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1
Mashevs’kyi, Oleg, and Myroslav Baraboi. "Anglo-Canadian Historiography Genesis of the French Canadian Nationalism." European Historical Studies, no. 7 (2017): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.07.64-83.
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The article investigates the genesis of the French-Canadian nationalism in the Anglo-Canadian historiography. The essence of debate that arose among English-Canadian historians about the conquest of New France (Quebec) by Great Britain as one of the main causes of the French-Canadian problem is analyzed. In particular, as opposed to the pro-British point of view, which considers this conquest as a progress and benefit for the residents of French Canada, its opponents considered the issue as a tragedy for the French Canadians. Particularly the attention is drawn to the changes of the historiographical paradigm after the Second World War, when even pro-British historians had to reconsider their attitude to conquest Canada by Great Britain and recognize its consequences for the French Canadians. Special attention is paid to the reflection of the Anglo-Canadian historiography upon the uprising in 1837-1838 in Quebec on as one of the first manifestations of the radical French-Canadian nationalism. The basic approach in the Anglo-Canadian historiography about members of radical and liberal leaders of French-Canadian nationalism (H. Bourassa, L. Groulx, J. P Tardivel, H. Mercier), which contributed to the institutionalization and politicization of French-Canadian nationalism have been disclosed. The article also clarifies the position of the Anglo-Canadian historiography about the genesis of the “Quiet revolution” in Quebec as of the highest expression of French-Canadian nationalism.
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Buckner, Phillip. "The Canadian Civil Wars of 1837–1838." London Journal of Canadian Studies 35, no. 1 (November 30, 2020): 96–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.14324/111.444.ljcs.2020v35.005.
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Canadian historians have traditionally stressed that the rebellions of 1837 and 1838 in Upper and Lower Canada were revolts against British imperial authority. Less stressed has been the fact that the rebellions were also civil wars and that British troops were aided by substantial numbers of loyalists in defeating the rebels. In recent years historians have tended to downplay the importance of French-Canadian nationalism, but by 1837–8 the rebellion in Lower Canada was essentially a struggle between French-Canadian nationalists and a broadly-based coalition of loyalists in Lower Canada. Outside Lower Canada there was no widespread support for rebellion anywhere in British North America, except among a specific group of American immigrants and their descendants in Upper Canada. It is a myth that the rebellions can be explained as a division between the older-stock inhabitants of the Canadas and the newer arrivals. It is also a myth that the rebels in the two Canadas shared the same objectives in the long run and that the rebellions were part of a single phenomenon. French-Canadian nationalists wanted their own state; most of the republicans in Upper Canada undoubtedly believed that Upper Canada would become a state in the American Union. Annexation was clearly the motivation behind the Patriot Hunters in the United States, who have received an increasingly favourable press from borderland historians, despite the fact that they were essentially filibusters motivated by the belief that America had a manifest destiny to spread across the North American continent. Indeed, it was the failure of the rebellions that made Confederation possible in 1867.
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Finlayson, Alan James. "Major John Richardson." Ontario History 111, no. 1 (May 23, 2019): 80–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1059967ar.
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Major John Richardson has been recognized as “the father” of Canadian literature as well an early historian of the War of 1812 but his writings, rich in detail and highly autobiographical, have not been sufficiently appreciated by historians as valuable historical source materials. Yet they provide accurate portrayals of contemporary Upper Canadian perceptions and attitudes similar to those found in the writings of the more popular Brock, Strachan, Mackenzie, Robinson, Baldwin, and Ryerson. Richardson also deserves greater recognition for his role as a Canadian patriot and nationalist. Despite living abroad, he consistently proclaimed himself “a Canadian”, and hoped, through his works, to “infuse” into the Canadian community “a spirit of National literature.” His writings reflect the pride and emerging Canadian national spirit and as such merit greater attention by historians.
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Bicha, Karel D. "Five Canadian Historians and the U.S.A." American Review of Canadian Studies 29, no. 2 (August 1999): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722019909481628.
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Trudel, Marcel. "Un historien se penche sur son passé." Historical Papers 17, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 132–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030887ar.
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Abstract Every historian ought to be invited to appear before his peers, as formal retirement looms, to present his reflections on his discipline. Looking backwards is, of course, an historian's profession; to do so in individual terms is, however, a deep personal pleasure. This is especially true when so much has taken place during one lifetime, both to the profession of which one is a part, and the society within which one grew. The younger generation of historians should remember how different things were. It was common to come, as the author did, to the profession with a training in a different academic discipline; unlike today's teachers, one could and did become a Canadian historian without the intense formal study which marks the contemporary graduate school. Choosing a profession research in Canadian history was the result of happenstance; selecting a sub-field — in the author's case, the history of the French régime — was a personal one, resulting from a need to know much more about the origins of the society which developed along the St. Lawrence. This lack of a formal historical profession in French Canada did not reflect a disinterest in the past; to the contrary, the society's culture was firmly rooted in its past. But it was a history of a special type, and its advocates were vigorously opposed to any reassessment which challenged their cherished notions. Today's younger historians must not forget the handicaps which their predecessors had to overcome. There was a day, not so very long ago, when, to write the history of French Canada, one had to be both French Canadian and an active Catholic. Behind each completed monograph stands a litany of obstacles: the precarious nature of an academic career, the chronic inadequacy of its wages, the unsatisfactory quality of archival institutions (and sometimes of their staffs), the diplomacy required to obtain the evidence one needed, and the difficulties in finding a publisher and seeing the manuscript to printing. The joy in the process rested with the personal achievement, and its acceptance by the few whose judgement you respected. Only the obstinate and truly devoted scholar survived such circumstances. What has been achieved? History in French Canada has made enormous strides since the Second World War, in part because of the influence of a "scientific" view of historical study, in part through the cross-fertilisation of associated disciplines, in part because of the scholarly standards of contemporary historians. Ideological dogmatism, which has itself been a danger to the integrity of the history that has been written, has largely been overcome. The task of the historian remains the objective assessment of evidence, so that the integrity of history does not itself become the historian's first victim. To assist in this difficult task historians must continue to call on the resources of sister disciplines, such as geography, sociology, economics and law. These serve to broaden one's perspective, even though some of these techniques frankly mystify us with their complexity. Sometimes it appears that the use of social science methods obscures actual results, that effective communications has been weakened by jargon, and that overspecialisation threatens the meaningful generalisation. Yet in the end one trusts that an intelligible history results. So long as the historian refuses to serve a political or ideological master, we all have a future. If the historian, on the other hand, seeks the role of prophet, he departs from his proper place.
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Fingard, Judith. "Presidential Address: The Personal and the Historical." Ottawa 1998 9, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030489ar.
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Abstract In her 1998 Presidential Address to the Canadian Historical Association, Judith Fingard poses a question which has been on our collective minds for some time: “Does the personal history of the historian determine the choice of her or his subject matter, approach, and ongoing professional development?” By delving into the personal reflections of celebrated Canadian historians, Fingard has been able to shed light on this contentious issue. According to Fingard, the personal and professional intersect at several key points (or at least have for her sample of historians working in Canada in the past twenty years). The obvious, it seems, is true. Gender, class and stage of life all influence scholarly pursuits whether it be in terms of subject matter chosen or the amount of time one is able to devote to research and writing. Certainly the past twenty years has seen great change in Canadian academia; particularly, one can argue, in the field of history. It is clear that those sampled in Fingard's survey drew upon their personal backgrounds not only to forge a passion for the past - sometimes against all odds - but a professional identity based on the study of history of the margins. Ultimately, we can conclude that social historians of the past twenty years personify the field they played such a role in developing. To varying degrees, the profession is indeed personal.
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Dyck, Erika. "Canada Dry or High Times?: A Historiographical Look at Drugs and Alcohol in Canada." Canadian Historical Review 102, s2 (July 1, 2021): s339—s363. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-2020-0035.
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Drugs and alcohol have been featured in Canadian history as critical commodities that influenced legal decisions, social interactions, medical options, and even trade decisions. Canadian historians have examined alcohol, drugs, temperance reformers, and intoxicated Canadians in ways that deepen our understanding of how mind-altering products have influenced our Canadian values and how those ideas have changed over time. In this historiographical article, I examine how Canadian historians have responded to trends in historical scholarship that embrace a focus on social history, labour, women, medicine, colonialism, and culture. I argue that alcohol and drugs are ubiquitous in these historiographical shifts but that the uneven pace of decriminalizing intoxication has also led to new sources of information, new historical voices, and perhaps the need to rethink how our attitudes towards psychoactivity have affected our understanding of Canadian history.
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Noll, Mark A. "What Happened to Christian Canada?" Church History 75, no. 2 (June 2006): 245–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070011131x.
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By asking “what happened to Christian Canada,” I begin with an assumption that there once was a Christian Canada which is now gone. That assumption is intentional. It is intended to highlight not only the dramatic changes that have taken place in Canadian religious life over the last sixty years, but also substantial contrasts between the religious histories of Canada and the United States, which otherwise are so similar in so many respects. This paper explores the question primarily with American observers in mind, for whom the Canadian past is often as much a shadowy mystery as the great expanse of Canadian geography. But I hope Canadians who read this account may benefit from observing how one sympathetic American views their history and also from realizing that the splendid array of marvelous historical studies that have been produced by a splendid array of marvelous Canadian historians have reached at least some appreciative readers in the United States.
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Savard, Pierre. "Discours du président : Splendeurs et misères de Clio." Historical Papers 16, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030865ar.
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Abstract Clio in Canada today has notable strengths and weaknesses. Historiography itself has been greatly enriched as younger historians using better methods have opened up many new frontiers in labour, urban, Northern, and women's history, among others. As well, historians have had an important part in the flowering in many disciplines over the past decade of ethnic, regional, and Canadian studies-all leading to a fuller understanding of our heritage and nation. The last twenty years have seen a great expansion, too, in the numbers of historians, not only in the colleges and universities, but also among archivists (normally first trained in history) and government researchers (especially at the Department of National Defence and Parks Canada). As it approaches its sixtieth anniversary with well over two thousand members, the Canadian Historical Association itself is very healthy, a leader among learned societies in Canada and a strong force uniting far-flung historians through its annual meeting, its publications, and its defence of historians' interests, as in our recent representations in Ottawa regarding Bill C-43. But all is not well among Clio's Canadian disciples. Historians of countries other than Canada and especially francophone Quebeckers are still very much underrepresented in the CHA, despite laudable attempts to make the association more appealing to them. Our profession is more deeply threatened by attempts by the media through television soap operas and historical novels to equate history with a romantic popularization of the past, at the possible expense of reflective contemplation based on careful research and analysis. And if nineteenth-century historians too often came to history after a full career in public life, which led to obvious biases in their writings, do we now not risk the opposite extreme? Too many historians today are cold analysts removed from the world on isolated campuses, writing only for each other in specialized journals quite divorced from contemporary society. The natural critical capacity of historians — their training to take no evidence or information at face value — is too often lost in the affairs of the world. Despite our differences of temperament, ideology, subject fields, ages, and languages, we as historians in Canada are united in the belief that the past has more to teach us than the present. The lessons so gleaned we must make a source of wisdom for our contemporaries.
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MCKERCHER, ASA, and TIMOTHY ANDREWS SAYLE. "SKYHAWK, SKYSHIELD, AND THE SOVIETS: REVISITING CANADA'S COLD WAR." Historical Journal 61, no. 2 (November 9, 2017): 453–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000292.
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AbstractFor the past two decades, Canadian international historians have largely missed the Cold War, or at least a significant portion of it. Certainly, there has been no shortage of studies of Canadian foreign policy featuring the bipolar struggle, and yet historians have largely confined their attention to Canada's admittedly crucial relationship with the United States, while Canadian–Soviet relations have been ignored. Indeed, in the historiography of Canada's Cold War international relations, the communist powers are largely missing. Hoping to challenge this limited focus, we frame our article around two Canada–US air defence exercises held in 1959 and 1960. While historians have viewed these exercises within the context of Canada's relationship with the United States, we highlight the wider Cold War framework in which Canadian policy was formed. After all, these exercises occurred during the mini-détente of the late 1950s and the collapse of the Paris summit in May 1960. As we demonstrate, the failure to take full account of the Cold War is a shortcoming of much of the writing on Canadian international relations, and so we offer an example of the need to take seriously Canada's foreign policy toward the communist bloc.
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Iacovetta, Franca. "Ninety-Second Annual Meeting of the Organization of American Historians." International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (April 2000): 114–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900212787.
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From April 22–25, 1999, the Organization of American Historians held its ninety-second annual meeting in Toronto, Canada. The theme was “State and Society in North America: Processes of Social Power and Social Change.” More than seven hundred scholars were on the program, an impressive showing; and for Canadian historians, whose community is comparatively small, a source of envy. The participants were, of course, overwhelmingly American and US specialists, but many Canadian colleagues presented papers or attended, as did other international scholars, including Americanists based overseas. While most sessions were held at a downtown hotel, organizers made use of local cultural venues and historic sites. They scheduled a session on the Underground Railroad, for instance, at St. Lawrence Hall, site of the first meeting of the Colored Free Men in Canada and an antislavery lecture by Frederick Douglas.
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Coates, Donna. "Happy is the Land that Needs No Heroes." Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies, no. 27/3 (September 17, 2018): 111–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/0860-5734.27.3.06.
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This essay interrogates two articles by the Canadian historian Jeff Keshen and the Australian historian Mark Sheftall, which assert that the representations of soldiers in the First World War (Anzacs in Australia, members of the Canadian Expeditionary Forces, the CEF), are comparable. I argue, however, that in reaching their conclusions, these historians have either overlooked or insufficiently considered a number of crucial factors, such as the influence the Australian historian/war correspondent C. E. W. Bean had on the reception of Anzacs, whom he venerated and turned into larger-than-life men who liked fighting and were good at it; the significance of the “convict stain” in Australia; and the omission of women writers’ contributions to the “getting of nationhood” in each country. It further addresses why Canadians have not embraced Vimy (a military victory) as their defining moment in the same way as Australians celebrate the landing at Anzac Cove (a military disaster), from which they continue to derive their sense of national identity. In essence, this essay advances that differences between the two nations’ representations of soldiers far outweigh any similarities.
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Mott, Morris. "Canadian Sports History: Some Comments to Urban Historians." Perspectives on Sports and Urban Studies 12, no. 2 (October 23, 2013): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1018954ar.
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In the last ten or fifteen years a considerable number of publications on the history of Canadian sport have appeared. The bulk of these items are of little consequence to serious scholars. A few, however, are useful and informative to urban historians. The existence of several exemplary studies on the history of sport and leisure in Great Britain and the United States, together with the current acceptance of the idea that good sports history can be good social or cultural history, should encourage more and better studies of Canadian sporting developments.
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Buckner, Phillip. "Presidential Address: Whatever happened to the British Empire?" Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 4, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031054ar.
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Abstract Since the 1960s historians of the second British Empire have been seeking to redefine their field in ways that would give it continuing relevance. Unfortunately, in the process, they have lost sight of one of the most important components of the nineteenth-century empire. Even the most promising of the new approaches — the effort to reintegrate imperial history with domestic British history — is flawed by the failure to recognize, as J.C.A. Pocock has insisted, that Greater Britain included not only the British Isles but also the British colonies of settlement. Because historians of the second British Empire no longer have much interest in colonization, they have glossed over the differences between the colonies formed in the first wave of European expansion prior to 1783 and those formed during the much larger second wave that commenced in 1815 and they have underestimated the long-term significance of those colonies in helping to shape the sense of identity held by the British at home. But historians of the colonies of settlement must also take some of the responsibility for this myopia because they have lost sight of the significance of the empire to those Britons who established themselves abroad in the nineteenth century. In fact, Canadian historians have locked themselves into a teleological framework which is obsessed with the evolution of Canadian autonomy and the construction of a Canadian national identity and thus downplayed the significance of the imperial experience in shaping the identity of nineteenth-century British Canadians. It is time now not only to place the nineteenth-century colonies of settlement back on the agenda of imperial historians but also to put the imperial experience back where it belongs, at the centre of nineteenth-century Canadian history.
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Dick, Lyle. "The Seven Oaks Incident and the Construction of a Historical Tradition, 1816 to 1970." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 2, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031029ar.
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Abstract The Seven Oaks incident, a violent clash between Métis and Hudson's Bay Company/Selkirk settlers at Red River in 1816, was long represented in Canadian historical discourse as a "massacre." In investigating the genesis of this interpretation, the paper examines the primary record and employs textual analysis to distinguish the "story," or basic facts, from the "discourse," or rhetorical overwriting by the event's historians. The paper also reexamines the respective roles of amateur and professional historians in Western Canadian historiography in the context of the discourse on Seven Oaks. The contemporary report of Commissioner William Coltman and works of Red River amateurs are used to establish that Seven Oaks was generally not considered a "massacre" inthepre-Confederationera. Rather, this interpretation largely dates from the post-1870 period, when Anglo-Canadian immigrants to Western Canada became the region's ruling group. Anglo-Canadian historians utilised partisan accounts of the battle and romantic plot structures to reinterpret the Métis actions as a savage slaughter. In these narratives, the alleged Métis role at Seven Oaks functioned allegorically to justify the dispossession of this western Native group's lands by the newcomers. In structuring their texts to promote the ideological position of their own ethnic group, post-Confederation academics established a tradition of writing that dominated Seven Oaks historiography for one hundred years. Since 1970, this tradition has weakened somewhat in academic circles, while popular historians have continued to reproduce its essentials in their accounts.
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Morgan, Cecilia. "“Of Slender Frame and Delicate Appearance”: the Placing of Laura Secord in the Narratives of Canadian Loyalist History." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 5, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031079ar.
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Abstract In late nineteenth-century English Canada, particularly in Ontario, national identity and discourses of loyalty were frequently linked to Canadian history in general and. specifically, the legacy of the War of 1812. The commemoration of this war was especially important for those writers and historians who wished to maintain the country's link to Britain for, during this conflict, the colonial population had supposedly demonstrated their loyalty and devotion to Britain by helping to repulse American attacks. Both "national" historians and those who were members of the local historical societies that emerged in the 1880s wrote about the war and, in particular, male military heroes such as Major-General Isaac Brock. However, during this period a female symbol of national identity and loyalty to Britain also emerged, that of Laura Secord. While both male and female historians were interested in Secord, it was largely through the efforts of Anglo-Celtic, upper- and middle-class women that Secord became a heroine of the War of 1812. Many of these women were firm supporters of imperialism and the maintenance of British traditions in Canada, as well as being active in women's suffrage groups and other, related causes such as temperance. Their celebrations of Secord's walk and the narratives which they constructed about her contribution to Upper Canadian loyalty are significant not only for their recognition of women s contribution to Canadian history; they also help illustrate the relationships of gender, race, and imperialism in Canadian feminist and nationalist discourses.
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MacDougall, Heather. "Shifting Focus: Medicare, Canadian Historians, and New Research Directions." Canadian Bulletin of Medical History 26, no. 2 (October 2009): 547–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cbmh.26.2.547.
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Keshen, Jeff. "Review Essay: The New Campaigns of Canadian Military Historians." American Review of Canadian Studies 23, no. 3 (October 1993): 425–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722019309481838.
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Stevenson, Michael D. "The Mobilisation of Native Canadians During the Second World War." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 7, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031108ar.
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Abstract Historians have paid scant attention to the compulsory conscription of men under the National Resources Mobilisation Act (NRMA) in Canada during the Second World War. This paper uses the mobilisation of Native Canadians as a case-study to determine the depth and extent of human resource mobilisation policies between 1940 and 1945. Government mobilisation departments and agencies relied on a remarkably decentralised and permissive administrative structure to carry out the NRMA mobilisation mandate. These organizational traits were exacerbated by active Native Canadian opposition to conscription and other factors, such as the geographic isolation and poor health of many Native men. As a result, a patchwork of disparate, inconsistent and ineffectual mobilisation policies affecting Canadian Indians was adopted during the course of the war.
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Miller, J. R. "From Riel to the Métis." Canadian Historical Review 102, s1 (June 2021): s199—s214. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-102-s1-015.
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Although miscegenation must have been one of the earliest and most common effects of the expansion of Europe, its consequences have been relatively little studied by historians of Canada. Indeed, one of the few general histories of the western mixed-blood population suggests – only half-jokingly, one suspects – that the Métis people of Canada were founded nine months after the landing of the first European. Perhaps because of traditional historiographical emphases, a limited methodological sophistication, or simply as a consequence of racist inhibitions on the part of Euro-Canadian historians who dominated the field until recently, the history of the Métis has not received much concerted and systematic attention from academic historians.
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Yekelchyk, Serhy. "Studying the Blueprint for a Nation: Canadian Historiography of Modern Ukraine." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 5, no. 1 (March 23, 2018): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus373.
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This article discusses the development of a Canadian historiography of modern Ukraine. It argues that the early focus on Ukrainian nation building determined the range of topics that interested Canadian historians, but over the following years their methodology changed significantly. The development of social history provided indispensable tools for in-depth analysis of the Ukrainian national movement. The subsequent development of a new cultural history, post-colonial studies, and the “linguistic turn” allowed for a more subtle analysis of the Ukrainian patriotic discourse and practice. New scholarship focusing on the ambiguities of imperial projects and the everyday life allowed for a re-evaluation of the traditional emphasis on the national intelligentsia’s organic work. Because of its focus on the making of a modern Ukrainian nation, beginning in the 1990s Canadian historiography was well positioned to assist in the transformation of Ukrainian historical scholarship from Soviet models to new theoretical and methodological foundations. This often meant helping Ukrainian colleagues to revise the very “national paradigm” of history writing that early Canadian historians had helped develop. In the decades after an independent Ukraine emerged in 1991, the study of Ukrainian nation building became an increasingly global and collaborative enterprise, with historians from Ukraine studying and working in Canada, and with conferences on topics related to modern Ukrainian history involving scholars from around the world.
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Davis, Donald F. "The "Metropolitan Thesis" and the Writing of Canadian Urban History." Articles 14, no. 2 (August 15, 2013): 95–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1017987ar.
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This article deals with the concept of metropolitanism as found in the writings of Canadian historians and geographers. It argues that, contrary to common belief, there is no single metropolitan ''thesis." Rather there are different approaches to the metropolis-hinterland relationship, five of which are discussed in the article. These vary, it is shown, in their assumptions about individual autonomy, the power of the metropolis, the mutability of the metropolis-hinterland relationship, and the universality of the metropolitan phenomenon. The failure to recognize the variety of approaches to metropolitanism has, it is argued, retarded the development of urban studies in Canada. While admitting the possibility of progress once historians have clarified their differences concerning metropolitanism, the article suggests, nonetheless, that urban historians might do better by abandoning the metropolitan approach altogether, given its indeterminancy, its avoidance of fundamental class relationships, as well as its inherent manicheanism and spatial bias.
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Girard, Philip, and Jim Phillips. "Rethinking ‘the Nation’ in National Legal History: A Canadian Perspective." Law and History Review 29, no. 2 (May 2011): 607–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248011000113.
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In 1929, when Lorna Parsons tired of her four-year marriage to a London, Ontario tailor, she decided to seek a divorce—in Reno, Nevada. Even though Lorna's divorce was not generally recognized in Canada, obtaining it was important to her and to the hundreds, if not thousands, of Canadians who similarly sought United States divorces at a time when Canadian law was extremely restrictive. The choices of Parsons and her compatriots should be of interest to legal historians. They problematize the idea of national legal history by reminding us that law does not always remain in the tidy jurisdictional containers constructed by legal authorities and academics. National boundaries are more porous, and the nature of law itself more fluid, than we often admit.
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Recaj, Krenare. "Sovereignty Sensitivities and the Kosovo Crisis: The Impact of Domestic Considerations on Canada’s Foreign Policy." Canadian Journal of History 56, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 136–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh-56-2-2020-0076.
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In 1999, Canada participated in NATO’s Operation Allied Force, a seventy- eight-day bombing campaign against Yugoslavia meant to end the ethnic cleansing of Kosovar Albanians. Officially, Canada’s interests in developing its foreign policy toward Kosovo were humanitarian and regional stability considerations. These were shared with the rest of its NATO allies. Thus, on the surface, it would seem that Canada and its NATO allies had similar concerns during the decision-making process around Kosovo. Digging deeper, an analysis of the primary sources available suggests that Canada did, in fact, have additional and unique considerations during the Kosovo crisis, namely national unity. This analysis amply illustrates the close interconnection between domestic issues and Canadian foreign policy. During the Kosovo War, Canada had to balance sovereignty sensitivities with humanitarian concerns. From the first time Kosovo was mentioned in Parliament on 18 November 1991 to the end of the Kosovo War on 11 June 1999, Canadian parliamentarians attempted to distinguish what Canada’s views on Kosovo were. Historians have likewise been occupied with the same task: distinguishing the Canadian contribution and position. Like the parliamentarians, not one of the Canadian historians who has written on the topic has questioned the official government version of what motivated Canada’s policy in Kosovo. They all credit a combination of humanitarian and regional concerns. Therefore, there was consensus at the time, and has been since, about what motivated Canada’s policy toward Kosovo. However, an analysis of the primary sources reveals that Canada did in fact have an additional and unique consideration during the Kosovo crisis: national unity. Canada’s domestic national unity issue influenced Canadian foreign policy toward Kosovo at every stage.
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Martinborough, Alex. "Debating Settler Constitutionalism: Consent, Consultation, and Writing a Transatlantic Debate, 1822–1828." Canadian Historical Review 102, no. 1 (March 2021): 27–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-2019-0018.
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In 1822, Robert Wilmot, the undersecretary of state for the colonies, introduced a bill to unite Upper and Lower Canada in the British House of Commons. In doing so, he was proposing not just an intercolonial union but a new constitution. He believed that because the Canadas’ constitution was granted by an Act of Parliament in 1791 it could be changed by Parliament without colonial consultation or consent. Whig parliamentarians and colonists contested this interpretation and raised questions about consent and the status of colonial constitutions. These debates in the 1820s reveal just how muddied thinking about colonial constitutions and consultation had become. Lower Canadian opposition to the bill has received significant attention from historians, yet this attempt at constitutional change also forced Upper Canadians to take unexpected positions, including interpreting the 1791 act as a written charter. Through these transatlantic debates, they were continuing to fashion a settler interpretation of British constitutionalism. This article traces these ideas by examining the movement of news and rumours through emerging, intertwined colonial and imperial public spheres, which illustrate the permeability of the line between public and private information. Inserting this failed constitution-writing effort into the longer history of Canadian constitutions sheds light on the limits to imperial intervention and encourages a broader rethinking of Canadian constitutional histories and the role of empire in a long nineteenth century.
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Aggarwala, Rohit T. "“Non-Resident Me”: John Bartlet and the Canadian Historical Profession." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 10, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 237–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030515ar.
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Abstract John Bartlet Brebner (1895-1957) was a significant Canadian historian, but his work has been marginalised and discredited in the historiography. A Maritime historian, he continued to study Nova Scotia after leaving the University of Toronto for Columbia University, and this and his work on early explorers and British history led to his espousal of a continental approach that emphasised Canadian-American exchange and a shared British legal and political heritage. A deep liberal, he felt under suspicion because he did not promote either of the two nationalist schools of Canadian history and because he lived in the United States; this feeling moved him to naturalise as an American in 1941 and give up Canadian history. He later regretted this action, as his experiences as a liberal American in the post-war era gave him concerns about the liberal quality of American nationalism. After Brebner's death, his reputation was tarnished by the posthumous publication of an obsolete manuscript and the concerted attack of nationalist historians who, led by Donald G. Creighton, sought to deny legitimacy to even the most nuanced use of the "continental approach."
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Dean, David, and Peter E. Rider. "Museums, Nation and Political History in the Australian National Museum and the Canadian Museum of Civilization." Museum and Society 3, no. 1 (April 8, 2015): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.29311/mas.v3i1.63.
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The role museums play in shaping the public’s understanding of the past has recently become a matter of considerable interest for historians and others. In Canada and Australia, portraits of their country’s history created by national museums have ignited considerable controversy. The Canadian Museum of Civlization’s Canada Hall was the subject of a review by four historians, chosen to examine the Hall’s portrayal of political history, while the National Museum of Australia faced a highly politicised public review of all of its exhibits soon after the museum opened. By analysing and interpreting the findings of these reviews, the authors raise questions about the ability of museums to respond to historical controversy, shifting historiographies and changing understandings of what is important in the past.
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Conway, Kyle. "Vagaries of News Translation on Canadian Broadcasting Corporation Television: Traces of History." Meta 59, no. 3 (February 11, 2015): 620–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1028660ar.
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This article describes a series of failed attempts by the English and French networks of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation to present translated news. On one level, it is concerned with the impulse that prompts people during moments of crisis to suggest translated news as a solution to a problems related to Canadian identity and the reasons their suggestions to translate news programs are not acted upon. On a deeper level, it is concerned with a methodological and epistemological problem facing translation historians: what happens when the relevant documents are not preserved because journalists’ notions of translation differ from those of historians? It recommends that historians turn to “para-archives,” or collections created and preserved by non-news organizations, that contain descriptions of the documents journalists have not kept. These para-archives can provide evidence for the creation of plausible narratives about the competing interests shaping decisions not to produce translated news. They can also reveal how historians actively produce the categories they use to define their object of study.
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Burkinshaw, Robert K. "Aspects of Canadian evangelical historiography." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 25, no. 1 (March 1996): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842989602500102.
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This 1995 presidential address to the Canadian Society of Church History (CSCH) examines the study of the history of evangelicalism in Canada. It describes and attempts to explain the enormous changes which have occurred over the last several decades as historians have turned from virtual neglect of evangelical history to a significant and growing emphasis upon it. The article also outlines some of the directions in that historiography, as indicated by works published over the last decade and by papers presented at a major conference held at Queen's University in May 1995.
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Smith, Peter J. "The Ideological Origins of Canadian Confederation." Canadian Journal of Political Science 20, no. 1 (March 1987): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900048927.
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AbstractThis article discusses the ideological origins of Canadian Confederation. As such it directly challenges a belief commonly held by Canadian political scientists and historians that Canadian Confederation was the product of a purely pragmatic exercise. The author argues instead that the ideological origins of the Canadian federal state may be traced to the debate that divided eighteenth and nineteenth-century Britain, America and France—a debate between the defenders of classical republican values and the proponents of a rising commercial ideology formulated during the Enlightenment. Only by understanding how this debate unfolded in nineteenth-century Canada can we understand the particular configuration of the Canadian state that emerged triumphant in the 1860s. Furthermore, an understanding of this debate also offers political scientists a broader context for interpreting long-held Canadian attitudes toward authority, the uses of political patronage, the public debt, capitalism, and the state and economic development.
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Beaulieu, Michel S. "Spittoon Philosophers or Radical Revolutionaries?" Ontario History 105, no. 2 (July 30, 2018): 183–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050733ar.
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Historians contend that the heyday of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW or Wobblies) in the U.S. and Canada ended when it was suppressed by the authorities in the First World War because of the “foreigners” within its ranks. However, the IWW went underground and re-emerged briefly in the late 1920s and 1930s as a force in lumber and mining unions in both countries. Little is known about its organization during this period, particularly the operations of the Canadian Administration established in 1932. This article explores the activities of Canadian Wobblies and their attempts to form a Canadian Administration between 1931 and 1935 in Port Arthur, Ontario. It establishes that the Canadian leadership increasingly separated itself from an ineffectual American leadership and attempted to establish uniquely “Canadian” polices.
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Trofimenkoff, Susan Mann. "Gossip in History." Historical Papers 20, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030929ar.
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Abstract Comment résumer un discours bilingue sur le commérage? What a task! The author dares to suggest that what really goes on at the annual meetings of the CHA is gossip. Que les historiens préfèrent V appeler "le parler boutique" indique leur malaise devant le commérage. And yet gossip, rich in information, evaluation and entertainment is much more descriptive of what historians actually do at the CHA. In order to explain the uneasiness surrounding the word gossip the author traces the origin and changing meanings of the word gossip /commérage. In both French and English the word follows an identical etymological course through history and somewhere around the sixteenth century, the word acquires the modern sense of a chattery woman. The author links this new meaning of the word to a series of other changes, associated with the Scientific Revolution of the same period, the results of which were the subordination of women. Gossip became a language of powerlessness. But it is also a language special to women, revealing a rich oral culture. Without quite knowing it, historians use aspects of that culture in their own work for they are constantly analyzing the changing norms of any given society. The author illustrates the importance of gossip for premodern societies but argues that as many illustrations can be found for the twentieth century, even in Canada. She concludes by suggesting that gossip may be the historian's clue to deciphering what was really going on in Canadian history which, for ease of reference, she divides into three chatty parts. Une histoire du commérage pourrait tout révéler. . ..
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Adcock, Tina, Keith Grant, Stacy Nation-Knapper, Beth Robertson, and Corey Slumkoski. "Canadian History Blogging: Reflections at the Intersection of Digital Storytelling, Academic Research, and Public Outreach." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 27, no. 2 (July 20, 2017): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1040560ar.
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This article surveys the impacts of blogging on Canadian historical practice to date. Drawing upon the experiences and practices of five collaborative or multi-author Canadian history blogs — ActiveHistory.ca, The Otter~La Loutre, Findings/Trouvailles, the Acadiensis Blog, and Borealia — it explores how this activity is changing the ways in which Canadian historians tell stories, publish their research, teach, and serve academic and wider communities. Blogging has encouraged new forms of historical storytelling and the inclusion of underrepresented and marginalized voices in public discussions of Canadian historical narratives. It is being integrated into cycles of academic publication and undergraduate and graduate classrooms. Yet challenges remain with regard to determining the place and value of blogging within standard paradigms of academic labour. As more Canadian historians come to read, write for, and edit historical blogs, however, they will not only help shift the practice of Canadian history inside and outside university campuses, but will also experience the pleasures and rewards of this kind of digital historical work for themselves.
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Maynard, Steven. "The Maple Leaf (Gardens) Forever: Sex, Canadian Historians and National History." Journal of Canadian Studies 36, no. 2 (May 2001): 70–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs.36.2.70.
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Kapches, Mima Brown. "Canadians and the Founding of the Society for American Archaeology (1934–1940s)." Canadian Journal of Archaeology 45, no. 1 (2021): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.51270/45.1.53.
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In December of 1934 the Society for American Archaeology was officially constituted. In 1935, in an effort to grow the membership, professional archaeologists were asked to propose members who they endorsed to become affiliated with the SAA. The two professional archaeologists in Canada at that time, Diamond Jenness and William J. Wintemberg of the Dominion Museum, Ottawa, proposed names of individuals across Canada who were collectors, museum curators, and historians. A small number suggested for membership joined, but most did not. This was an interesting period in North American archaeology as professionals worked in committees to establish cultural and temporal frameworks of the archaeological past, establish excavation guidelines, and lobby against the sale of antiquities. Some Canadian avocationals who joined were positively impacted by their association with American archaeologists and their legacies continue through to today. The bottom line is that there were very few professional archaeologists in Canada following Wintemberg’s death in 1941, and that lack coupled with WWII, meant that Canadians looking for professional support and guidance looked to the south of the border. The Society for American Archaeology was important for the growth and development of Canadian archaeology during this time.
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Bohatyrets, Valentyna. "Ukrainian Canadians’ Tremendous Contributions to a Mosaic Canadian Society (in the Context of Celebrating Their 125th Settling in Maple Leaf Country)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.33-39.
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Noteworthy, 2016 has become another crucial landmark in recognizing the remarkable impact of Ukrainian vigorous community, which succeeded in preserving and boosting its heritage values, traditions and language, on all Canada’s walks of life. In this context, this research paper provides an overview of historians, scholars and community members, whereas focusing on a tremendous role that Ukrainians (such as worldly acknowledged Paul Yuzyk, Orest Subtelny, John Sopinka Chrystia Freeland, Sylvia Fedoruk, Edward Michael Stelmach, Myrna Kostash, and newly known Roberta Bondar, Ann Morash, Petro Neborskij, Oleh Lesiuk) play in the Canadian multicultural society. Owing to their social, political and economic integration, Ukrainians have reached a rather high level of culture perception and blending into a mosaic Canadian society. Looking back on a record of Ukrainian Canadians’ achievements, we can witness that by the early 1990’s some of the high-rank positions have been held by the children or grandchildren of humble Ukrainian immigrants, and, moreover, they have earned accomplishments in various domains. To conclude, Ukrainian Canadians proved that by their exemplary service, enthusiasm and commitment to Canada’s common purpose, they could, collectively as a community, work toward a common goal, ensure their views reached and establish their powerful and valuable existence in Canada.
Keywords:The 125th anniversary, Canada, Ukrainian community, tremendous achievements, multicultural society
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Strong-Boag, Veronica. "Taking Stock of Suffragists: Personal Reflections on Feminist Appraisals." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 21, no. 2 (May 10, 2011): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1003089ar.
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Standpoint theory has made today’s feminist historians especially conscious of the ‘situatedness’ of all approaches. The intimate relationship of scholars with their human subjects means that choices and interpretations readily become sites of engagement in modern contests of principles and practice. Because the franchise campaigns were a leitmotif of the first women’s movement, suffragists have a particular purchase on the feminist imagination. This special significance makes appraisals of Canadian activists an important test of scholarly and popular standpoints in the construction of a meaningful past. This paper sets forth one feminist historian’s reflections on engagement with the suffragists.
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Stewart, Mary Lynn. "2011 Presidential Address of the Canadian Historical Association." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 22, no. 1 (April 27, 2012): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1008956ar.
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Using her own experience as a window into the experiences of many historians, and especially women historians, who entered the profession in the 1960s, Mary Lynn spotlighted four barriers this generation crossed. First, many who came from working-class families benefitted from the expansion of university studies and financial support to take degrees, especially in the liberal arts as opposed to more practical diplomas that our parents and families preferred. They brought with them an interest in those who had been left out of conventional histories, thereby developing the fields of labour, social, and women’s history. Second, many participated in the political and social protests of the 1960s and learned from this much about the operations of power and memory that would apply in historical research and analyses. Third, women and men who were involved in the women’s movement in the 1960s and 1970s opened up the field of women’s history and subsequently gender history. Fourth, they did more local, regional and, more recently, transnational historical studies and within history departments, pressed for more inclusive and representative faculty members to teach the more expansive kind of history that has emerged.
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Bandilet, Sergey Viktorovich. "The Revolution and Civil War in Russia in Canadian historiography." Samara Journal of Science 8, no. 4 (November 29, 2019): 208–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201984217.
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This paper is devoted to perception of the February Revolution, the October revolution and the Civil War in Russia in Canadian historiography. The paper considers, firstly, works of historians - Canadian citizens, secondly, works of scientists from other countries who have worked in Canada for a long time and, thirdly, works of foreigners, who published in Canadian scientific journals. All of the above works can be divided into three groups. Firstly, these are fundamental works on the history of the Russian Revolution and Civil War. Secondly, these are works devoted to foreign intervention in Russia and Canadian participation of Canada in this intervention. Thirdly, these are works relating to other particular aspects of this subject. The authors of all considered works refer to the February Revolution as an important step for democracy in Russia. Canadian historiography mainly condemns the October Revolution and criticizes Bolsheviks for authoritarianism and radicalism. The attitude of Canadian scientists to the White Guards is ambiguous. On the one hand, there is a certain sympathy for the Whites as allies of the Entente (and Canada). But on the other hand, the Whites are condemned for their ill-conceived domestic policies and for inability to reach a compromise with each other. The Canadian historiography of the 1917-1922 events in Russia is now practically unexplored, and therefore it is of scientific interest.
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Carr, Graham. "Clio's Warriors: Canadian Historians and the Writing of the World Wars (review)." Canadian Historical Review 88, no. 3 (2007): 504–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/can.2007.0061.
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McKercher, Asa. "A Helpful Fixer in a Hard Place: Canadian Mediation in the U.S. Confrontation with Cuba." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 3 (July 2015): 4–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00551.
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With the breakdown of relations between Washington and Havana after the Cuban revolution in 1959, officials in Ottawa found themselves in an unenviable position. Increasingly, Canadian diplomats and politicians felt caught between, on one side, their most important ally and trading partner, and, on the other, a country that had not caused harm to Canada in any significant way. Alarmed by this state of affairs, Canadian officials on several occasions considered mediating the dispute between Cuba and the United States. Ultimately, however, policymakers in Ottawa stopped short of taking this step, largely because they recognized that their U.S. allies disapproved of mediation. Many historians, in playing up the differences between Canadian and U.S. foreign policies toward Cuba, have ignored Canada's caution in choosing an independent stance. This article shows that in dealings over Cuba, Canadian officials were mindful both of Canada's limited capabilities and of its position as a close ally of the United States.
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Wien, Thomas. "Selling Beaver Skins in North America and Europe, 1720-1760: The Uses of Fur-Trade Imperialism." Victoria 1990 1, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 293–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031021ar.
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Abstract Historians have tended to assume that, during the last decades of French rule in Canada, competition in the fur trade and the imperial contest in North America ran along the same lines. The posts of the rival empire on Hudson Bay or south of Lake Ontario are thought to have posed the main threat to the fortunes of the Montreal-based traders established in the heart of Indian lands. This article assesses the evidence for price competition between such distant antagonists in the trade in beaver. Owing to the Compagnie des Indes' pricing policies, this commodity usually fetched a lower price in the French trading system than it did in the one centred on London. There is little sign of a response in the distribution of beaver receipts to changes in the intercolonial price differential. This suggests that Canadian merchants exaggerated the force of foreign competition in order to lend weight to their appeals to the state for an increase in the price of beaver. The paper concludes that the obsession with the external foe, which the official sources have transmitted to historians, has obscured the internal dynamic of the Canadian fur trade during these years.
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McGowan, Mark G. "The De-Greening of the Irish : Toronto’s Irish‑Catholic Press, Imperialism, and the Forging of a New Identity, 1887-1914." Historical Papers 24, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 118–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030999ar.
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Abstract Traditionally Canadian and American historians have assumed thai Irish Catholics in urban centres constituted highly resistant subcultures in the face of a dominantProtestant majority. In Canada, scholars have stated that these Irish-Catholic subcultures kept themselves isolated, socially and religiously, from the Anglo- Protestant society around them. Between 1890 and 1918, however, the Irish Catholics of Toronto underwent significant social, ideological, and economic changes that hastened their integration into Toronto society. By World War One, Irish Catholics were dispersed in all of Toronto's neighbourhoods; they permeated the city's occupational structure at all levels; and they intermarried with Protestants at an unprecedented rate. These changes were greatly influenced by Canadian-born generations of Irish-Catholic clergy and laity. This paper argues that these social, ideological, and emotional realignments were confirmed and articulated most clearly in the city's Catholic press. Editors drew up new lines of loyally for Catholics and embraced the notion of an autonomous Canadian nation within the British Empire. What developed was a sense of English-speaking Catholic Canadian identity which included a love of the British Crown, allegiance to the Empire, and a duty to participate in Canadian nation-building. In the process, a sense of Irish identity declined as new generations of Catholics chose to contextualize their Catholicism in a Canadian cultural milieu. The press expressed a variant of the imperial-nationalist theme, which blended devout Catholicism with a theory of imperial “interdependence.” This maturation of a new identity facilitated Catholic participation in the First World War and underscored an English-speaking Catholic effort to evangelize and anglicize “new” Catholic Canadians. By the end of the war, Toronto's Irish Catholics were imbued with zealous Canadian patriotism, complemented, in part, by their greater social integration into the city's mainstream.
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Dean, David. "Theatre: A Neglected Site of Public History?" Public Historian 34, no. 3 (2012): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2012.34.3.21.
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Abstract Although theatrical representations of the past have been examined by theatre and performance studies scholars, public historians have preferred to focus on historical re-enactments in living history sites, museums, or on film and television. This article argues that theatre is a compelling site for representing and understanding the past through a case study of one of the most performed plays in recent Canadian repertoire, Vern Theissen's Vimy. Drawing on a survey of audience members and the author's experiences as an academic historian working with a national theatre company, it proposes ways in which further study and practice can illuminate our understanding of the public and its pasts.
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Macdowell, Laurel Sefton. "The Career of a Canadian Trade Union Leader: C.H. Millard 1937-1946." Articles 43, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 609–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/050435ar.
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In Canadian political history, the primary focus of historians has been on leading politicians. Trade union leaders have been virtually ignored. This paper partly fills this gap in presenting the career of C.H. Millard.
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McLaren, John P. S. "Meeting the Challenges of Canadian Legal History: The Albertan Contribution." Alberta Law Review 32 (June 1, 1994): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/alr1167.
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Canadian legal history has undergone a transformation during the past twenty-five years from a scholarly void to a lively branch of social and intellectual history. It is now recognized as an important area of research and speculation by legal academics, historians and people in a range of other humanities and social science disciplines. Courses in Canadian legal history are offered in most law schools and several history departments. This change has been brought about by the hard work and dedication of a small but energetic band of scholars. Albertan legal historians have played an important seminal role in this movement, in particular by researching and encouraging others to work on the legal history of the Northwest Territories and Prairie Provinces. This essay describes the growth of research into and the teaching of Canadian legal history in Alberta, and the special contributions of Wilbur Bowker, Louis Knafla and Rod Macleod to that endeavour. It concludes with several reflections on how interest in legal history in the Province might be further expanded.
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Clark, Penney, Mona Gleason, and Stephen Petrina. "Preschools for Science: The Child Study Centre at the University of British Columbia, 1960–1997." History of Education Quarterly 52, no. 1 (February 2012): 29–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2011.00372.x.
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Although not entirely neglected, the history of preschool reform and child study in Canada is understudied. Historians have documented the fate of “progressivism” in Canadian schooling through the 1930s along with postwar reforms that shaped the school system through the 1960s. But there are few case studies of child study centers and laboratory schools in Canada, despite their popularity in the latter half of the twentieth century. Histories of child study and child development tend to focus on the well-known Institute of Child Study directed by the renowned William E. Blatz in the Department of Psychology at the University of Toronto (U of T). Yet there were over twenty other child study centers established in Canadian universities during the 1960s and 1970s directed by little-known figures such as Alice Borden and Grace Bredin at the University of British Columbia (UBC).
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JAMESON, ELIZABETH, and JEREMY MOUAT. "Telling Differences." Pacific Historical Review 75, no. 2 (May 1, 2006): 183–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2006.75.2.183.
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This article describes the competing meanings that U.S. and Canadian historians have assigned to their common borders and respective Wests. It compares how frontier,region, and a common border have shaped U.S. and Canadian histories and identities,as well as the complicity of historiography in telling the differences. Assuming that neither the nation state nor national identity is fixed or absolute, it argues that similarities and differences in how each country incorporated its West led to specific understandings of national origins, colonial relationships, and distinct notions of frontier and region. These distinctions shaped the ways each nation legitimized its claim to the continent and are reflected in historical narratives that have functioned as respective national creation stories. The ways that Canadians and Americans have understood their pasts and common border also illuminate the meanings of national identity in our present age.
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Vipond, Mary. "The 2003 Presidential Address of the CHA." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 14, no. 1 (February 4, 2005): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/010317ar.
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Abstract Since the seminal works of Harold Innis, communication has been a major theme in Canadian history and historiography. Internationally as well, scholars such as Benedict Anderson, Karl Deutsch and John B. Thompson have recognized the centrality of communication systems, particularly the mass media, to the development of the modern world. Unfortunately Canadian historians have not shown much interest in studying the mass media as a formative force in modern Canadian history. Data from the CHA's Register of Dissertations are used to demonstrate the paucity of graduate student research, especially about broadcasting, and some explanations for the neglect are proffered. The paper concludes with an examination of the CBC's Empire Day Broadcast, a central event of the Royal Tour of 1939. This case study demonstrates how one mass media institution worked to construct identity and evoke tradition. It illustrates some of the linkages between the history of the mass media and other current preoccupations of historians, including cultural history (especially the study of spectacles and commemorations) and imperial history (relationships within the British-North American world as World War II approached).
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Gleason, Mona. "Between Education and Memory: Health and Childhood in English-Canada, 1900-1950." Scientia Canadensis 29, no. 1 (June 23, 2009): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/800503ar.
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Abstract Despite contemporary concerns regarding the state of Canadian children's health, historians in Canada have yet to fully explore how conventional medical experts and educators thought about, and safeguarded, children's health. This paper explores the interplay between two sources of information regarding the provision of healthy children between 1900 and the end of the Second World War in the English Canadian context: curricular messages regarding health and illness aimed at public school children and the oral histories and autobiographies of adults who grew up in this period. Rather than simply juxtapose official health curriculum and lived memory, I argue that the two co-mingled to produce differing kinds of embodied knowledge aimed at the production and reproduction of hegemonic social values in the English Canadian setting. These values co-existed both harmoniously and uncomfortably, depending very much upon the priorities of, and socially constructed limitations placed upon, particular families in particular contexts.