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1
Steedman, Carolyn. "Cries Unheard, Sights Unseen: Writing the Eighteenth-Century Metropolis." Representations 118, no. 1 (2012): 28–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2012.118.1.28.
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A single, anonymous, compendious (and very strange) text from mid-eighteen-thcentury England is used to discuss historians' uses of literary evidence, and whether or not writing—from the past or from the historian's own time—can represent past reality.
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Winkler, Emily A. "Michael Staunton. The Historians of Angevin England." American Historical Review 124, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 722–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz162.
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Richards, Judith. "Defaming and Defining ‘Bloody Mary’ in Nineteenth-Century England." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 90, no. 1 (March 2014): 287–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.90.1.13.
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Although the reputation of Englands first queen regnant, Mary Tudor (died 1558) had remained substantially unchanged in the intervening centuries, there were always some defenders of that Catholic queen among the historians of Victorian England. It is worth noting, however, that such revisionism made little if any impact on the schoolroom history textbooks, where Marys reputation remained much as John Foxe had defined it. Such anxiety as there was about attempts to restore something of Marys reputation were made more problematic by the increasing number and increasingly visible presence of a comprehensive Catholic hierarchy in the nineteenth century, and by high-profile converts to the Catholic faith and papal authority. The pre-eminent historians of the later Victorian era consistently remained more favourable to the reign of Elizabeth, seen as the destroyer,of an effective Catholic church in England.
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GRIFFIN, EMMA. "POPULAR CULTURE IN INDUSTRIALIZING ENGLAND." Historical Journal 45, no. 3 (September 2002): 619–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002571.
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This review traces historians' use of the concept of popular culture, since its entry into the discipline in the 1970s. ‘Popular culture’ was initially loosely understood as the values, pleasures, and pastimes of the poor, and research in the field was heavily influenced by both Marxism and cultural anthropology. By the 1990s, earlier conceptions of popular culture appeared crudely reductionist, and heterogeneity, diversity, and ‘appropriation’ were firmly established as key terms and concerns for the historian of popular culture. But in the search for social and cultural complexity, the role of politics and the simple force of power and social inequality have been neglected. I argue here that wealth and power have long been key determinants shaping the character of popular cultural practice, and that their operation needs to be incorporated into our analyses. In this way, the study of popular culture offers the promise of research that is both of intrinsic interest and of broader historical significance.
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Davies, Daniel. "Medieval Scottish Historians and the Contest for Britain." Modern Language Quarterly 82, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 149–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00267929-8899100.
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Abstract Scholars often claim that medieval writers use Britain and England interchangeably, but Britain was a contested term throughout the period. One persistent issue was how Scotland fit within Anglocentric visions of the island it shared with England and Wales. This article traces imperialist geography in English historiography via the descriptio Britanniae (description of Britain), a trope found across the Middle Ages, and the fourteenth-century Gough Map, the first sheet-map of Britain. Scottish historians rebut the claims of their Anglocentric counterparts and demonstrate their incomplete knowledge, which they zealously supplement by inventorying Scotland’s natural abundance. In particular, the article concentrates on the remarkable celebration of Scotland’s marine life in Walter Bower’s Scotichronicon (ca. 1447). Attending to the long history of these debates both reveals and counteracts the Anglocentrism of insular literary history.
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Quinault, Roland. "1848 and Parliamentary Reform." Historical Journal 31, no. 4 (December 1988): 831–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015533.
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1848 has gone down in history – or rather in history books – as the year when England was different. In that year a wave of revolution on the Continent overthrew constitutions, premiers and even a dynasty but in England, by contrast, the middle classes rallied round the government and helped it preserve the status quo. This interpretation of 1848 has long been the established orthodoxy amongst historians. Asa Briggs took this view thirty years ago and it has lately been endorsed by F. B. Smith and Henry Weisser. Most recently, John Saville, in his book on 1848, has concluded that events in England ‘demonstrated beyond question and doubt, the complete and solid support of the middling strata to the defence of existing institutions’. He claims that ‘the outstanding feature of 1848 was the mass response to the call for special constables to assist the professional forces of state security’ which reflected a closing of ranks among all property owners. Although some historians, notably David Goodway, have recently stressed the vitality of Chartism in 1848 they have not challenged the traditional view that the movement failed to win concessions from the establishment and soon declined. Thus 1848 in England is generally regarded as a terminal date: the last chapter in the history of Chartism as a major movement. Thereafter Britain experienced a period of conservatism – described by one historian as ‘the mid-Victorian calm’–which lasted until the death of Palmerston in 1865.
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SHARPE, KEVIN. "REPRESENTATIONS AND NEGOTIATIONS: TEXTS, IMAGES, AND AUTHORITY IN EARLY MODERN ENGLAND." Historical Journal 42, no. 3 (September 1999): 853–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008675.
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Revisionist and post-revisionist historians alike still discuss politics in nineteenth-century terms, paying little attention to the politics of rhetoric and display that characterized Renaissance states. Literary critics and art historians, however, have focused attention on representations of authority and have developed critical methods to illuminate the performance and reception of texts in early modern culture. This essay reviews recent interdisciplinary work on theatre and poetry, painting and pageant, vital to historians of politics, and suggests a series of negotiations and exchanges over images of rule, and a dialogue about and for authority, between governments and subjects, in early modern England.
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DeWindt, Anne Reiber. "Redefining the Peasant Community in Medieval England: The Regional Perspective." Journal of British Studies 26, no. 2 (April 1987): 163–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385885.
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Historians of the medieval English peasantry have tended to assume that the history of peasants and their culture can best be revealed through the history of the village as a social and economic unit. As a result, the important recent advances in our understanding of peasant culture have been made by historians who, borrowing heavily from the disciplines of sociology and anthropology, have written studies of particular villages or small towns. The mystique of the “village community” has retained a hold on the historian's imagination. Even as the peasant and his family now attract more attention from scholars, studies of family size, household structure, and inheritance and marriage patterns are usually carried out within the context of a particular village or small town, largely because collections of local records naturally coalesce around a parish name. These close examinations of specific vills have been made possible primarily through the exploitation of the village court rolls that survive from the mid-thirteenth century. Ironically, it has been these very village court rolls that, in the end, have forcefully demonstrated that the assumptions identifying peasant history with village history must now be abandoned.The numerous studies of medieval English villages that have made possible the study of peasant family structure and behavior are now demonstrating that the history of the peasant family and the history of the particular village must part company. Certainly, the study of a single series of village court rolls makes possible the discovery within the village of family groups with characteristic behavior patterns.
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HITCHCOCK, DAVID. "Editorial: Poverty and Mobility in England, 1600–1850." Rural History 24, no. 1 (March 13, 2013): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793312000180.
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Within these pages you will find a ‘jovial crew’: rogues and vagabonds, the ‘mad’ and insane, gypsies, peddlers, poets, playwrights, pilgrims, rioters, convicts, constables, thieves, beggars, landed gentlemen, magistrates, and historians. When parliamentarians and projectors set out to proscribe mobility and legislate poverty in early modernity, a list of untrustworthy trades and professions not at all unlike this one frequently found its way into print and the statute book. The punishment for crimes of vagrancy could be severe, but thankfully ‘historians’ were not counted among the undeserving and mobile, nor would you find magistrates and landed gentlemen taken up, imprisoned, and whipped for a crime of movement. However, all three groups may well deserve some of John Locke's brand of draconian ‘improvement’; historians in particular have taken little account of the lived experiences of the mobile poor until relatively recently. Once we finally took a hard look at our inherited, literature-driven typologies of ‘rogues’ and ‘beggars’, they disappeared in ‘a storm of dust and lies.’ However, the literary, visualised vagabond still has much to tell us, and interdisciplinary approaches to vagrancy in the past have emerged as the strongest method yet of reconstructing the character, history, and cultural perception of the mobile poor. These are methods which the articles in this collection use to full effect.
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Gillingham, John. "Thegns and Knights in Eleventh-Century England: Who was Then the Gentleman?" Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5 (December 1995): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679331.
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I Shall be considering England during the long eleventh century—from the 990s, the Battle of Maldon and Byrhtferth of Ramsey's ‘life of Oswald’, to the 1130s, die world of Geoffrey Gaimar. I shall do so in the light of a situation where, on the one hand, historians of Anglo-Saxon England commonly refer to gentlemen and gentry in their period but do so casually, as though their presence there is something to be taken for granted, and, on the other, where scholars who regard themselves as historians of the gentry seem reluctant to admit that the phenomenon they study can have existed much before 1200, if then. In the first part of this paper I shall argue that there was a gentry in eleventh-century England, that below the great lords there were many layers of society whose members shared the interests and pursuits of the great, i.e. we should accept the terminology of historians of Anglo-Saxon England from Sir Frank Stenton onwards. I shall also argue that in all probability many vigorous members of die Anglo-Saxon gentry were knights, using the word ‘knight’ to mean the kind of person whom, in the late twelfth century, Richard FitzNigel described as an active knight (strenuus miles), i.e. someone whose characteristic and indispensable possessions were his body armour and the requisite horses
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Crawford, Michael J. "Origins of the Eighteenth-Century Evangelical Revival: England and New England Compared." Journal of British Studies 26, no. 4 (October 1987): 361–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385896.
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Current interpretations of North America's first Great Awakening present a paradox. Historians commonly interpret the Great Awakening as part of the revival of evangelical piety that affected widely scattered elements of the Protestant world in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; however, studies of the Great Awakening have almost exclusively focused on the particular local circumstances in which the revival movements developed. Since historians of the Great Awakening have emphasized the peculiar circumstances of each of the regional manifestations, the Revival often appears in their writings to have been composed of several distinct movements separated in time, character, and cause and united only by superficial similarities. In contrast, to say that the local revival movements, despite their distinctive characteristics, were manifestations of a single larger movement is to imply that they shared the same general causes. If we suppose that the Great Awakening was part of the Evangelical Revival, our attempts to explain its origins should take into account those general causes.Two recent reconsiderations of the eighteenth-century revival movements in their broader context come to opposite conclusions. Jon Butler underscores the span of time over which the revivals occurred across the British colonies, their heterogeneous character from one region to the next, and the differences in cultural contexts in which they appeared. He concludes that “the prerevolutionary revivals should be understood primarily as regional events.” Although he sees the eighteenth-century American revivals as part of the long-term evangelical and pietistic reform movement in Western society, he denies any common, single, overwhelmingly important cause.
12
Marshall, Peter. "Piety and Poisoning in Restoration Plymouth." Studies in Church History 42 (2006): 261–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003995.
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Can we identify a pre-eminent physical location for the encounter between elite and popular religious mentalities in seventeenth-century England? A once fashionable and almost typological identification of ‘elite’ with the Church, and ‘popular’ with the alehouse, is now qualified or rejected by many historians. But there has been growing scholarly interest in a third, less salubrious, locale: the prison. Here, throughout the century and beyond, convicted felons of usually low social status found themselves the objects of concern and attention from educated ministers, whose declared purpose was to bring them to full and public repentance for their crimes. The transcript of this process is to be found in a particular literary source: the murder pamphlet, at least 350 of which were published in England between 1573 and 1700. The last two decades have witnessed a mini-explosion of murder-pamphlet studies, as historians and literary scholars alike have become aware of the potential of ‘cheap print’ for addressing a range of questions about the culture and politics of early modern England. The social historian James Sharpe has led the way here, in an influential article characterizing penitent declarations from the scaffold in Foucauldian terms, as internalizations of obedience to the state. In a series of studies, Peter Lake has argued that the sensationalist accounts of ‘true crime’ which were the pamphlets’ stock-in-trade also allowed space for the doctrines of providence and predestination, providing Protestant authors with an entry point into the mental world of the people.
13
Fletcher, Anthony. "Men's Dilemma: The Future of Patriarchy in England 1560–1660." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4 (December 1994): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679215.
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PATRIARCHY was very old when Queen Elizabeth ascended the English throne. Historians have sought its origins in die Old Testament record of the creation of Jewish monotiieism and in the social conditions of Hebrew society. They have explored die contributions of classical Greece and early Christian thinking to its development and evolution. By the time that the Tudor dynasty ruled in England, the institutionalised male dominance over women and children in die family and die extension of diat subordination to women in society in general, die scriptural patriarchy with which I am concerned, had become so deeply embedded diat it has appeared immutable. Something so permanent, something that was so given, has seemed not to deserve scrutiny by die historians of early modern England. It was socialist and radical feminists who took up die notion of patriarchy in die 1960s because they needed a concept which would help diem to theorise male dominance. From dieir contemporary perspective also, patriarchy appeared immovable and monumental. There was a tendency among them at first to study it as such: feminist historians approached die past wim die premise diat there has always been an undifferentiated and consistent male commitment to domination and control over women in every sphere of life. The conflation of patriarchy with misogyny, I suggest, produced an unhistorical patriarchy as die staple of women's history. It is only fairly recendy diat historical studies of gender have broken free from diese shackles, diat historians have begun to penetrate die discourses and strategies dirough which men have—or have not— coerced, or oppressed or subordinated women through die ages.
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Marriott, Stuart. "University Extension in the North of England and the ‘leeds historians’." Northern History 28, no. 1 (January 1992): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/nhi.1992.28.1.197.
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Harris, Barbara J. "Women and Politics in Early Tudor England." Historical Journal 33, no. 2 (June 1990): 259–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013327.
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Political historians working on the early Tudor period have traditionally concentrated on institutions – monarchy, council, parliament, courts, and administrative bodies – that excluded women. The very definition of politics underlying the dominant historiography has thus made it seem both natural and inevitable to write history as if the world of high politics, the world that really counted, were exclusively male.
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Evans, Tanya. "How Do Family Historians Work with Memory?" Journal of Family History 46, no. 1 (October 27, 2020): 92–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0363199020967384.
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Drawing on survey data and oral history interviews undertaken with family historians in Australia,England, and Canada this article will explore how family historians construct memories using diverse sources in their research. It will show how they utilize oral history, archival documents, material culture, and explorations of space to construct and reconstruct family stories and to make meaning of the past, inserting their familial microhistories into global macrohistories. It will ask whether they undertake critical readings of these sources when piecing together their families’ stories and reveal the impact of that work on individual subjectivities, the construction of historical consciousness, and the broader social value of family history scholarship. How might family historians join with social historians of the family to reshape our scholarly and “everyday” knowledge of the history of the family in the twenty-first century?
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Wood, Andy. "Custom and the Social Organisation of Writing in Early Modern England." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 9 (December 1999): 257–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679403.
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Social historians of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England have tended to see literacy as a modernising force which eroded oral tradition and overrode local identities. Whereas the increasing literacy of the period has long appeared an important constituent element of Tudor and Stuart England's early modernity, custom has been represented as its mirror image. Attached to cumbersome local identities, borne from the continuing authority of speech, bred within a plebeian culture which was simultaneously pugnacious and conservative, customary law has been taken to define a traditional, backward-looking mind-set which stood at odds to the sharp forces of change cutting into the fabric of early modern English society. 1 Hence, social historians have sometimes perceived the growing elite hostility to custom as a part of a larger attack upon oral culture. In certain accounts, this elite antipathy is presented as a by-product of die standardising impulses of early capitalism. 2 Social historians have presented the increasing role of written documents in the defence of custom as the tainting of an authentic oral tradition, and as further evidence of the growing dom-nation of writing over speech. Crudely stated, orality, and hence custom, is seen as ‘of the people’; while writing was ‘of the elite’. In this respect as in others, social historians have therefore accepted all too readily John Aubrey's nostalgic recollections of late seventeenth century that Before printing, Old Wives tales were ingeniose and since Printing came in fashion, till a little before the Civil warres, the ordinary Sort of people were not taught to reade & now-a-dayes Books are common and most of the poor people understand letters: and the many good Bookes and the variety of Turnes of Affaires, have putt the old Fables out of dores: and the divine art of Printing and Gunpowder have frighted away Robin-good-fellowe and the Fayries.
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Coss, Peter. "Knights, Esquires and the Origins of Social Gradation in England." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5 (December 1995): 155–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679332.
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One of the abiding characteristics of the English gentry has been its system of social gradation. And yet the origins of this system have received relatively little attention from historians. Of course, we are well used to describing a local society of knights and esquires in the fourteenth century and of accommodating the addition of gentlemen, albeit with some hesitancy, in the fifteenth. Historians have highlighted the sumptuary legislation of 1363, which points to the gentility of the esquire, and the Statute of Additions of 1413 which gives legal recognition to the mere gentleman. We may understand that neither piece of legislation is to be taken entirely at face value. Nevertheless they are recognised to be significant markers in the evolution of a graded gentry.
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Bluemel, Kristin. "Rural Modernity and the Wood Engraving Revival in Interwar England." Modernist Cultures 9, no. 2 (October 2014): 233–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2014.0085.
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‘Rural Modernity and the Wood Engraving Revival in Interwar England’ brings analysis of a specific kind of visual-verbal text, wood-engraved books about the English countryside, and the means of these texts' production, to bear upon debates over rural modernity -what is it, where is it, who owns it-in order to more thoroughly engage literary and arts scholars in debates over the meaning of modernity for rural England and rural England for modernity. Framed by analysis of the work of social historians and cultural critics of rural England and ‘Englishness’, it takes as its supporting case studies two mass-marketed books: A. G. Street's Farmer's Glory (1932), with wood engravings by Gwen Raverat, and Francis Brett Young's Portrait of a Village (1937), with wood engravings by Joan Hassall. I argue that these and other books with wood engravings have a special story to tell about the relation of this interwar ‘flood’ of printed matter to rural England, serving as uniquely productive meeting places for interwar writers, illustrators, publishers, and readers to participate in the paradoxical crisis of England's rural depression and modernisation.
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Almagor, Yossi. "Friendship in the Shadow of Patronage: The Correspondence between Thomas Birch and Philip Yorke (1740–1766) Revisited." Erudition and the Republic of Letters 4, no. 4 (October 26, 2019): 468–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-00404001.
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This article demonstrates how patron-client relationships in mid-eighteenth century England were shaped against the background of the transition to a more negotiated marketplace. By focusing on the twenty-five-year relationship between Thomas Birch and Philip Yorke, we learn how an interesting variant of patronage embroiled with friendship developed between the two. In exchange for his services as intelligencer and agent, Birch enjoyed the benefits of Yorke’s influential network, obtaining new livings as clergyman and advancing his career as historian. Confrontations between the two, particularly on matters involving their work as dedicated historians, did not prevent them from remaining mutually loyal throughout their decades-long affiliation.
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Aston, Margaret. "The Bishops’ Bible Illustrations." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012493.
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The illustrations in the Bishops’ Bible have received more attention from art historians than from historians, though their story—which turns out to have been remarkably complicated—calls for the skills of both disciplines. The tale, which I can only outline here, throws interesting light on the state of the arts and art censorship in the early Elizabethan Church, at a time when there was much interrelationship between England and continental artists and craftsmen.
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Dodd, Gwilym. "County and Community in Medieval England*." English Historical Review 134, no. 569 (August 2019): 777–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez187.
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Abstract The ‘county community’ is something of a hot potato amongst late medieval political historians. Since the publication of an influential article by Christine Carpenter in 1994, in which she condemned the county community as anachronistic and conceptually flawed, research on the political structures of late medieval England has mostly avoided the term and the idea. In other fields, the methodological challenges and conceptual complexities underpinning the idea of ‘community’ have been embraced and new, more nuanced understandings of how medieval people organised and represented themselves collectively have been achieved. It is now time for historians of politics and government in late medieval England to move beyond reductionist arguments about the existence or otherwise of county communities to investigate the assumptions and social realities that lay behind contemporary references to the ‘commonalty’, ‘commons’ or ‘people’ of one or more counties. This discussion offers the first in-depth analysis of the single most important evidence for grass-roots expressions of county solidarity: county community petitions. It argues that the county was not merely the creation of administrative expedience on the part of the Crown, but provided the basis for real and meaningful expressions of collective identity and corporate action locally. What underpinned the concept of the ‘county community’, and what gave it particular strength, was its inclusivity and flexibility. The discussion concludes by considering the particular circumstances of the early fourteenth century which helped stimulate a culture of corporate identity and self-help on the basis of the county unit.
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Dresser, Madge. "Politics, Populism, and Professionalism: Reflections on the Role of the Academic Historian in the Production of Public History." Public Historian 32, no. 3 (2010): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2010.32.3.39.
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Abstract This article explores some of the challenges and opportunities facing academic historians involved in large British public history projects and examines how government priorities and the particular ways in which public funds are deployed can affect the critical intellectual content of such projects. To this end it first broadly outlines the context in which British public history has recently developed and then focuses on my own experiences as leader of a British public history project on 1001 years of ethnic minorities in Bristol, England, which was sponsored by the “England's Past for Everyone” initiative.
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Bingham, Adrian, Lucy Delap, Louise Jackson, and Louise Settle. "Historical child sexual abuse in England and Wales: the role of historians." History of Education 45, no. 4 (May 9, 2016): 411–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0046760x.2016.1177122.
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Inman, Daniel. "Historians and the Church of England: religion and historical scholarship, 1870–1920." International Journal for the Study of the Christian Church 17, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 126–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1474225x.2017.1354422.
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Chwalka, Isabelle. "Michael Staunton, The Historians of Angevin England. Oxford, Oxford University Press 2017." Historische Zeitschrift 308, no. 2 (April 5, 2019): 477–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2019-1121.
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Donagan, Barbara. "Understanding Providence : The Difficulties of Sir William and Lady Waller." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 39, no. 3 (July 1988): 433–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900038410.
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In recent years the doctrine of providence has attracted increasing attention from secular historians. They have come to realise that it cannot be regarded as the exclusive domain of their religious colleagues, nor as an intellectual oddity, picturesque but irrelevant to serious analysis of political movements and choices. In Religion and the Decline of Magic, Keith Thomas showed the pervasiveness of the belief in providence in early modern England and its function as explanation, consolation and reassurance in a world often unpredictable, inexplicable and unjust. Other historians have shown its place in the rise of Puritan activism. Most recently, Blair Worden has elucidated the doctrine and has powerfully demonstrated its importance as an engine of political action in the ‘politics of Cromwellian England’ as well as its part in crucial decisions in the career of Cromwell himself.
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Finlayson, Michael. "Clarendon, Providence and the Historical Revolution." Albion 22, no. 4 (1990): 607–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051392.
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Historians and literary scholars have long agreed that the rate of change in English society in the seventeenth century was so great that only the label “revolution” can do justice to its magnitude. For the past hundred years, most historians who have written about the political upheavals of the middle decades of the century, for example, have taken it for granted that these events constituted a “revolution.” Indeed, the custom of referring to the political turmoil in England between 1640 and 1660 as the “English Revolution” is so established that many scholars would deny that they are relying upon an assumption at all, but would insist that they are simply stating an obvious fact. After 1660, most scholars agree, England's political and constitutional practices and presuppositions were fundamentally different from what they had been before 1640. The permanence of the change, combined with the extraordinary character of political events during the Interregnum, makes the label “revolution” the obvious and appropriate one.
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Bonfield, Lloyd. "The Nature of Customary Law in the Manor Courts of Medieval England." Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 3 (July 1989): 515–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500016029.
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The once well-defended border between legal history and social history has been overrun. The assault has been carried out on two fronts. In part, it occurred through internal subversion by legal historians actually interested in the nature of societies whose laws they studied. The attack has also been launched externally by researchers who persistently employed records generated by the operation of the legal system to shed light upon various aspects of contemporary social structure. This union of interest between disciplines with widely divergent research skills, a phenomenon somewhat similar to what French political commentators have termed cohabitation, has been soundly applauded. Conferences have been convened; journals have been founded; monograph series have been established. All of these have facilitated methodological and substantive dialogue between legal and social historians.
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Mortimer, Ian. "Diocesan Licensing and Medical Practitioners in South-West England, 1660–1780." Medical History 48, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300007055.
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The licensing of provincial surgeons and physicians in the post-Restoration period has proved an awkward subject for medical historians. It has divided writers between those who regard the possession of a local licence as a mark of professionalism or proficiency, those who see the existence of diocesan licences as a mark of an essentially unregulated and decentralized trade, and those who discount the distinction of licensing in assessing medical expertise availability in a given region. Such a diversity of interpretations has meant that the very descriptors by which practitioners were known to their contemporaries (and are referred to by historians) have become fragmented and difficult to use without a specific context. As David Harley has pointed out in his study of licensed physicians in the north-west of England, “historians often define eighteenth-century physicians as men with medical degrees, thus ignoring … the many licensed physicians throughout the country”. One could similarly draw attention to the inadequacy of the word “surgeon” to cover licensed and unlicensed practitioners, barber-surgeons, Company members in towns, self-taught practitioners using surgical manuals, and procedural specialists whose work came under the umbrella of surgery, such as bonesetters, midwives and phlebotomists. Although such fragmentation of meaning reflects a diversity of practices carried on under the same occupational descriptors in early modern England, the result is an imprecise historical literature in which the importance of licensing, and especially local licensing, is either ignored as a delimiter or viewed as an inaccurate gauge of medical proficiency.
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Theilmann, John, and Frances Cate. "A Plague of Plagues: The Problem of Plague Diagnosis in Medieval England." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 37, no. 3 (January 2007): 371–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2007.37.3.371.
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Recent works by historians and biologists have called into doubt whether the great epidemic of 1348/49 in England was the plague. Examination of the biological evidence, however, shows their arguments to be faulty. The great epidemic of 1348/49 may have included other diseases, but it was clearly yersinia pestis.
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GUYATT, NICHOLAS. "“An Instrument of National Policy”: Perry Miller and the Cold War." Journal of American Studies 36, no. 1 (April 2002): 107–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187580100665x.
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Perry Miller was one of the most famous and distinguished American intellectual historians, in the estimation of his contemporaries and the evaluations of more recent scholars. Although his death provided some detractors with an opportunity to question his findings without fear of riposte, more recent studies confirm the relevance of his work to those historians seeking answers today to the questions which he addressed. This is especially true in the Puritan period, where his massive encapsulation of The New England Mind is a routine point of departure for new enquiries.
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Braddick, Michael. "The Early Modern English State and the Question of Differentiation from 1550 to 1700." Comparative Studies in Society and History 38, no. 1 (January 1996): 92–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500020132.
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It is frequently said that, while historians are theoretically naïve, sociologists are insensitive to the particularities of specific historical situations; and that this insensitivity can seriously affect the usefulness of theory. What follows is an attempt to marry the critical insights of sociologists on a central issue, the state, with the sensitivity of historians to the modalities and particularities of the exercise of political and social power in a particular context, seventeenthcentury England. The result, it is hoped, is an account that benefits from the strengths of both.
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PATTERSON, W. B. "William Perkins as Apologist for the Church of England." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 57, no. 2 (March 30, 2006): 252–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046905005233.
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William Perkins, usually described as an Elizabethan Puritan, was significant in ways that are only beginning to be recognised by historians. His writings, published in numerous editions in England and on the continent and translated into Latin and half a dozen vernacular languages, made him the most prominent English theologian of his day. This article contends that his career was devoted not to bringing about changes in the Established Church but to making that Church's teachings better known and appreciated. Perkins should be seen as a leading apologist for the Elizabethan Church of England.
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McCullough, Peter. "‘Anglicanism’ and the Origins of the Church of England." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 16, no. 3 (August 13, 2014): 319–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x14000520.
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This article aims to provide an introductory historical sketch of the origins of the Church of England as a background for canon law in the present-day Anglican Communion and the Roman Catholic Church. Written by a specialist for non-specialists, it summarises the widely held view among ecclesiastical historians that if the Church of England could ever be said to have had a ‘normative’ period, it is not to be found in its formative years in the middle decades of the sixteenth century, and that, in particular, the origins of the Church of England and of what we now call ‘Anglicanism’ are not the same thing.
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Martínez, Raúl Martínez. "The methodological approaches of Colin Rowe: the multifaceted, intellectual connoisseur at La Tourette." Architectural Research Quarterly 22, no. 3 (September 2018): 205–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1359135518000489.
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In England, the establishment of art history as a professional discipline was consolidated by the foundation of the Courtauld Institute of Art in 1932, and the Warburg Library's move from Hamburg to London the following year due to the rise of the Nazi régime; a political situation that caused the emigration of German-speaking scholars such as Fritz Saxl, Ernst Gombrich and Rudolf Wittkower. Colin Rowe, an influential member of the second generation of historians of modern architecture, was educated as part of this cultural milieu in the postwar period, studying at the Warburg Institute in London. In the ‘Addendum 1973’ to his first published article ‘The Mathematics of the Ideal Villa’ (1947), Rowe acknowledged the Wölfflinian origins of his analysis – Saxl and Wittkower had studied under Heinrich Wölfflin – and the validity of his inherited German formal methods. This assumption, in the opinion of one of Rowe's students, the architectural historian and critic Anthony Vidler, indicated the ‘still pervasive force of the late nineteenth century German school of architectural history in England in the years after the Second World War’.
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Ormrod, W. M. "The Peasants' Revolt and the Government of England." Journal of British Studies 29, no. 1 (January 1990): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385947.
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The outbreak of the Peasants' Revolt in the summer of 1381 was arguably the most serious threat ever posed to the stability of English government in the course of the Middle Ages. All historians are agreed that government policy was in large part responsible for the rising. The failure of the crown to maintain its hold over territory in France and to defend the coasts of England, the tendency to bow to pressure from the landed classes and restrict the economic and legal rights of the peasantry, and the outrageous and inequitable taxes of the 1370s, culminating in the commissions to enforce the poll tax in the spring of 1381, all these factors combined to provoke a widespread and perhaps coordinated outbreak of rebellion in southeast England, as well as many more spontaneous and isolated revolts in the West, the Midlands, and the North. Not surprisingly, in most areas the rebellion was directed principally against the agents of the crown. The young Richard II may have been immune from attack, but this only served to increase criticism of his ministers and agents, who were believed to have usurped royal authority and abused the trust placed in them by king and community.Considering the dramatic events surrounding this assault on royal government and the wealth of material available in the chronicles and the official records, it is surprising that so few historians have examined the specific question of how administration was affected during and after the events of 1381.
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Reynolds, Susan. "The Emergence of Professional Law in the Long Twelfth Century." Law and History Review 21, no. 2 (2003): 347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3595095.
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The object of this article is to draw attention to an area of European legal history that I think deserves more investigation. It is the change in legal practice caused by the transition from the diffused, undifferentiated, customary law of the earlier middle ages to the various forms of expert, esoteric, professional law that dominated the higher courts of the later middle ages. The suggestion that this has not been much studied may seem odd but, though much has been written on the new study of Roman law, those who work on it have tended to concentrate on the intellectual achievements of the glossators and post-glossators, rather than on practice. Practice in canon law has received more attention, notably from legal historians trained in the Anglo-American tradition, but this has not focused closely on twelfth-century origins. The beginnings of English common law have also been much studied and, since it started off as largely a matter of procedures, that has indeed meant looking at practice. The traditional teleology of legal history has, however, prevented much cross-fertilization with the history of other legal systems. One example of the consequent detachment of English legal history is the assumption of some English legal historians that Roman law procedures were followed in what they often characterize simply as “the Continent” more generally and earlier than seems to have been the case in most areas north of the Alps. Both in England and elsewhere many legal historians concentrate on the period from the thirteenth century on, when sources become more plentiful. Meanwhile, social historians of early medieval western Europe, including England, have argued—to my mind successfully, though I am hardly unprejudiced—that early medieval law was not just a weak, ritualized, and irrational response to feuds and violence, but their investigations tend to stop before the professionals took over. The result is that, apart from recent pioneering work on twelfth-century Tuscany by Chris Wickham, the transition in court practice outside England has been neglected.
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Hindle, Steve. "Custom, Festival and Protest in Early Modern England: The Little Budworth Wakes, St Peter's Day, 1596." Rural History 6, no. 2 (October 1995): 155–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793300000042.
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The myriad forms of ‘popular culture’ have attracted an increasing amount of attention from historians of early modern and modern England. Students of English social relations are now familiar with several episodes of ‘cultural conflict’ in which there was putative friction between ‘elite’ and ‘popular’ (or ‘patrician’ and ‘plebeian’) notions of acceptable behaviour. As the epigraphs to this article suggest, two particular era of ‘cultural polarisation’ have attracted considerably more attention than any others. On the one hand, historians of the Reformation, and especially of its ‘enforcement’ in late Elizabethan and Jacobean local communities, have identified the suppression of traditional, festive culture as one of the ‘cultural reverberations’ of the spread of protestantism. On the other, Edward Thompson has encouraged students of eighteenth-century England to think in terms of a tension between ‘patrician society’ and ‘plebeian culture’, and of the possibilities that this ‘field of force’ raised for ‘class struggle without class’.
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Newton, Hannah. "‘Very Sore Nights and Days’: The Child’s Experience of Illness in Early Modern England, c.1580–1720." Medical History 55, no. 2 (April 2011): 153–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300005743.
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Sick children were ubiquitous in early modern England, and yet they have received very little attention from historians. Taking the elusive perspective of the child, this article explores the physical, emotional, and spiritual experience of illness in England between approximately 1580 and 1720. What was it like being ill and suffering pain? How did the young respond emotionally to the anticipation of death? It is argued that children’s experiences were characterised by profound ambivalence: illness could be terrifying and distressing, but also a source of emotional and spiritual fulfilment and joy. This interpretation challenges the common assumption amongst medical historians that the experiences of early modern patients were utterly miserable. It also sheds light on children’s emotional feelings for their parents, a subject often overlooked in the historiography of childhood. The primary sources used in this article include diaries, autobiographies, letters, the biographies of pious children, printed possession cases, doctors’ casebooks, and theological treatises concerning the afterlife.
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Wyland, Russell M. "Thomas More’s Reputation in Nineteenth-Century England." Moreana 33 (Number 127-, no. 3-4 (December 1996): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.1996.33.3-4.4.
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Thomas More inspired over 230 works of scholarship and biography in the nineteenth century, and from a sampling emerges the development of More’s image. From the political debate over the “Catholic Question” early in the century came oversimplifications of More’s life and times. During the middle years of the century, however, a corrective occurred as historians rethought More in light of archival materials. As More’s beatification neared. treatments of his life and thought shifted to an emphasis on his attempts at social reform and tolerance. This paper traces More’s fortuna through the nineteenth century, revealing the birth of what would today be called “Thomas More Studies. ”
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Shagan, Ethan Howard. "Constructing Discord: Ideology, Propaganda, and English Responses to the Irish Rebellion of 1641." Journal of British Studies 36, no. 1 (January 1997): 4–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386126.
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Historians such as Conrad Russell and Kevin Sharpe have recently stressed the “British” nature of the crisis which toppled Charles I's regime in the 1640s. England, these historians remind us, was not the first of Charles's three kingdoms to rebel but the last; the Scots rose in 1639–40, the Irish rose in the fall of 1641, but the English only belatedly followed suit in August 1642. They have thus suggested that the origins of the English Civil War cannot be explained within a purely English context but must be understood within the larger vortex of multinational British politics.This injection of the “British problem” into the historiographical debate may seem like a neutral intervention, but in practice it has been closely associated with the revisionist interpretation of the seventeenth century. Since the 1970s, revisionist historians have contended that early Stuart England was an ideologically stable society which collapsed only after a series of sudden, contingent events disrupted the existing consensus. They have thus been at pains to find short-term, nonideological explanations for the Civil War's outbreak or else face embarrassing charges that they have proven why there was no civil war in seventeenth-century England. The “British problem” has come into the debate as just such an explanation, as an answer to thorny questions about how such a violent storm as the English Civil War could have arisen out of clear skies. After all, if radicalized Scotsmen spread the language of confessional conflict and resistance theory across the border, as Sharpe has argued, then no internal explanation for the English Civil War is required.
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JEFFERIES, HENRY A. "Elizabeth's Reformation in the Irish Pale." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 66, no. 3 (June 26, 2015): 524–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046913002595.
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This paper is focused on Elizabeth's Reformation in the Irish Pale around Dublin, the key religious battleground in Tudor Ireland. It highlights the strength of opposition to Elizabeth's religious settlement from the start of her reign. It shows in stark terms that Ireland experienced a Reformation virtually without reformers, and suggests that that was a major reason for its failure. The contrasting experiences of England and the Pale suggest, in turn, that revisionist historians have underestimated the progress of Protestantism in England before Elizabeth's reign.
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Bardsley, Sandy. "Missing Women: Sex Ratios in England, 1000–1500." Journal of British Studies 53, no. 2 (April 2014): 273–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2014.9.
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AbstractThis article proposes that late medieval English men may have outnumbered women by a significant margin, perhaps as high as 110 to 115 men for every 100 women. Data from both documentary and archaeological sources suggest that fewer females survived to adulthood and that those who did may have died younger than their husbands and brothers. Historians of medieval England have said little about the possibility of a skewed sex ratio, yet if women were indeed “missing” from the population as a whole in a significant and sustained way, we must reinterpret much of the social, economic, gender, and cultural history of late medieval England.
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Gregory, Jeremy. "REFASHIONING PURITAN NEW ENGLAND: THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND IN BRITISH NORTH AMERICA,c. 1680–c. 1770." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 20 (November 5, 2010): 85–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s008044011000006x.
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ABSTRACTThe position of the Church of England in colonial New England has usually been seen through the lens of the ‘bishop controversy’ of the 1760s and early 1770s, where Congregational fears of the introduction of a Laudian style bishop to British North America have been viewed as one of the key factors leading to the American Revolution. By contrast, this paper explores some of the successes enjoyed by the Church of England in New England, particularly in the period from the 1730s to the early 1760s, and examines some of the reasons for the Church's growth in these years. It argues that in some respects the Church in New England was in fact becoming rather more popular, more indigenous and more integrated into New England life than both eighteenth-century Congregationalists or modern historians have wanted to believe, and that the Church was making headway both in the Puritan heartlands, and in the newer centres of population growth. Up until the early 1760s, the progress of the Church of England in New England was beginning to look like a success story rather than one with in-built failure.
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Beech, George. "England and Aquitaine in the century before the Norman Conquest." Anglo-Saxon England 19 (December 1990): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100001617.
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A commonplace among English historians today is the importance of English ties with Aquitaine during the later Middle Ages. For some three centuries, historical events came to link the destinies of these two countries and peoples who otherwise differed strikingly in economy, language and culture in general, with lasting consequences for both. It has long been taken for granted by both English and French historians that this association came about abruptly in the 1150s as a result of the ascent to the English throne of Henry of Anjou who, through his marriage to Eleanor, heiress of the duchy of Aquitaine, became the sovereign of that enormous territorial principality. Till the present no one has suspected that any significant ties existed between the Anglo-Saxons and Aquitanians prior to that time. To be sure, the Anglo-Saxons had been in contact with the late Carolingian kings in the tenth century and with the Normans in the eleventh, but those were purely northern French phenomena. So too were the important Anglo-Saxon relations with the monks of Fleury-sur-Loire in the later tenth and early eleventh centuries, but these were not known to have had any repercussions in Aquitaine far to the south.
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Hammond, Geordan. "The Revival of Practical Christianity: the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, Samuel Wesley, and the Clerical Society Movement." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 116–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003521.
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Reflecting on the early endeavours of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) following its establishment in 1699, John Chamberlayne, the Society’s secretary, confidently noted the ‘greater spirit of zeal and better face of Religion already visible throughout the Nation’. Although Chamberlayne clearly uses the language of revival, through the nineteenth century, many historians of the Evangelical Revival in Britain saw it as a ‘new’ movement arising in the 1730s with the advent of the evangelical preaching of the early Methodists, Welsh and English. Nineteenth-century historians often confidently propagated the belief that they lived in an age inherently superior to the unreformed eighteenth century. The view that the Church of England from the Restoration to the Evangelical Revival was dominated by Latitudinarian moralism leading to dead and formal religion has recently been challenged but was a regular feature of Victorian scholarship that has persisted in some recent work. The traditional tendency to highlight the perceived dichotomy between mainstream Anglicanism and the Revival has served to obscure areas of continuity such as the fact that Whitefield and the Wesleys intentionally addressed much of their early evangelistic preaching to like-minded brethren in pre-existing networks of Anglican religious societies and that Methodism thrived as a voluntary religious society. Scores of historians have refuted the Victorian propensity to assert the Revival’s independence from the Church of England.
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Mikhailova, Yu Yu. "The Society of Dilettanti and its impact on the spread of art knowledge in 18th century England." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg State University of Culture, no. 4 (45) (December 2020): 163–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.30725/2619-0303-2020-4-163-167.
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Discussions about dilettantes, virtuosos and antiquaries of the 18th century were based on the modern understanding of such professions as a historian, archaeologist, art critic. As many British historians have shown, traits associated with professionals in these areas of the 19th and 20th centuries were usually absent in the 16th and 17th centuries. To regard the dilettantes and virtuosos of the eighteenth century as amateurs is an anachronism. These people were for the most part well-educated, dedicated to the study and collecting of art. Along with a narrow view of this movement, it should be noted that dilettantes represented a certain social stratum in high English society, which had a significant impact on the process of mutual influence of science and education. Contemporaries believed that art played a vital role in the improvement of society, and amateurs had an important influence on the dissemination of knowledge.
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Cline, Catherine Ann. "British Historians and the Treaty of Versailles." Albion 20, no. 1 (1988): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049797.
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Students of inter-war foreign relations have long recognized the role played by the British public's disapproval of the Treaty of Versailles in the burgeoning of the appeasement policy of the 1930's. The peace settlement, once generally viewed as “stern but just,” came to be perceived by all political parties and by the public at large as unduly harsh and punitive in its treatment of Germany. Hitler's rearmament of the Fatherland, the remilitarization of the Rhineland, the Anschluss with Austria, and the occupation of the Sudetenland were all significant attacks on the Versailles system which most groups in Britain had come to consider unworthy of defense.The influences which brought the Treaty into disrepute were various. For one thing, the deterioration of Anglo-French relations tended to foster an increasingly sympathetic attitude towards Germany. Then, too, the problems of the British economy led to an awareness that the stability of Britain's former trading partner in Central Europe was essential to her own prosperity and to a corresponding desire to soften those features of the peace settlement which might be impeding German recovery. In addition, John Maynard Keynes' brilliant polemic, The Economic Consequences of the Peace (1919), not only made the case that the reparation clauses were unfair and impossible of fulfillment, but, with its withering portraits of the peacemakers, also tended to undermine respect for the Treaty as a whole. Finally, criticisms of various aspects of the peace settlement by elite groups ranging from bankers to bishops of the Church of England contributed heavily to the public's increasingly negative perception of the entire Treaty.
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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "Understanding the Essex Junto: Fear, Dissent, and Propaganda in the Early Republic." New England Quarterly 88, no. 4 (December 2015): 623–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00493.
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Historians have never formed a consensus over the Essex Junto. In fact, though often associated with New England Federalists, propagandists evoked the Junto long after the Federalist Party’s demise in 1824. This article chronicles uses of the term Essex Junto and its significance as it evolved from the early republic through the 1840s.