populations.This epigraphic (and religious) record calls into question the assumed Macedonian ethnicity of the king’s best friend and alter-ego, Hephaistion. According to Tataki, Macedonian naming patterns followed distinctively non-Attic patterns, and cult for the god Hephaistos is absent in Macedonia (outside Samothrace). A recently published 4th century curse tablet from Pydna could, however, provide a clue as to why a Macedonian Companion had such a uniquely Attic-Ionian name.If Hephaistion’s ancestry was not, in fact, ethnically Macedonian, this may offer us an interesting insight into fluidity of Macedonian identity under the monarchy, and thereby, to ancient conceptualizations of ethnicity more broadly.
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Le Bohec, Sylvie. "Philippe II et les dieux." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 3 (December 1, 2020): 161–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.59.
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Macedonian kings kept close bonds with the divine sphere. They considered themselves as Heraklids (and, in consequence, they traced back their lineage to Zeus himself) and the kingship kept noteworthy religious functions. Philip II made wide use of this religious side and it became a key element of his public image and propaganda, both inside and outside the kingdom of Macedonia. It was especially important the relation Philip established with Panhellenic shrines, like Delphi and Olympia, in close connection with his aspiration for hegemony all over Greece. Philip also regarded his coinage as useful political tools and the religious motives engraved are very telling about the king's claims and objectives. Originally published in Ancient Macedonia / Archaia Makedonia VI (Papers Read at the Sixth International Symposium held in Thessaloniki by the Institute of Balkan Studies (Greece): Le Bohec 2002a. Published in Karanos by kind permission of the author and the Institute for Balkan Studies.
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Molina, Antonio Ignacio. "Eternamente Joven. La extraña juventud de los reyes macedonios." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 3 (December 1, 2020): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.49.
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Tradicionalmente, se ha creído que los reyes helenísticos comenzaron a afeitarse la barba siguiendo el ejemplo de Alejandro Magno. Este artículo propone una nueva visión de esta idea, dado que explica el rostro rapado de Alejandro a través de la juventud de los reyes macedonios. En nuestra opinión, los soberanos de Macedonia fueron presentados muchas veces por sus padres o regentes como eternos adolescentes para permanecer en el poder el mayor tiempo posible. Por lo tanto, la única forma de que cualquier miembro de la dinastía Argead logre una autonomía completa y sea completamente libre era sentarse en el trono. Lo mismo ocurre durante la vida de los generales populares (Parmenion) o consejeros (Aratus). El retrato real creado por los Diadochoi fue un símbolo de poder a través del cual podían gobernar, nunca fue una imitación de uno real. Sin embargo, este retrato real se inspiró en modelos macedonios que presentaban al príncipe Argead como inexperto y débil cuando no llevaban barba.
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Sivan, Hagith. "The historian Eusebius (of Nantes)." Journal of Hellenic Studies 112 (November 1992): 158–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632162.
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Over a century ago C. Müller published two fragments from a manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale (Codex Parisinus inter supplementa Graeca 607). One fragment (fol. 103v) is entitled ‘From the ninth book of the histories by Eusebius: the siege of Thessalonike by the Scythians’. Another folio of the same manuscript (17r) contains an untitled and longer excerpt which describes counter-siege tactics invented or implemented in a city in Macedonia, followed by an unfinished description of the siege of a Gallic city (Tours).
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Nicholson, Emma. "Polybios, the Laws of War, and Philip V of Macedon." Historia 67, no. 4 (2018): 434. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2018-0017.
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Majewski, Piotr. "Cuius regio, eius historia – macedońska historiografia i narracje tożsamościowe w latach 1944–2011." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 39 (February 15, 2022): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2011.024.
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Cuius regio, eius historia – Macedonian Historiography and Identity Narratives, 1944–2011Macedonian historians – by calling upon certain past events perceived as traumatic and mobilizing deep-rooted stereotypes and prejudices against the neighboring countries – sought to manipulate public opinion. It seems that also today many representatives of the Macedonian elite still see the fight for position in the historical culture as a primary aim of their existence in the public sphere. They linked the current political and social situation to the so-called historical traditions and saw Macedonian national identity threatened by Albanian, Bulgarian, Greek, and Serbian nationalists. Past and current events are explained in such a way that they became part of mythological narrations.
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Fernández Prieto, Aida. "Lucia Cecchet, Poverty in Athenian Public Discourse. From the Eve of the Peloponnesian War to the Rise of Macedonia (=Historia Einzelschriften 239), Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag, 2015, pp. 283 [ISBN: 978-3-515-11160-7]." Gerión. Revista de Historia Antigua 38, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 342–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/geri.68600.
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Reseña del libro de Lucia Cecchet, Poverty in Athenian Public Discourse. From the Eve of the Peloponnesian War to the Rise of Macedonia (=Historia Einzelschriften 239), Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag, 2015, pp. 283 [ISBN: 978-3-515-11160-7].
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Brunnbauer, Ulf. "Serving the Nation: Historiography in the Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) After Socialism." Historein 4 (May 1, 2004): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.86.
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Spasovska, Katerina, and Iso Rusi. "From ‘Chaos’ to ‘Order’: The Transition of the Media in Macedonia from 1989 to 2014." Southeastern Europe 39, no. 1 (April 8, 2015): 35–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03901003.
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The chapter examines the development of the media in Macedonia from 1989 to 2014 and their relationship with the political system, parties and government. It also looks at the legal environment that sets the rules or lack of such of engagement with political and economic forces. The authors conclude that Macedonian media cannot be set outside the regressive political process. At the beginning of the 1990s it seemed that the media were part of the institutional structure leading democratization but generally, the media and the journalists in the last 22 years of independent Macedonia have played a negative role similar to that played by the political parties and politicians. The media and the journalists speeded up the transition of the society from closed to open, but at the same time helped create a hybrid of bogus democracy (intermediate) in which they are among its victims.
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Abulof, Uriel. ""Back to the Future": A Comparative Ethical Look at Israeli Arab Future Vision Documents." Israel Studies Review 23, no. 2 (December 1, 2008): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isf.2008.230202.
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Israeli Arabs' "future vision" documents are an ethical-political manifesto, contextualized in academic discourse and informed by socio-historical parallels. Hence, this article examines their political ethics in a comparative perspective, by referencing the case of Israeli Arabs along with two other distinct intra-state conflicts: the strife between Anglophones and Francophones in Canada and the struggle between Macedonians and Albanians in Macedonia. These cases illuminate two main ethical-political alternatives to the present pattern of relations between Jews and Arabs in Israel. Although the Canadian case indicates a renunciation of ethno-nationalism in favor of civic and linguistic patriotism, the Macedonian case presents an attempt to reconcile ethno-national affiliation with democratic principles. Projecting the ethical discussion of the Canadian and Macedonian cases onto Israel, I contend that normative acceptance of the mutual and dual right of self-determination, regarding both the individual's collective identity and the collective's polity, is a precondition for reconciliation between Jews and Arabs.
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Kulavkova, Katica. "Enforced linguistic conversion: translation of the Macedonian toponyms in the 20th century." Slavia Meridionalis 12 (August 31, 2015): 205–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.012.
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Enforced linguistic conversion: translation of the Macedonian toponyms in the 20th centuryThe article deals with the issue of forced conversion of Macedonian toponyms, considered as a form of linguistic and cultural dislocation or luxation (the Latin luxatio originating from luxus – dislocated). The toponyms are not just eminently linguistic but also a part of civilization’s memory of nations and of humankind, and that is why they are protected by international regulations. The act of translating toponyms from one language to another, within the frames of culturally and ethnically marked space, is undeniable violence against the cultural heritage. A change of a toponym, its forced translation into another language is, according to these legal acts, a crime against culture. For a toponym is a true reflection of historical facts and historical memories. Toponyms can be transcribed onto a different alphabet, letter‑by‑letter (transliteration), but should not be translated, especially not on the territory which is their civilization’s cradle, where they are practiced and inherited. Violent conversion of toponyms is an introduction to conversion of historical narratives and modern ethno‑cultural identities. History shows that there are violent forms of linguistic, cultural, religious and ethnic dislocations. The example of radical dislocation of Macedonian toponyms is probably one of the few in modern history. It has been taking place over an almost entire century – from the 1920s to the 21st century’s first decade. Macedonian toponyms, for centuries present on the territory of ethnic Macedonia (for which there is indisputable evidence), are being dislocated from their original linguistic/cultural context within several national entities: the Greek, Albanian and – paradoxically – Macedonian states. Such violent translation of toponyms is not devoid of geopolitical consequences.The conversions of Macedonian toponyms are just a step towards a systematic negation of the Macedonian linguistic and cultural identity, and with that, they deny the right of Macedonian people for their own national country, for every negation lies under the intention of re‑interpreting and retouching the historical reality.Wymuszona konwersja językowa: tłumaczenie macedońskich toponimów w XX wiekuW artykule podjęto zagadnienia związane z wymuszoną konwersją toponimów macedońskich, co może być traktowane jako forma językowego i kulturowego przemieszczenia / zwichnięcia / luxatio (łac. luxatio, luxare, luxus – zwichnięcie). Toponimy są nie tylko szczególnymi znakami językowymi, świadczą też o cywilizacyjnej pamięci narodów i całej ludzkości, stanowią przy tym odbicie faktów i dziedzictwa kulturowego, chronionego mocą międzynarodowych regulacji prawnych. Przekład toponimów z jednego języka na inny w ramach jednej przestrzeni kulturowej i etnicznej oznacza niewątpliwie przemoc wobec tego dziedzictwa. Zamiana toponimu i jego wymuszone tłumaczenie na inny język na mocy ustanawianych w tym celu aktów prawnych staje się przestępstwem (zbrodnią) wobec kultury. Toponim jest bowiem rzeczywistym odbiciem faktów i wspomnień historycznych. Toponimy można przepisywać innym alfabetem, litera po literze (łac. transliteratio), ale nie można ich przekładać, zwłaszcza na terytorium, na którym były ustanowione, stosowane i dziedziczone. Wymuszona zamiana prowadzi faktycznie do przekształcenia narracji historycznych i tożsamości etniczno‑kulturowej. Historia dowodzi, że istnieją pewne formy przemocy prowadzące do dyslokacji językowej, religijnej i etnicznej. Radykalna rewizja macedońskich toponimów zidentyfikowanych jako słowiańskie jest prawdopodobnie jednym z nielicznych przykładów, jakie zna współczesna historia. Tak dzieje się od prawie stu lat – od początku 1920 roku aż do pierwszej dekady XXI stulecia. Toponimy, które pojawiły się na etnicznym terytorium Macedonii (na co istnieją niezaprzeczalne dowody), zostały przemieszczone z ich pierwotnego kontekstu językowego / kulturowego w ramach kilku podmiotów regulujących: greckiego, albańskiego i – jak się paradoksalnie wydaje – macedońskiego. Ten rodzaj zakłóceń językowych ma swoje geopolityczne konsekwencje.Wprowadzone zmiany toponimów świadczą o systematycznej negacji macedońskiej tożsamości językowej i kulturowej, a w konsekwencji o procesie negowania prawa narodu macedońskiego do własnego państwa narodowego, gdyż główną intencją każdej negacji jest reinterpretacja, przetwarzanie i zmiana rzeczywistości historycznej.
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Velkov, Pance. "Preserving Historic Churches and Monasteries in the Republic of Macedonia." Journal of Architectural Conservation 13, no. 3 (January 2007): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13556207.2007.10785010.
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O′Sullivan, L. L. "Athenian impiety trials in the late fourth century B.C." Classical Quarterly 47, no. 1 (May 1997): 136–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/47.1.136.
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Dotted throughout the records of the turbulent last decades of fourth-century Athens are reports—often frustratingly vague—of prosecutions, many of intellectuals on the charge of (136xxx1). Most belong to the period of Macedonian domination: Theophrastus was one targeted at this time, and we hear also of actions against Demetrius of Phalerum, Theodorus the atheist, and Stilpo of Megara. Even before the Athenian capitulation to Macedon, in the immediate aftermath of the death of Alexander, prosecutions were launched against Demades and Aristotle. These two early (and relatively well documented) prosecutions are generally accepted to have had a political purpose, being attacks aimed at Macedonian sympathizers by the more staunchly pro-democratic Athenian elements; the later trials, however, are poorly attested in the sources and have received less scholarly attention, particularly for their political aspects.
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Devine, A. "Review. Macedonian cults. Cultes et rites de passage en Macedoine. M B Hatzopoulos." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (February 1, 1996): 279–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.279.
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Palagia, Olga. "Alexander the Great, the royal throne and the funerary thrones of Macedonia." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 1 (November 8, 2018): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.7.
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There is no evidence in either Greece or Macedon in the archaic and classical periods that the throne functioned as a symbol of royalty. Thrones were for the gods and their priests. Only the king of Persia used a royal throne and even had portable thrones for his campaigns. This paper argues that after his conquest of the Persian Empire, Alexander the Great adopted the throne as a royal symbol; after his death, his throne became a token of his invisible presence. Philip III Arrhidaeus is known to have used a royal throne after his return to Macedonia. By implication, the marble thrones found in three tombs at Vegina–Aegae are here understood as symbols of royalty and the tombs are interpreted as royal.
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Sánchez Barragán, E. Gabriel. "Eurídice y el naciente poder femenino en Macedonia." Nova Tellus 35, no. 1 (June 23, 2017): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.nt.2017.35.1.762.
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La historia de la reina Eurídice de Macedonia da inicio a lo que, con los años, se convertirá en una constelación de soberanas helenísticas que disputarán el trono a sus maridos e hijos y que concluye con la famosa Cleopatra VII. El presente artículo comienza por señalar algunos puntos de importancia para la comprensión del poder femenino antiguo: por principio revisa los procesos ideológicos que conllevaron a la construcción social del patriarcado, para luego analizar brevemente el papel de las mujeres en Macedonia y de las reinas en particular con las personas de las primeras princesas y su posible vínculo con la religión y, merced a ésta, con el poder. Se procede al estudio de la personalidad de Eurídice, madre de Filipo II, desde las teorías con respecto a su origen ilirio, su matrimonio con Amintas y la necesidad que de aquél pudo tener el rey, para concluir con su papel en la conjura de Ptolomeo de Aloro y su rostro como madre y soberana que inaugura el interés de las mujeres por el poder en Macedonia.
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Su, Pengfei, and Wei Shen. "Contextualizing four-stage legal transitions in convergent evolution." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'histoire du droit / The Legal History Review 89, no. 3-4 (December 7, 2021): 277–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-12340019.
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Summary This article posits that both Roman and early Chinese states underwent four stages in their multiple-step transformations from local states to major empires during the classical period. For both states, at stage 2, one dominant state formed alliance with a group of smaller autonomous polities, and at stage 3 that dominant state deepened its regulation of the smaller polities whose autonomy was curtailed. There existed striking similarities between Rome and China (early Han Empire) at stages 2 and 3 regarding the constitutional rules enforced by the two central governments to control the newly-acquired subordinate territories, which were the Macedonian/Greek states for Rome and the vassal kingdoms in eastern territories for Han Empire. In particular, this article discusses: (i) why Macedonian/Greek states have been chosen for comparative studies; (ii) similar constitutional rules at stage 2 governing the two empires’ relationships with their subordinate polities; (iii) similar legal rules at stage 3 aiming at dividing up the territories of the subordinate polities and restraining their self-rule; (iv) similar stage-3 constitutional rules that preserved some autonomy for the subordinate polities; and (v) similar stage-3 legal rules that regulated certain economic activities of the subordinate polities. After analyzing Roman governance of Macedonia/Greece within the broader context of Roman institutions for territorial integration, the article explores the underlying trends and deeper mechanism that led to such convergent evolution of legal rules.
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Focanti, Lorenzo. "The Fragmentary Corpus of Theagenes." Mnemosyne 70, no. 1 (January 20, 2017): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342098.
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In this article the various problems related to the fragmentarycorpusof Theagenes (FGrHist774) are tackled. The author first proposes an analysis of theAntiquities of Macedonia(Μακεδονικὰ πάτρια), delving into its connections with local Greek historiography. Then he produces evidence to confirm Theagenes’ authorship of theHistory of Caria(Καρικά) quoted by Stephanus of Byzantium (cf.FGrHist774 F 16). In addition he reaffirms the identification of the historian with the obscure Theogenes, author of a workOn Aegina(Περὶ Αἰγίνης: cf.FGrHist300). He finally suggests a new chronology for Theagenes, and dates his works to the late third centurybc, linking the topics addressed in thecorpusto the reign of Philip V of Macedonia.
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Alimi, Dervish. "MISSION CONTACT POINTS BETWEEN ANTIQUE AND SLAVICISM." International Journal of Applied Language Studies and Culture 2, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.34301/alsc.v2i1.12.
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The questions are: Where are the ‘footprints’ of the ancient Macedonian Macedonians’ toponyms and vocabulary, remaining in the linguistic-semantic fund that would witness the continuity of historical development and transformation, respectively, the “antico-Slavic mixing” that has been widely claimed by some Macedonian historian? “What are the remaining words of the ancient Macedonian heritage, even of the language of the old Greeks old neighbors who would testify to their every day contacts?”, when we see that today’s vocabulary fund of the Macedonian language is strictly Slavic, except for Turkish and Bulgarian-Serbian borrowings and the modern inflows of internationalisms and technicalities? Where are the old ancient Macedonian words which the Macedonian Slavic language today inherited, however few were they ?! The ancient language dictionary of the ancient Macedonian tribe should have definitely left a mark on today’s Macedonian language vocabulary, as they have left the mark of the old Anglo-Saxon in today’s English language or the language of Old Gallons in the French language today. This is the fact of the missing points of contacts between these two cultures, among others....
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Moreno Hernández, Jorge Juan. "La caballería macedonia: teoría y práctica." Gladius XXIV, no. 1 (December 30, 2004): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/gladius.2004.38.
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Jaksender, Paulina. "Macedonia, Chorwacja, Słowenia – sytuacja wybranych państw byłej Jugosławii po zakończeniu konfliktu bałkańskiego." Ogrody Nauk i Sztuk 4, no. 4 (February 14, 2020): 479–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/onis2014.479.489.
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Wojna w Jugosławii najmłodszy konflikt w historii Europy. Jej krwawy przebieg ukazał światu wielki problem antagonizmów na Półwyspie Bałkańskim. Stabilizacja regionu po porozumieniu z Dayton przebiegała na różnym poziomie w poszczególnych republikach. Na jaw wyszły spore dysproporcje w funkcjonowaniu państw byłej Jugosławii, które mocno tuszowano przed 1991 rokiem. Rozwój na płaszczyznach życia codziennego w Macedonii, Chorwacji i Słowenii przebiegał pod kuratelą państw zachodnich. Praca ma na celu ukazanie trudności z jakimi borykały się wymienione republiki po zakończeniu działań wojennych.
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Stankovic, Mirjana, and Bratislav Stankovic. "Biotech Research-Tool Patents in Macedonia: Current Legal and Economic Parameters." Review of Central and East European Law 38, no. 2 (2013): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092598812x13274154887385.
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One of the vigorously debated topics related to the protection of biotechnology inventions has been the issue of patents on biotechnology research tools, which usually are used in very early stages of biotechnology research. Proponents of patenting argue that the patent system acts as an incentive for biotech/pharma companies to invest in research and development which is aimed at developing biotech research tools. Opponents of patenting maintain that such patents might impede future research by creating “patent-thickets” and preventing researchers from performing experiments which rely on the patented tools without authorization and royalty payments.The Republic of Macedonia is a small, developing country that lacks specifically crafted legislation or even an articulated public policy promoting the growth of the biotechnology sector. Macedonian patent law contains rather broad exemption to patent rights, termed in “free use for personal and non commercial purposes” and “free use for research and development” of a patented invention. These provisions use obfuscating language and might generate confusion and divergent judicial practices. Also problematic are the law’s provisions which pertain to biotechnology patents and, especially, exemptions to biotechnology patents; these appear to misinterpret the mirroring provisions of the European Union Biotechnology Directive.This article argues in favor of amending the Macedonian industrial property law with a list of both specific exemptions and safeguards, which should provide clarity in future judicial practice pertaining to experimental-use exemptions of biotech research-tool patents in this country.
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BANTEKAS, ILIAS. "The Authority of States to Use Names in International Law and the Macedonian Affair: Unilateral Entitlements, Historic Title, and Trademark Analogies." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 3 (September 2009): 563–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990094.
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AbstractThe international legal entitlement by which a state constitutionally designates its name, or a province therein, involves a unilateral act. Where, however, another state wishes to choose the same appellation, as is the case with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), the matter can only be resolved by reference to the first user and the maxim prior in tempore potior in jure. The first user must provide evidence of continuous use and of protest in those cases where the same appellation was appropriated by a third state. Under such circumstances the entitlement becomes exclusive, rather than concurrent, because the prior user may be said to possess a sound historic title, such that has been recognized by international judicial bodies to determine acquisition of territory, effective administration, historic bays, and so on. The exclusivity of the entitlement is further reinforced by analogy with general principles derived from the law of trademarks. At a practical level, the application of the international law of geographical indications clearly demonstrates that the designation ‘Macedonia’ cannot be used for a significant number of products originating in FYROM, since the Greek province of Macedonia has for a long time branded and registered such products. This will create insurmountable problems for producers in FYROM when they try to brand their goods under the country's constitutional name. A change of name, particularly through the compromisory use of a compound, would alleviate legal, political, and financial concerns.
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O'Neil, James L. "Royal authority and city law under Alexander and his Hellenistic successors." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 2 (December 2000): 424–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.2.424.
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When the Macedonians had conquered Greece, city-states continued to exist along-side the more powerful kingdoms, and were often forced to accommodate their policies to the wishes of the powerful kings who were, in theory, their allies. If kings and cities were to co-operate effectively, there would need to be some way of adapting the authority of royal wishes to the theoretical rights of the cities to self-determination.The contrast between the powers of a king, theoretically all-powerful within his kingdom, and the autonomy of a city did not need to be total. Aristotle, who was acquainted with the Macedonian kingdom, made a clear distinction between kingship and tyranny, between rule by the law and autocracy. He listed Macedonia alongside Sparta and Epirus as kingdoms which were ruled in the interests of all.
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Tapia Adler, Ana María. "Jacob Cohen: Desde Macedonia, Turquía y Europa: judíos en la Araucanía, una historia en imágenes." Cuadernos Judaicos, no. 34 (December 28, 2017): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.5354/0718-8749.2017.48023.
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Alfonso Bouhaben, Miguel. "La imagen-barroco. Introducción al cine de Andrés Di Tella." Kepes 18, no. 23 (January 1, 2021): 315–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17151/kepes.2021.18.23.11.
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El presente artículo se centra en el estudio de las tácticas de creación del documentalista argentino Andrés Di Tella. Dichas tácticas tienen en común la lectura desviada de archivos visuales, adoptando elementos del collage, el ready-made y el found footage. La metodología que planteamos establece como marco de referencia los procesos de mestizaje e hibridación del barroco Latinoaméricano y europeo, de cara a determinar los modos de plegamiento y síntesis que operan en sus películas. Así, los resultados de nuestra investigación revelan cómo las tácticas de cada película de Di Tella - la reconstrucción de la reconstrucción en Reconstruyen crimen de la modelo (1990); la historia de la historia en Montoneros, una historia (1995); el arte del arte en Macedonio Fernández (1995); la imagen de la no-imagen en La televisión y yo (2002); la otredad del yo en Fotografías (2007); el archivo del archivo en El país del diablo (2008); la totalidad de las imágenes en Hachazos (2011) y la totalidad de palabras en 327 cuadernos (2015) - se construyen a partir de una pluralidad de estragias de apropiación y recontextualización que revelan una multiplicidad de maneras de expresar lo que hemos denominadola imagen-barroco.
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Siatkowski, Janusz. "Słowiańskie nazwy ‘źrenicy’ w świetle materiałów gwarowych i źródeł historycznych." Studia z Filologii Polskiej i Słowiańskiej 45 (September 25, 2015): 143–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sfps.2010.009.
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Slavic names of the ‘pupil’ (‘źrenica’) in the light of dialect materials and historic sourcesDespite a considerable mixture of names of “the pupil”, their collateral use and not quite distinct borders of ranges of specified lexemes, it is possible to specify several express, albeit not quite well-defined, areals (map 1).In Russia and in eastern regions of Belarus and Ukraine, the name *z//orčьkъ (// > d) dominates. In the areal of this name, it is possible to define the areal of a separate or collateral occurrence of names *Z//ьrъkъ, more rarely *z//irъkъ (Z > s, ž; // > v) southward and eastward from Moscow, names *ględělьce, *ględělьca and *ględělьcь in the vicinity of Pskov and Novgorod and *čьrnyšь, *čьrnyšьkъ and *čьrnyšьko in the north of Russia.In Poland and in the Czech Republic, *GЪpanьnъka (GЪ > ø) occur, besides, *zьrěnica also occurs in Poland.In Ukraine and in eastern Belarus, *čelověčьkъ dominates, while *čelověčьko is less numerous; in southern Bulgaria, Macedonia and in Slavic settlements on the territory of Greece and Turkey the forms *čELoVěčę, *čELověčьlę and *čELoVěčьčь (EL > ø; V > ø) dominate.In Serbia and Croatia and somewhat in Slovenia and south-western Bulgaria, the name *zěnica prevails.Map 2 (motivation map) shows most visibly two types: from the verbs meaning ‘patrzeć’ („to see”), which occur in the prevailing part of the Slavic territory, and from the words meaning persons and things that are reflected in „the pupil” (‘źrenica’) and are represented in western Ukraine and western Belarus, on the prevailing territory of Poland, in the Czech Republic and Moravia, in the south-eastern part of Slovakia and also in Macedonia, southern Bulgaria and in Slavic settlements on the territory of Greece and Turkey. Both of these types were registered as a certain mixed type, in particular, in eastern Ukraine and eastern Belarus.The names that are motivated by the black color of “the pupil” (‘źrenica’) are found mainly in northern russian and in southern Macedonian dialects; less frequently they appear in the territory of Austria and in Łużyce. Motivation types from the names meaning round, shining and luminous objects, and from the names that are diminutive names of the eye are very sporadic and occur in great dispersion.
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Miodyński, Lech. "„Nowa epoka” jako kategoria kompensacyjna. Metodologiczne wyzwania opisu a casus dwudziestowiecznej Macedonii." Slavia Meridionalis 14 (November 27, 2014): 202–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2014.009.
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“The New Epoch” as a compensating category. Methodological challenges of description and the case of twentieth-century MacedoniaThis article depicts the functions and possible means of describing Macedonian historiosophic and cultural visions stemming from the political transformations of 1991. These are presented against the backdrop of changes in collective consciousness in the 20th century. Issues of research methodology and the identity of the new beginning idea (and its components) in four contexts (genetic, onthological, axiological and processual) are depicted. Within the first of these, attention is drawn to the problems of retrospective temporal orientation, assimilation of the past, “synchrony of history” and reflection of prototypes, a new conceptual network of reconstructed meanings, and selection of causalities. The second context relates to the deliberate-beneficent idea of time, the domination of “structural history”, the constructive application of previous – mainly romantic – historiosophic categories: a nation’s moral predestination (Hegel), crisis as a factor of change (Burckhardt), subordination of the category of history towards freedom in the succession of epochs (Fichte), breakthrough as a stopping of the process of decay (corso – ricorso – Vico), and the importance of periodisation and turning points. The third context includes the following items: the bond of descent towards a claim of newness and liberation, “correcting the lack of fulfilment” of the past, the “positive Apocalypse” of perpetual national revolution, the heroisation of everyday life, the politisation of culture and re-interpretation of tradition: antiquity (the sphere of archaeology), the Middle Ages, folklore, revolts and national renaissance; and the romanticism of sacrifice and lynching in the light of a postmodern neutralisation of heroism. The fourth context consists of socially-compensated elements themselves: a) national (with four indications), state-political (institutional), c) historical-cultural (identifying-imagological), and d) material-economic (pragmatic). The various scenarios for restoring their memory are also present in this part: cleansing in the past, establishment in the present and liberation in the future. Their image is made complete by a short presentation of heritage canonisation patterns and ethnocentric re-evaluation of methodologies in the Macedonian humanities after 1991. „Nowa epoka” jako kategoria kompensacyjna. Metodologiczne wyzwania opisu a casus dwudziestowiecznej MacedoniiW artykule przedstawia się funkcje i możliwe sposoby opisu macedońskich wizji historiozoficznych i kulturowych wyrosłych na gruncie politycznego przełomu 1991 roku – ujęte na tle przemian kolektywnej świadomości w XX wieku. Problemy metodologii badań oraz tożsamości idei nowego początku (i jej części składowych) ukazane są w czterech kontekstach: genetycznym, ontologicznym, aksjologicznym i procesualnym. W ramach pierwszego z nich zwraca się uwagę na takie zagadnienia jak retrospektywna orientacja temporalna, asymilacja przeszłości, „synchronia historii” i odbicia prototypów, nowa konceptualna sieć rekonstruowanych znaczeń, selekcja związków przyczynowych. Drugi kontekst odnosi się do celowościowo-zbawczego wyobrażenia czasu, dominacji „historii strukturalnej”, twórczego zastosowania dawnych – głównie romantycznych – kategorii historiozoficznych: moralnej predestynacji narodu (Hegel), kryzysu jako czynnika zmiany (Burckhardt), podrzędności kategorii historii wobec wolności w następstwie epok (Fichte), przełomu powstrzymującego proces rozkładu (corso – ricorso – Vico), znaczenia periodyzacji i cezur. W trzecim kontekście zawierają się między innymi następujące problemy: więź pochodzenia a roszczenie nowości i wyzwolenia, „korekta niespełnienia” przeszłości, „pozytywna apokalipsa” permanentnej rewolucji narodowej, heroizacja codzienności, polityzacja kultury i interpretacja związku „natura – duch”, reinterpretacja tradycji: antyk (sfera archeologii), średniowieczne, folklor, powstania i odrodzenie narodowe; romantyzm ofiary i samosądu a ponowoczesna neutralizacja heroizmu, nowy epos i tragedia. Na ostatni kontekst składa się omówienie zespołu samych pierwiastków społecznie kompensowanych: (a) narodowego (z czterema wyznacznikami), (b) polityczno-państwowego (instytucjonalnego), (c) historyczno-kulturowego (identyfikacyjno-imagologicznego), (d) materialno-ekonomicznego (pragmatycznego). Obecne są w nim także różne scenariusze rewindykacji tych pierwiastków: oczyszczenie pamięci – w przeszłości, fundacja pamięci – w teraźniejszości, i wyzwolenie pamięci – w przyszłości. Ich obraz uzupełnia krótkie przedstawienie schematów kanonizacji dziedzictwa i etnocentrycznego przewartościowania metodologii humanistycznych w macedońskiej nauce po 1991 roku.
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Dany, O. P. "Livy and the chronology of the years 168–167." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 2 (December 2000): 432–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.2.432.
Full textAbstract:
All our ancient sources agree on the basic sequence of events after the battle of Pydna on 22 June 168: the consul L. Aemilius Paullus advanced to take possession of the whole of Macedonia and finally managed to capture Perseus, the defeated king, who had taken refuge on Samothrace. Once in complete control of the situation he sent his troops into winter quarters and himself set off on a trip that was to take him round the most famous sights of Greece. Only when he heard of the arrival of the customary senatorial commission did he return to Macedon, settle its affairs, hold magnificent games, and finally return to Italy. Thus far there is little cause for concern, but what most of these events lack is a properly established date. Livy, our only ancient source venturing to date them, places everything up to sending the troops into winter quarters (45.8.8–9) in the same consular year as Pydna and assigns the remaining events to autumn and winter 167 (45.27ff). He thereby creates an awkward gap of somewhat more than a year between the battle of Pydna and the subsequent actions of Aemilius Paullus. A majority of scholars either seem to have ignored this point altogether or silently corrected Livy's chronology by simply shifting the events in question back to 168/ (Julian calendar). Others, ranging from Miiller and Weissenborn to Hammond and Walbank in their magisterial History of Macedonia, have kept Livy's date,4 while only one scholar has actually attempted to argue for a correction of Livy.