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1

Lopes, Crane L. "Historical Institutionalism and Defense Public Procurement: The Case of Other Transactions Agreements." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/85507.

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Since the 1980s, private sector spending on Research and Development (RandD) has outpaced federal RandD spending. For example, while the Department of Defense (DoD) spent $64 billion on RandD in fiscal year 2015, the private sector spent $260 billion. DoD relies on the private sector to develop advanced technologies for defense requirements. However, some innovative businesses are hesitant to work with DoD because of the perceived bureaucracy of the DoD procurement system. Recognizing this problem, in 1989, Congress created a new type of non-procurement agreement for DoD called Other Transactions Agreements (OTs). OTs are excluded from most laws and regulations that govern traditional procurement agreements. OTs can be written to meet the needs of the parties and the project, enabling agreements that resemble commercial contracting. Congress has expanded OT authority, and DoD has issued OT guidance to its employees. But DoD has not used OTs as widely as expected. This is puzzling because commentators find OTs are helpful to DoD and the private sector in reducing the legal and regulatory compliance costs associated with the DoD procurement system. Using qualitative methods, and drawing on the OT and historical institutionalism literature, this study explores institutional factors that may explain why DoD has not more widely used OTs. The study relied on interviews with DoD employees and contractors. OT case studies were used to triangulate the interview findings. Potential causal mechanisms are identified to support future research of the DoD OT program using causal process tracing. The study findings are used to offer policy recommendations to support the wider use of OTs by DoD.
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Some innovative businesses are reluctant to work with the Department of Defense (DoD) due to the perceived bureaucracy of the DoD procurement system. Recognizing this problem, in 1989, Congress created a new type of non-procurement agreement for DoD called Other Transactions Agreements (OTs). Unlike traditional procurement agreements, OTs are excluded from many of the laws and regulations that reportedly deter the private sector from doing business with DoD. OTs enable agreements that more closely resemble commercial contracting. The terms and conditions of the OT can be written to meet the needs of the parties and the OT project. Thus, OTs are a flexible tool to help attract innovative businesses that would not otherwise work for DoD under traditional procurement agreements. Congress has expanded OT authority to encourage DoD to use OTs more widely. DoD has issued guidance to help its employees negotiate and administer OTs. But DoD has not used OTs as much as expected. This is puzzling because procurement and policy experts find that OTs are helpful to DoD and the private sector in reducing the legal and regulatory compliance costs often associated with the DoD procurement system. This study explores institutional and other factors that may help explain why DoD has not more widely used OTs. The study relied on interviews with DoD employees and contractors. OT case studies were used to corroborate the interview findings. The study findings are used to offer policy recommendations to support the wider use of OTs by DoD.
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2

Chou, M. H. "Historical institutionalism and the evolution of European Union's asylum and immigration acquis (1992-2004)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.597645.

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This thesis examines the evolution of European Union (EU) migration and asylum policy cooperation from 1992 to 2004. Using an analytical framework derived from the main tenets and recent applications of historical institutionalism, it identifies the sources of pressures that contributed to the decisions by the European heads of state and government to engage in and advance external migration regulation within an institutional setting that is itself an instance of the transformation of the modern state, the factors that determined which decision-making procedures were to be used for the cooperation, and the efficacy of the asylum and migration measures adopted vis-à-vis declared objectives. Three arguments are advanced. First, the historical context shapes the preferences of the member states for European cooperation in asylum and migration by containing a specific set of political, economic and social conditions. These conditions are sources of external pressure for change; they become pressures for change when they affect national and supranational governance. The responses from the member states to these diverse conditions in turn inform their decisions through a specification of desired objectives for European asylum and migration cooperation. Second, the institutional context impacts upon the strategies of EU member states and the central institutions by providing the formal rules which act as the ‘source’ of expected behaviour and contributes to ‘modifying’ expected behaviour. As the source of expected behaviour, the institutional context is the frame of reference – it affects the political actors’ strategies by explicitly specifying their assigned tasks and obligations whilst outlining consequences of non-compliance. As the structure within which interactions occur, the institutional context contributes to ‘modifying’ expected behaviour and affects the political actors’ strategies by re-calibrating their power differential relative to one another. The European institutional framework is a significant source of endogenous pressures for change. Third, European asylum and migration cooperation is constantly and incrementally changing as the result of endogenous factors and exogenous shocks speed up this change process when there is no convergence between the two sets of pressure.
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Tompkins, Juliet. "The Evolution of the U.S.-Japan Alliance, 1951-2006 Historical Institutionalism and Political Leadership." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.495674.

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4

Luk, Ching Yuen. "Health insurance reform in Shanghai and Hong Kong : using the lens of historical institutionalism." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2013. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4011/.

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Since the mid-1980s, both Shanghai and Hong Kong have implemented health insurance reform to contain healthcare costs. But the reform result in these two places represents polar extremes. While Shanghai witnessed a revolution in healthcare financing in 2000, Hong Kong remains status quo on healthcare financing. Using the theory of historical institutionalism, this study examines how the complex interplay of forces affects health insurance reform implementation in these two places. It finds that Shanghai succeeded in implementing health insurance reform because of contextual influences, ideological shift, policy feedback, the authoritative political institutions, the dominance of key bureaucratic stakeholders in health insurance reform process, the endorsement of new ideas, and the decentralization power given to local governments. On the other hand, it finds that Hong Kong failed to implement any health insurance reforms in 1993 because of a more democratic political system, policy feedback, the persistence of old ideas, and a robust economy. Besides, it finds that the government failed to implement healthcare financing reforms in 1999 and 2000 because of a disjointed political system, difficult economic circumstances, the new idea lacking public acceptance, policy feedback, and the institutionalization of old ideas.
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Covary, Theodore. "A Historical Institutionalist Analysis of the Evolution of South Africa's Municipal Electricity Sector within the Broader Electricity Supply Industry." Doctoral thesis, Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32214.

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This study has been partly inspired by the fact that historical narratives on the evolution of the South African Electricity Supply Industry (ESI), have for the most part focused on the national vertically integrated utility, Eskom; with far less attention being paid to the role that the municipal electricity undertakings (MEU's) have, and continue to, play. Indeed, this is somewhat surprising if one considers that MEU's began operating more than 20 years before Eskom's 1923 formation; and perhaps this lack of focus on MEU's is compounded by Eskom's operational crisis from 2006 (threatening its ongoing viability), which has overshadowed the perilous situation that MEU's have found themselves in. The research thus has two objectives. The first is to provide a detailed historical account of the role of MEU's and their contribution to the country's ESI from their genesis; while demonstrating the linkages between Eskom, MEU's and the three tiers of government. The second then examines how from the formation of the Union (1910), two fundamental but diametrically opposing objectives continue to prevail: 1) An over-burdened, financially ‘self-sufficient', local government, whose limited scope to collect revenue means electricity surpluses must be maximised to cross-subsidise its operations; and, 2) A vertically integrated utility, mandated to generate electricity at the lowest unit price, so as to provide the energy intensive economy with a competitive advantage. These contradictions, which have endured for many decades, reached fever pitch in the last 20 years, contributing significantly to the demise of ESI reforms initiated in 2000 and abandoned in 2010. Simultaneously, they have worsened the crisis of local government, which is constitutionally mandated to deliver basic services to its constituents, whose failure to do so, in many instances now threatens national government legitimacy at the most fundamental level. Within this context, the research, (based on the premise that history and institutions matter), employs the theoretical framework of new institutionalism, as applied through the lens of historical institutionalism (HI). Here, application of HI's core tenets revolves around identifying and explaining the critical junctures which create path dependency and institutional lock-in, while also accounting for incremental change which undoubtedly exists over a 120-year period. However, the unjust social and economic history of the country, where political decisions (pre and post-apartheid) have had a disproportional impact on state entities, requires closer scrutiny. For this, a detailed conceptual framework is employed to disentangle the complex relationship that has developed between the three tiers of government and their respective interacting powers. Ultimately, in delivering a detailed historiography of municipal electricity supply, the research posits that the ESI requires deeper fundamental reform than envisaged in 2000; and that most importantly, this must take cognisance of the extent to which MEU's are embedded within local government. This, the research believes, will increase the likelihood of local government participation and acceptance; perhaps pointing to an as yet unexplored path forward out of the South African ESI's current quandary.
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Leubolt, Bernhard. "History, institutions, and selectivities in historical-materialist policy analysis: A sympathetic critique of Brand's State, context and Correspondence." Österreichische Gesellschaft für Politikwissenschaft (ÖGPW), 2014. http://epub.wu.ac.at/4870/1/Leubolt_2014_OZP_History%2Dinstitutions%2Dand%2Dselectivities.pdf.

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This contribution shares Ulrich Brand's reliance on critical theories of the state and hegemony. Based on three points of criti-cism, the author argues for a better elaboration of the context of policy making. First, he proposes to consider a broader range of theoretical currents than the interpretive accounts introduced by Brand: (1) A strategic-relational interpretation of historical institutionalism will be introduced, (2) featuring the concept of "periodisation" for a systematic understanding of historically evolving structures. In addition to the introduction of a broader range of theoretical currents, (3) Brand's proposed concept of "selectivities" will be further refined and specified to be better able to grasp the workings of the "institutional condensation of the correlation of forces" in the policy cycle. The proposed conceptualisation of historical-materialist policy analysis will be exemplified by a short stylised example of research on equalityoriented policies in South Africa. (author's abstract)
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Brassard-Dion, Nikola. "The Small Worlds of Multiculturalism: Tracing Gradual Policy Change in the Australian and Canadian Federations." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/41197.

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Competing narratives on the “rise and fall of multiculturalism” (Kymlicka 2010) confuse our understanding of the evolution of multiculturalism policy, particularly in the case of federations like Canada and Australia. Part of the issue is the sharp separation between stability and change and prevailing focus on national multiculturalism policies. This overlooks important and simultaneous developments in the constituent units of these two federations. We therefore ask how and why have multiculturalism policies changed in the constituent units of Australia and Canada? First, we argue that amid a noticeable decline in support for multiculturalism on the part of the central government in both countries, constituent unit governments have become a crucial source of multiculturalism policy development in Australia and Canada. Because many of the economic, labour, civil rights and social policy challenges involve state/provincial or shared responsibilities, multiculturalism policies are developed and implemented in large part by constituent units. Thus, we cannot comment on multiculturalism policies in federations without paying attention to the experiences and contributions of constituent units. Second, we argue this process of multiculturalism policy change can be conceptualized along four modes of gradual institutional change referred to as policy drift, layering, displacement, and conversion. These incremental modes of policy change are the result of a distinct combination of contextual, structural, and agency-based factors. More precisely, (1) a shift in the socio-political context marks the opening of a critical juncture as new ideas and demands for reform emerge; (2) institutional rules with separate compliance and enforcement standards structure reform pathways; and (3) the relationship between policy and political entrepreneurship activates the causal mechanisms that consolidate the separate modes of gradual institutional change. The dissertation therefore offers a more complete theoretical explanation of the processes of institutional change, their ideational influences and causal mechanisms through fresh empirical observation. Building on Mahoney and Thelen’s (2010) theory on gradual institutional change, the dissertation applies a process-tracing method over the period 1989 to 2019 to four case studies: Nova Scotia, South Australia, New South Wales, and British Columbia. In sum, generating inquiry that looks beyond national policies allows us to capture concurrent processes happening within and across State/provincial boundaries, which in turn shape their shared citizenship.
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Lawrence, Phillip Wayne. "Agathokakological Ecological Modernisation of the Indonesian Forestry, Pulp and Paper Industry." Thesis, University of Sydney, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/22918.

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The significant amount of natural forest destruction in Indonesia began when General Suharto assumed control in 1966. Over the following 32 years, Suharto deliberately manipulated and controlled weak institutions throughout his leadership. The Chinese merchant class were crucial to Suharto’s strategy. Central to his strategy was a select number of ambitious business-focused Chinese merchants who would become fabulously wealthy under his leadership. The businessmen would go on to own substantial forestry, pulp and paper businesses, some of the largest in the world in their product categories. Historical institutionalism and process tracing are used in the thesis to explore the role of the Chinese forestry, pulp and paper oligarchs. Ecological modernisation theory has been used to explore the changes that have occurred in the forestry, pulp and paper sector. Other scholars saw little chance the companies in the sector would become environmentally sustainable. However, the historic political upheaval at the end of last century enabled firms in the sector to rapidly establish vast areas of monoculture plantations. The thesis describes that a reduction in environmental transgression should not be interpreted as sustainability. The research reveals that the history of ecological damage by the Indonesian forestry, pulp, and paper sector has a multi-faceted antecedence, steeped in institutional persistence and interactions. The study extends the knowledge of ecological modernisation to describe how intentional environmental destruction en route to sustainability is bittersweet, in the worst interpretation, an agathokakological version of the theory, both good and bad.
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9

Mohamad, Yusof Nor Zalina binti. "Bumiputera institution and the development of corporate governance in Malaysia." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/bumiputera-institution-and-the-development-of-corporate-governance-in-malaysia(63bd9ae8-23f4-4b52-8cd9-d7c6c15cf262).html.

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Realizing the limitations of economic theories in explaining corporate governance practices, this thesis adopts an institutional approach in its attempt to understand how such issues are shaped by larger institutional contexts. Malaysia is used as a case study; and accordingly the influence of a dominant institution of Bumiputera (sons of the soil) on corporate governance practices is investigated. The thesis focuses on the emergence, institutionalization impact, and change of the Bumiputera institution; and how corporate governance practices are influenced in each stage. As a lens for analysis, this thesis integrates sociological and historical paradigms of the new institutionalisms, and extends Beckert’s (2010) framework to include the role of power as advanced by Steven Lukes (1974, 2005). This extended framework is useful in explaining how the reciprocal influence of the Bumiputera institution, social networks, cognition, and power affect the behaviour of corporate governance actors. The analysis shows that, following the commitment by the state towards Bumiputera, the Malays’ equity ownership has seen a progressive increase, although it failed to meet the specified target of 30%. Malays’ representation on corporate boards also increased. The commitment has also led to a strong state presence in the economy, through its involvement in the Government Linked Companies, established to pursue Bumiputera’s objectives. However, unintended consequences have arisen affecting both ownership and appointment. The analysis also shows that, while board appointment is largely based on social networks, the existence of the Bumiputera institution means that ethnicity matters. Appointment could be for political or legitimacy reasons. Heightened by liberalisation moves, both Bumiputera and corporate governance institutions are subject to change. However, this refers only to the regulative aspects of the institutions, which are more susceptible to change compared to their informal elements. The state’s commitment towards Bumiputera remains. This study contributes to corporate governance literature by providing evidence on how corporate governance institutions are influenced by the larger social-political and institutional context vis-à-vis the emerging economy. This study shows that: firstly, corporate governance practices are shaped by history and political contexts; hence, understanding history would enhance the understanding of corporate governance. Secondly, ownership structure and the board of directors are not just mechanisms of corporate governance; rather, they are also channels through which larger objectives, including social objectives, are being pursued. Finally, this institution of corporate governance is not driven by functional needs of capital providers, but is shaped by powerful actors. Corporate governance practices are not intended just for resolving a particular agency problem, but are a mode of response to a particular historical incident that developed in postcolonial Malaysia.
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Canecky, Marek. "Reforming the European Commission: A historical institutionalist approach : Why has the reform of the Commission been difficult?" Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-5510.

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The reform of the European Commission has been on the EU agenda for more than three decades. The attempts to introduce an overhaul of the Commission’s institutional structure has been motivated predominantly by the fact that the efficiency of the functioning of the European Commission has been in decline. Despite the striking need to restore the Commission's efficiency, which has become even more urgent in the last decade, the attempts to improve its modus operandi have been marked by many obstacles, difficulties and delays.

This thesis aims to analyze and explain why the process of reforming the European Commission has been so problematic. In order to achieve this goal, the theoretical framework of historical institutionalism has been utilized. More precisely, we mainly build on the work of Paul Pierson, whose concepts help us understand the reasons behind the failure of a number of reform plans regarding the Commission and clarify why the institutional structure of the European Commission is characterized by a high degree of stability.

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Rodriguez, de Tembleque Garcia Sandra M. "A case Study of Cooperation between Municipalities in the Miño River (The Area of the Spanish-Portuguese Border)." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-1781.

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The aim of this case study is to analyse cooperation mainly in issues related to water management in the area along the Miño river. The study focuses on the Spanish municipalities that limit with the river and that are in the border area with Portugal. There was a key issue which was discovered during the reading and analysis of data, a change of no cooperation to cooperation on the Spanish-Portuguese border. There was previously a political culture of no cooperation among the autonomous regions in Spain, which could have affected cooperation with the region of north Portugal. The fact the both countries have different administrative cultures could also impede cooperation. Nevertheless cooperation seems to have developed and in order to study this phenomenon the researcher uses a qualitative method and relies on a choice of institutional theories. This research studies how institutions affect cooperation in this particular case. The theories will analyse the impact of political institutions and the relation between institutions and individuals. They also help to identify how human behaviour affects processes and events.

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Vellis, Evan. "Is the Internet a converged space? : a historical institutionalist approach to studying the American and British media systems." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2018. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/is-the-internet-a-converged-space-a-historical-institutionalist-approach-to-studying-the-american-and-british-media-systems(b4e93e1d-c092-471c-935d-ce1de7056a87).html.

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In the last twenty years, the way in which individuals consume news about politics has changed. As the internet becomes increasingly accessible, convenient, and inexpensive, more consumers than ever before choose to get their news online. As this migration continues, an understanding of online news consumption becomes increasingly important to the study of media systems. There are several ways in which the internet can be truly transformative - this thesis investigates some of these claims as they pertain to the comparative study of media systems. The primary dimension of analysis presented here investigates the internet's role in facilitating the homogenisation, or convergence of domestic media systems. Using a historical institutionalist approach, this thesis examines internet news in the United States and the United Kingdom, two cases at the centre of this debate. To adequately reflect the diversity present in online news consumption, this project uses a dataset comprised of news stories about two national election campaigns accessed via search engines, news aggregators, and social media. The analysis presented here demonstrates the complexity of the online news environment, highlighting key areas like source distribution and regional news content where path dependency has persisted despite the transition to online news, and those areas such as regional news sources where distinguishing between the two cases is more difficult. Where this is the case, the thesis explores alternative the explanations of Americanisation and technological determinism. Variance between Google, News360, and NewsWhip data collected for this thesis demonstrates how the way in which consumers get their news influences how converged or path dependent the media system appears.
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Petersson, Kristin. "Svensk och Finsk jordbrukspolitik, en kalvdans i otakt : – en komparativ teoriprövande fallstudie baserad på historisk institutionalism gällande de jordbrukspolitiska målsättningarna mellan åren 1995-2015." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-60622.

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This study aims at examine why the agricultural policy in Sweden and Finland has turned out different, despite the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). The study is a compare case study where Sweden and Finland are used to draw general conclusions. The question asked to pursue the aim are; what kind of agricultural goals did Sweden and Finland negotiate for during the membership-process to the European Union (EU), what kind of agricultural goals did the both states negotiate for during the reform of CAP 2003 and 2015, are their differences in the national regulations that can explain the actual development and can the agricultural policy today be seen as a result from the goals during the membership-process? In this study an analytical model is created and used to analyze the aim, the model is based on the theory of historical institutionalism to describe the general development and it’s also applied in the empirical analysis. The empirical material consists of books, articles and primary document etc. One general conclusion asserts that the actual development in the agricultural policy can be traced back in the historic context. In Sweden’s case the process can be connected to the agricultural deregulation that took place before the membership. In Finland’s case the development can be associated with the overproduction during the 1960-1970 and its goals with a high level of self-sufficiency. Another conclusion affirms that the national regulation where Sweden and Finland has had the opportunity to shape their own regulations and structures is one of several explanations to the aim.
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Hautefeuille, Saya. "The Transformation of National Identity in Germany: The Role of Political Parties." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/37818.

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This thesis examines how national identities change and evolve through time. In that sense, it joins other studies that have studied the mechanisms for changes in national identities. While some authors have tended to focus on state structure, institutional changes (i.e. the creation of federal institutions that encourage regional identities) or belief systems, this study argues that political parties play an important role on national identity formulation. Essentially, this study will establish the argument that political parties have an impact on the direction of national identity. Using HI it will illustrate that the institutional framework in which political parties operate affects the direction that they will push national identity towards. Indeed, political actors have a vision for national identity and they will articulate and redefine how national identity is conceptualized but not freely. Rather, how institutions guide actors, preferences and ideas is central to understanding why national identity takes the form and direction that it does. Using the case study of Germany (1949-1969), it will demonstrate that the CDU sought to define German national identity as one based on Christian weltanschauung, integration with the west (westbindung) and social market economy (sozialen Marktwirtschaft) and that with each notion the influence of the Basic Law and previous political institutions could be felt as emphasis would be put on how each concept was related to “freedom”, “individual rights” and “democracy”.
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Gröjer, Anette. "Den utvärdera(n)de staten : Utvärderingens institutionalisering på den högre utbildningens område." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Political Science, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-243.

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In recent years evaluation has become a very important element in the public administration. The Swedish state administration to a significant extent both evaluates and is evaluated. This means that the evaluating state is at the same time the evaluated state. In this dissertation the institutionalization of evaluation is studied in a field within which this development has been particularly lively and interesting, namely the field of higher education. The dissertation focuses on evaluation activity that has been carried out in conjunction with central public authorities within higher education: the Office of the Chancellor of the Universities and Colleges in Sweden, the National Swedish Board of Universities and Colleges, and the Office of the University Chancellor, and encompasses the period 1964-1995.

A newly revived research tradition within political science – historical institutionalism – is used as a perspective and a methodology. Since the application of this tradition has not yet been fully tested, another purpose is to examine the practical utility of this analytical tool and the kind of knowledge that it produces. The dissertation thereby combines the fields of education policy, evaluation research and institutional theory.

The beginning of the institution has been dated to the end of the 1960s and beginning of the 1970s. In the dissertation the forces behind the initiation of the institution are taken up. Events and developments in the field that have influenced the further development of the institution have been identified and analyzed. Developments reveal that the institution has been stable during the entire period of time under study, despite some changes.

The use of historical institutionalism as a perspective and methodology has proven satisfactory on a general level. However, special solutions have been required as problems and ambiguities have arisen. The dissertation concludes with reflections on the practical utility of historical institutionalism in political science research.

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Munoz, Marcia. "The interplay between institutions : A feminist institutional perspective on the parental leave policy in Chile." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-264367.

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This paper aims to explain how the interplay between formal and informal institutions affects the potentially gendered outcomes of political reforms. The case of the Chilean parental leave reform of 2011 is used as an example of a political reform addressing gender equality. Within the framework of historical institutionalism analysis of formal and informal institutions are made separately to proceed to merge the two and discuss how they interact with each other and affect the outcomes of the reform. The formal institution is studied by analyzing the construction of the reform itself and the informal institutions are studied by analyzing interviews with parents making use of this reform.                       The results of this research show that both formal and informal institutions follow a historical pattern of social norms placing the responsibility of childcare on mothers. Formal institutions seems to follow a certain path dependency in the way they are created and informal institutions affect and counteract the small possibilities to change given by the formal institution. Possible indications of critical junctures challenging this path dependency were however found and show a potential period of significant adjustment in informal institutions and the reform might be seen as an example of change.
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Cartwright, Madison Karl. "State, market, and corporate power in the international political economy: The case of copyright standard setting by the united states, 1980 to today." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/19835.

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Intellectual property, including copyright specifically, has been a cornerstone of the United States’ (US) international trade policy over the past three decades at the bilateral, regional and multilateral level. Meanwhile, the past three decades has also been a period of intense disruption of copyright law due to the emergence of new technology. This includes home-taping devices, the internet and online file-sharing services. In response, the US’s domestic laws on copyright have also changed dramatically during this time. Applying a historical institutionalist analysis, this thesis examines how processes of domestic institutional change on copyright influenced, and were influenced, by the US’s international trade agenda. In particular, it analyses how the emergence of new technology changes the balance of power between local commercial interests and their preferences, and the impact this has on state preferences in international negotiations. However, the thesis does not limit its analysis to copyright owning interests such as film studios and software publishers. It also includes the commercial interests behind these new technologies themselves. Additionally, the thesis does not accept that the discursive strategies of these interests were pivotal in making copyright a major trade priority, or that they determine state preferences through institutional capture of the US’s trade negotiator’s office. Instead, the thesis argues that it is the confluence of commercial interests and state interests, particular on economic nationalist and security grounds, which has determined the international negotiating agenda of the US. As a result, the US international copyright standard setting efforts have been determined by a combination of the state’s economic nationalist and security interests, and how these align with those of local commercial constituents. US preferences have thus evolved with changes in these state and commercial interests due to new technology, and shifting power asymmetries in the international political economy. This approach is referred to as ‘embedded nationalism’.
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Dilling, Matthias. "Organizational choices and organizational adaptability in political parties : the case of Western European Christian democracy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8e6a932c-ca78-4520-8458-b67608c917f7.

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While political parties in Europe are incredibly adaptable organizations, they have varied in the extent to which they are able to adapt to social and political transformations. I explain parties' adaptability in two steps. 1) Adaptability depends on factionalism in a nonlinear way. Giving too much room and no room at all to factions undermines a party's ability to adapt. 2) Factionalism depends on early organizational characteristics. The more centralized the initially introduced leadership selection process is, the more party elites will be incentivized to form factions. This argument applies to political parties that allow for internal competition and elect their leaders according to formal rules. I use statistical tools, a medium- and small-N analysis and systematic process tracing to test my framework against competing explanations. I focus on Christian democracy to use a most-similar system design. The main empirical part of the thesis relies on a structured focused comparison of the Italian DC, Austrian ÖVP and German CDU. It is guided by a nested analysis and builds on a large amount of primary data which has not been analyzed before. I test my theory on the additional cases of the Portuguese, Dutch and Luxembourgian Christian Democrats and the French MRP. My main finding is that early organizational choices matter. The initial form the leadership selection process takes has a decisive impact on the incentives of intra-party actors to form factions. The initial level of factionalism becomes deeply entrenched in the party's organization and internal code of practice. This explains why party elites are unlikely to change it when they realize that their party's level of factionalism undermines its adaptability. Moving beyond the focus of path dependence on a single level has thus important implications for the literature on party politics, factionalism, party organizations and institutional development.
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Olsson, Lovisa. "Vägen mot en avvecklad jämställdhetspolitik i EU? : En fallstudie av EU:s jämställdhetsstrategier mellan 2006-2019 med historisk institutionalism." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-80202.

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This study is a case study that observes the development of equality strategies in the European Union. After the former strategy for equality ended in 2015 there has been expectations that the European Commission would present a new strategy for equality. Therefore, the new strategy for equality was a disappointment for several actors and institutions of the European Union. The new strategy for equality is a work document and has a lower status in comparison with former strategies for equality in the EU. As a result, several actors and institutions are worried about the development of equality without a complete strategy.   To examine the development of strategies for equality in the EU historical institutionalism and a process called historic process tracing is used in this case study. The current strategy for equality 2016-2019 is going to be compared to the former strategies for 2006-2010 and 2010-2015. Are there any indications that the new work document represents a critical juncture or is it the result of path dependency and the way that EU equality strategies follows? To observe this case Hall and Taylors´ four distinct features of historical institutionalism has been the theoretical vantage point in this study.   To summarize the results of this study there has not been many substantial changes between the different equality strategies. However, changes has been identified through the way the commission presents their strategies. The new strategy for equality has also been criticised for the way the Commission has presented the document.  There are signs of a conflict in the union where different institutions rely on different patterns and structures. While the Commission presents a work document other actors and institutions in the EU are currently debating for a concise and formal strategy.
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Chapman, Pippa. "Policy stability in a time of turbulence : the case of elite sport policy in England/the UK." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2014. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/16219.

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The research analyses stability and change in the English/British elite sport policy landscape in the period 2005 to early 2014. In the context of a recession and change of government, the policy environment could be described as turbulent and cuts to public funding and commitment to deregulation have been key features of the overarching policy landscape. There was an assumption that elite sport would not be immune from the policy turbulence. The policy landscape is described as consisting of three elements: organisations, public funding and political salience. The original contribution of the thesis is threefold: first, in relation to the empirical study of the relative impact of the political and economic turbulence on the elite sport system; second, in the application of institutional theory and punctuated equilibrium theory to the analysis of elite sport policy; and third, the application of theory to explain the extent of stability uncovered through the empirical research. The research used a case study approach. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 20 senior officials from sport in England/the UK from both sport-specific NGBs and organisations with wider, national remits for elite sport and incorporating both government and non-government organisations. Due to the sample of interviewees, the nuances of elite interviewing were an important consideration for the researcher. A document analysis study was also carried out. Through the existing literature and the data gathered, three cases emerged and were examined in depth: youth talent search and development; nurturing and transferring talent; and sustaining world class athletes. Thematic analysis was used to examine the data. The data revealed that the policy landscape was, for the most part, stable in the period studied. There were changes to the intensity of financial and political support and refinements of policy objectives, especially due to the hosting of the London 2012 Olympic and Paralympic Games, but the overall policy aims remained consistent. The reasons identified for this stability were as follows: the absence of an alternative, critical lobby; strong leadership in the sector; and the hosting of the London 2012 Games. The long-term impact of Labour s Modernisation agenda was found to have contributed to the stable governance of elite sport, which includes a structure for decision-making and accountability around funding of NGBs by UK Sport. Historical Institutionalism was found to offer the most useful meso-level framework for analysis of the data and clear critical junctures and path formation phases could be identified.
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Stenmark, Hedvig. "Gender segregation in the Swedish labour market : Historical, Sociological and Rational Choice institutionalism as tools for understanding inequality and why it still exists." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-64480.

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There is a wide spread discrimination between the genders at the Swedish labour market. Women get lower wages, their skills are undervalued compared to men, it is harder for women to advance, they are more likely to involuntary do part time jobs and they usually end up in the least qualified and stimulating jobs. The governmental policy seems affectless and companies are unable or unwilling to change. Historical, sociological and rational choice institutionalism can offer an explanation to the problem. The segregation has historical roots that go back to the early days of industrialisation when women entered the labour market with working conditions that were worse than men‟s. Because of the conservatory character of institutions, the perceptions of the genders have been reproduced until today. The conclusion is that what the government does is less important than the fact that it does anything since the institutions are working to conserve the current order.
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Noh, Abdillah. "Small steps, large outcome : a historical institutional analysis of Malaysia's political economy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:83f3bb17-bb49-43bc-baa6-7620730159f1.

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The research attempts to explain the character of Malaysia’s political economy. By adopting a historical institutional analysis it explains that British colonial administration persistently made rational choices within a short-term horizon that encouraged the growth of two autonomous groups – Malays and Chinese - whose political, economic and social organisation, at the point of Malaya’s independence in 1957, had made it inevitable for them to embark on some form of consociational arrangement. British policies engendered two processes; first, a less-than-full incorporation of Chinese as new actors in Malaya’s political economy and second, a less-than-full retrenchment of Malay political dominance by preserving Malay de jure power. In sum, British decision to preserve Malay de jure power while at the same time incorporate Chinese economic and political presence created two communities with mutually exclusive institutions that increasingly competed for access to political and economic resources. The self-reinforcing nature of these exclusive institutions and the flux that came with the demands for Malaya’s independence made it necessary for these two communities to attempt various institutional options that could best reconcile exclusive institutions and negotiate competing political and economic demands. Three institutional options were tried: consociationalism, integration and partition. The research will explain that among the three, the path-dependent nature of Malaya’s political economy had necessitated a particular institutional logic, the consociational logic. Integration failed because attempts to establish common institutions and do away completely with longstanding mutually exclusive ones proved over-ambitious. Partition also did not materialise as it proved politically and financially costly. In sum, the research highlights Malaysia’s consociationalism as a product of small incremental policy steps which proved to be no less transformational in the long run that gives Malaysia’s political economy a quite different character than it had had at the start of British official rule in 1874.
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Örnerheim, Mattias. "Mellan kunskap och politik : Kvalitetssystem och offentlig kunskapsstyrning i hälso- och sjukvården." Doctoral thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-130924.

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Syftet med den här avhandlingen är att undersöka utvecklingen av kvalitetssystem i hälso- och sjukvården ur ett historiskt-institutionellt perspektiv utifrån fallstudier och konceptuella analyser. Särskilt analyseras implikationer av utvecklingen med avseende på relationen mellan den medicinska professionen och det politiskt administrativa systemet samt konsekvenser för den politiska styrningen av sjukvården. Studien visar att medicinska kvalitetssystem och därmed även den medicinska professionen bäddats in i den politiska styrningen i takt med att ambitionerna mot en offentlig kunskapsstyrning tilltagit. Den visar även att hälso- och sjukvårdens kvalitetsregister i olika faser av sin utveckling har påverkats av politiska ideologier, managementidéer och idéer om transparens. Öppna jämförelser som en oavsiktlig konsekvens av kvalitetsregisteranvändningen förstärker dessutom tendensen mot en offentlig kunskapsstyrning. Av studien framgår också att den offentliga kunskapsstyrningen utmanar föreställningen om demokratiidealet om upplyst förståelse. Den ökade fokuseringen på kunskapsstyrning inom hälso- och sjukvården gör det relevant att ställa frågan vem som styr vem i svensk hälso- och sjukvård, vilket i sig är en fråga om demokrati och legitimitet.
The aim with this thesis is to describe the quality development in Swedish healthcare from an institutional perspective, analyse implications of the development concerning the relationship between the medical profession and the public administrative system and discuss consequences for political direction and welfare organization. The study is based on four case studies and one conceptual analysis. The main conclusion is that the medical quality systems have been imbedded in the political management alongside the development towards a public knowledge management. The analysis has more specifically uncovered that quality registries in healthcare have been influenced by political ideologies, management ideas and ideas of transparency. It is also clear that open comparisons were an ‘unintended consequence’ of the quality registry development that has enhanced the development towards a public knowledge management. The analysis also shows that public knowledge management challenges the ideal of democratic enlightened understanding. The development of public knowledge management in the healthcare sector raises the question of who is governing whom in Swedish healthcare.
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Jansson, Martin. "An atomic adventure : A case study of the history of the Swedish nuclear policy using the theories of historical institutionalism and advocacy coalition framework." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för naturvetenskap, miljö och teknik, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-27981.

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A case study of the first 35 years, 1945 to 1980, of the Swedish nuclear institution. The purpose is to discover which actors that have shaped the Swedish nuclear institution. By using the theories of historical institutionalism and advocacy coalition framework I have analyzed these 35 years in three separate parts. Historical institutionalism puts emphasis on the creation of an institution, and so have I. The creation phase goes from 1945 to 1972. The following two parts are critical junctures that spans the years 1973-1978 and 1978-1980. The first critical juncture deals with the Centre Party's reversal in their opinion on nuclear power, the 1976 election and the outcome of that election. The third juncture starts with the Harrisburg accident and ends after the 1980 referendum. Using the advocacy coalition framework to analyze the actions or actors and coalitions during these three phases, I have come to the conclusion that the industry actors, those that have built the reactors, have been the most successful in pushing their coalition's agendas, over the years. Their influence was considerable during the years of institutional creation, while the coalitions that opposed nuclear power were quite weak during this time frame, which is consistent with historical institutionalism's focus on the creation, and path dependence.
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Lööf, Michaela. "Den framtida vägen för EU:s gemensamma jordbrukspolitik." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-16968.

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The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) in the European Union (EU) is one of the oldest fields of cooperation within the European Union. During the past decades the different Commissioners have made several proposals about changes in the CAP and many of them have not been passed but renegotiated. The present Commission has however published a report in 2011, which emphasizes that the CAP has three alternative ways to go in the future. This study aims to predict which one of these three alternative ways it is most likely that the CAP will take according to the historical institutionalist theory. When to be able to predict this text analysis is used. The analysis tools of the study are collected from the theory, which focuses on the conceptions: critical juncture, feedback effects, path dependency and sequencing. These tools as well as the theory are applied on the empirical material, which mainly consists of books about the earlier reforms and proposals from the Commission, academical journals and some reports. The analysis shows that the Luxembourg compromise can be seen as a critical juncture in the history of the CAP and this led to a path dependency, which is characterized by a decision-making procedure by consensus between the political institutions in the EU. The analysis also shows that most of the reforms regarding the CAP, are made with some sort of compromise or consensus (the Delors I budgetary package, the Mac Sharry reforms and so on). Therefore the conclusion of the study is that, from an historical institutionalist perspective, it is more or less possible for the CAP to go with any of the alternative ways that the Commission points out in the report. It is however most likely that the second way is the most prominent one. This is because that option emphasizes that major overhauls of the policy should be made, that the measures should be more targeted, and that the spending of the CAP should be more efficient. All of these changes have been made more or less during the history of the CAP and the institutional framework therefore allows this way.
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Park, Sooyoung. "The emergence of the merit-based bureaucracy and the formation of the developmental state : the case of South Korea in a historical perspective." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-emergence-of-the-meritbased-bureaucracy-and-the-formation-of-the-developmental-state-the-case-of-south-korea-in-a-historical-perspective(e0f811df-0429-47e4-8bc1-3b9d2596972b).html.

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This research has analyzed how the institutions of the merit-based bureaucratic system in the Korean Government changed from 1948 to 1963, applying the gradual institutional change theory of Mahoney and Thelen (2010). Though copious research has been produced on Korean economic development, little analysis has been made on the emergence of the Korean developmental state. This research aimed to fill in the analytical gap by examining how effective bureaucratic institutions was established in the Korean developmental state to draw out implications for the institutional change theory as well as the discussion on the developmental sate and state capacity. This research has found that the merit-based bureaucratic institutions of the Korean Government positively changed in a piecemeal approach from 1948 to 1963, though once disturbed from 1955 to 1959. Contrary to the existing literature, this research also has found that the institutional setting for the merit-based bureaucracy was set from the very beginning of the Syngman Rhee Administration; however, the selective implementation and enforcement of the rules in the Syngman Rhee period hindered the Weberian bureaucracy. This research has, therefore, drawn out that for positive institutional change, the role of the change agents is critical especially the vertical chain of reformative leadership and capable practitioners. The low level of opposition is beneficial for not only positive but also negative change. In the end, in the case of Korea, the initially ambiguous institutions provided the actors with considerable discretion to manipulate or misuse rules. As a result of the institutional reform the rules and regulations became detailed reducing the gap between what the rules say and how the rules are implemented. The empirical tests of this research have confirmed the basic assumptions of the gradual institutional change theory of Mahoney and Thelen (2010). Firstly, the empirical results have shown that the institutional change has more to do with a piecemeal internal process than to do with any external shock or event. Secondly, the gap between the existence and the enforcement of an institution has also been proved valid. Thirdly, the empirical tests have confirmed the influence of three change factors producing different types of change in the theory. Based on the empirical findings, this research has identified important implications for the institutional change theory with three key areas for improvement. The first is the validity of the three modes of change in the theory. The test has identified the need to address the different magnitudes of the three factors affecting change. This research has also identified the need to clarify the definition of gradualness and the concept of the change agents to solidify the theory. This research has also enriched the discussion on the developmental state and state capacity by identifying the limitations of the merit-based institution in different contexts. Based on the analysis, this research has drawn out four key lessons for developing countries and for the donors: the importance of the enforcement of rules; the synchronized reform coalition between committed leadership and competent practitioners; the importance of understanding local contexts; and the relationship between dictatorship and development. By analyzing the emergence of the bureaucratic institutions, this research has not only broadened our understanding of development and state capacity but also presented a practical policy solution to overcome the persistent state of incapacity in the developing countries today.
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Meyer, Michael, Clara Maria Moder, Michaela Neumayr, and Peter Vandor. "Civil Society and Its Institutional Context in CEE." Springer US, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-019-00106-7.

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Although civil societies in Central and Eastern Europe are often portrayed as similar, united by a shared communist past, they have developed along increasingly divergent trajectories over the past three decades. This article investigates the current state of civil society in the region and the role the institutional context plays in it. Drawing on historical institutionalism and the process of European integration, we classify the 14 countries under investigation into three distinct groups and analyze data from a survey of more than 350 local civil society experts. We find that, together with domestic governments, international donors and the EU are perceived as the most influential institutional actors for civil society organizations. Their respective influences, however, depend largely on a country's stage in the EU accession process. Overall, the study provides a differentiated mapping of civil society in this region and a better understanding of how the institutional context relates to a Country's civil society.
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Giandomenico, Jessica. "Transformative Power Challenged : EU Membership Conditionality in the Western Balkans Revisited." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-265548.

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The EU is assumed to have a strong top-down transformative power over the states applying for membership. But despite intensive research on the EU membership conditionality, the transformative power of the EU in itself has been left curiously understudied. This thesis seeks to change that, and suggests a model based on relational power to analyse and understand how the transformative power is seemingly weaker in the Western Balkans than in Central and Eastern Europe. This thesis shows that the transformative power of the EU is not static but changes over time, based on the relationship between the EU and the applicant states, rather than on power resources. This relationship is affected by a number of factors derived from both the EU itself and on factors in the applicant states. As the relationship changes over time, countries and even issues, the transformative power changes with it. The EU is caught in a path dependent like pattern, defined by both previous commitments and the built up foreign policy role as a normative power, and on the nature of the decision making procedures. This path dependent pattern prevents the EU from actively using its strongest tools when trying to influence and steer the applicant states regarding reforms and norm transfer, effectively weakening the transformative power. Evidence from elections in Albania and Macedonia show how the domestic electoral stakeholders actively can resist, and even prune, important norms and laws, on best electoral practice, a key feature for the democratic structures required for EU membership. It is also apparent how there are few domestic change agent strong enough to actively promote normative changes, leaving much of the work for the EU. The clientelistic structures of these countries are a key aspect in shaping interests and actions of the political elite. The result is that layers of old and new institutions are created, producing the mixed pattern of reforms observed all over the Western Balkans. By combining the findings at both the EU level and in the applicant states, this thesis makes both important empirical and theoretical contributions, challenging some core aspects of the Europeanisation literature.
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Martin, Natalie. "Structure, process and agency : the evolution of EU Turkey relations 1999-2004." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2012. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/10106.

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When Turkey became a candidate of the EU in 1999 it had been a problematic applicant for forty years due to residual unpopularity with several member states for cultural, economic, security and normative reasons. However, the Helsinki European Council heralded a change of fortunes for Ankara and by 2005 accession negotiations had opened. This happened in spite of Turkey remaining an unpopular candidate with some member states. Moreover, since 2005, Turkey s standing within the EU has returned to a position akin to its pre-1999 stasis. This thesis thus asks: why did Turkey make such progress between 1999 and 2004/5? What was the specific configuration of structures, processes and actions that enabled that to happen then but not before or after? The thesis approaches this puzzle using a stretched eclectic version of Historical Institutionalism which can incorporate the effects of both structure and agency. In this way it can include the influence of wider structural factors, such as CEEC enlargement, Cyprus and ESDP as well as the agency of Turkey s advocates within the EU. It is a detailed qualitative process-tracing study which uses semi-structured interviews and documentary evidence to make a case for a given explanation. It concludes that a path dependent process, influenced by both structure and agency, can be traced from the Helsinki European Council to that in Brussels five years later which rhetorically entrapped the member states into agreeing to open accession negotiations in spite of Turkey s underlying unpopularity. By adopting this framework for analysis, the thesis makes a contribution to the literature on the Turkey-EU accession process by viewing the time period as a whole and taking a temporal rather than a snapshot approach. In so doing it is possible to explain why and how Turkey was able to make such progress between 1999 and 2004. It is also valuable in the study of present Turkey-EU relations as the ultimate conclusion has to be that there was a unique window of opportunity for both Turkey and the EU during this time and the window may now have closed.
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Forslund, Hanna. "Klivet in på den svenska arbetsmarknaden : En policyanalys av Etableringsprogrammet 2018." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-179891.

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A hot topic in politics as well as in the political sciences is the topic of labour market integration. For newcomers the challenge of entering into the labour market is a staggering one. This can be showcased by the vast statistical difference in labour participation between newcomers and citizens. Another interesting aspect regarding labour market integration is inthe way that it is being governed. Both the political sphere and academia have shown an inclination to question the validity regarding New Public Management. This has started adebate regarding other ways of governmentality that is more suitable for the public sector. One of these is Public Value Management which emphasizes the goal of public value. The aim of this study is to perform a policy analysis of a government proposition as well as a planof action from the Swedish Employment Service. This was done by examining the problem representations as well as what was being left unproblematic. It also identified what type of governmentality is applied in the documents. The results revealed three problem representations of cooperation, quality & efficiency and governance. Additionally the labour market participation of immigrants that were not newcomers were left out of both the proposition as well as the plan of action. Lastly the study found an inclination by the Swedish Employment Service to rely more on a type of governmentality that resembles the one of Public Value Management.
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Walpole, Kurt Michael. "Structural Factors Shaping Four Phases of Institutional Change to Wage and Condition-setting in Australia." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/19634.

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Since the 1980s, the ways that Australian employees’ wages and working conditions are determined have changed dramatically. Awards issued by the industrial relations tribunal declined in significance while new forms of registered agreements negotiated between employers, employees and unions were introduced and encouraged. While the roles of trade unions, employer associations, and political parties in driving these changes are well understood, the complex mix of legislative and non-legislative processes of institutional change requires further explanation. The central objective of this thesis is to explore how structural factors shaped the processes of institutional change that altered pay and condition-setting practices in Australia between 1983 and 2013. In 1983 the Labor Government negotiated a Prices and Incomes Accord with the union movement; three decades of change later, another Labor Government passed its last refining amendments to their Fair Work legislation before losing office in mid-2013. The thesis examines the processes of change affecting pay and condition-setting institutions through a detailed chronological analysis of these changes and their contexts that combines analytical techniques from labour law and political studies. To understand the role of structural factors in shaping the processes of change, the thesis applies a theory proposed by James Mahoney and Kathleen Thelen (2010) that conceives of multiple types or ‘modes’ of institutional change and uses structural factors to explain why one mode of institutional change occurs rather than another. The thesis argues that four distinct phases of institutional change affected wage and condition-setting practices in Australia between 1983 and 2013. Each chronological phase was characterised by the predominance of a different mode of institutional change. These four phases of institutional change can be effectively explained within Mahoney and Thelen’s theoretical framework using three key structural factors that shape and constrain actors’ capacity to implement different types of institutional change. In this case, these structural factors are the discretion afforded to the industrial relations tribunal by legislative rules (‘rule discretion’), the opportunities to block legislative change (‘formal veto possibilities’), and the capacity of interest groups to block changes to practices on the ground (‘informal veto possibilities’). The thesis argues that processes of change are constrained by nationally specific structural factors and that the framework based on rule discretion and formal and informal veto possibilities will be highly useful for explaining processes of institutional change affecting industrial relations at other times and in other countries. The thesis makes important contributions to three bodies of knowledge. First, this is the only study that sustains a detailed institutional analysis of changes affecting wage and condition-setting practices in Australia from the initiation of the Prices and Incomes Accord in 1983 through to the legislative framework, which, in amended form, remains in effect today. By explaining how structural factors shaped four distinct chronological phases of institutional change, the thesis balances and complements the abundant explanations for Australia’s changing wage and condition-setting practices that focus on the agency of trade unions, employer associations, the industrial relations tribunal and political parties. Second, testing Mahoney and Thelen’s theory makes an important contribution to Historical Institutionalism because the theory has been widely cited but received limited empirical application. It reveals further avenues for theoretical development regarding strategic agency and choice within structural constraints. The thesis also demonstrates the analytical usefulness of one specific mode of institutional change that has been largely overlooked by the Historical Institutionalist literature – institutional resettlement. Third, the thesis makes a major contribution to debates about whether industrial relations systems are converging or will continue to follow nationally specific trajectories of change.
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Maillet, Antoine. "La construcción política de los mercados : variedades de neoliberalismo en el Chile post-dictadura (1990-2010)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0049/document.

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Les marchés fonctionnent-ils indépendamment du pouvoir politique ? Cette étude comparée des politiques publiques dans six marchés créés durant les années 1980 au Chili analyse le rôle fondamental qu’ont les politiques publiques dans la construction des marchés. Pour rendre compte de la diversité de ces opérations, j’élabore un cadre conceptuel original, en définissant quatre « variétés du néolibéralisme ». A partir d’une étude de l’histoire de ce concept et de ses usages contemporains, je distingue les néolibéralismes orthodoxes, régulés, émulateurs et mixtes. Chaque néolibéralisme correspond à des réponses différentes de l’Etat face aux défaillances du marché. Dans le néolibéralisme orthodoxe, les organismes publics restreignent leur intervention. Dans le néolibéralisme régulé, les organismes publics interviennent pour promouvoir la concurrence et établir des obligations quant au produit lui-même. Dans le néolibéralisme émulateur, un organisme public organise la concurrence non pas dans le marché, mais pour le marché. Enfin, dans le néolibéralisme mixte, une ou des entreprises publiques entrent en concurrence avec les acteurs privés. Chaque variété fait l’objet de politiques publiques spécifiques, en particulier en termes d’instruments mobilisés. J’applique ce cadre théorique des variétés du néolibéralisme pour classer et analyser six politiques sectorielles : l’assurance-maladie, les retraites, les universités, la production d’électricité, la téléphonie et les transports publics à Santiago. Les six trajectoires sectorielles établies mettent en évidence l’existence d’un sentier néolibéral chilien
Do markets operate independently of political power? This comparative study of policies in six markets created during the 1980s in Chile analyzes the fundamental part that public policies play in the construction of markets. To account for the diversity of these operations, I develop an original conceptual framework, defining four "varieties of neoliberalism." Building on a study of the history of this concept and its contemporary use, I distinguish orthodox, regulated, emulator and mixed neoliberalisms. Each neoliberalism is based on a different form of State answer to address market failures. In orthodox neoliberalism, public agencies restrict their intervention. In regulated neoliberalism, public agencies get involved in promoting competition and establish requirements on the product itself. In emulating neoliberalism, public agencies organize competition not in the market, but for the market. Finally, in mixed neoliberalism, one or more public companies compete with private players. Each variety is characterized by specific public policies, especially in terms of instruments. I apply this theoretical framework of varieties of neoliberalism to classify and analyze six sectoral policies: health insurance, pensions, universities, electricity production, telephone industry and public transport in Santiago. The six sectoral trajectories established highlight the existence of a Chilean neoliberal path
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Schrefer, Justin P. "Path Dependencies and Unintended Consequences: A Case Study of Britain's Entry into the European Community." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2006. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001543.

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Glimsholt, Marcus. "Euroscepticism: A result of too much European Integration? : A process-analysis of Euroscepticism in times of crisis." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104343.

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During the last decade, the European Union has had to overcome several types of crises, for example, the economic crisis, the Eurozone crisis, the migration crisis, and Brexit. Currently, the EU is facing the Covid-19 pandemic. It is well known that there is a strong relationship between the multifaceted crises and the EU’s responses to them and increased Euroscepticism in the EU countries as a result. Therefore, this study aims to investigate the reasons why such crises result in increasing Euroscepticism. More specifically, the study explores the mechanisms that can be identified as causes for Euroscepticism. To test the hypothesis that the crises’ responses made by the EU created an opportunity for Eurosceptic actors to thrive, a process-analysis of the responses was conducted. Three legislative acts as main responses to the economic crisis and the migration crisis were chosen, to analyze a mechanism between the crises and increased Euroscepticism in the EU member states. The responses were then combined with data on the EU citizens’ trust for the EU to identify if the EU’s responses to these crises have been a major cause for increased Eurosceptic tendencies. The results show that even though some of the EU’s responses to the crises resulted in increased Euroscepticism, EU citizens do not seem to lose their trust in the EU or their institutions in the long run.
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Stanley, Hannah J. "Airport planning and stakeholder engagement: An international comparison." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2017. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/115246/1/115246_6351956_hannah_stanley_thesis.pdf.

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This thesis seeks to understand how the influences of privatisation and an increased expectation of transparency and engagement impact and drive airport planning and stakeholder engagement processes, particularly regarding the management of aircraft noise. Despite the economic and social significance of airports, little is known about this context. The research draws on interview, policy, and survey data from three international case study airports. A central conclusion of this thesis is that potential negative influences of private interests at airports are often minimised through deliberative engagement practices employed within airport planning processes.
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36

Ferar, Nolan Y. "Neoliberal Ideologies and Cultural Models of Work among Young French and American Business Students and Professionals: A Study in Institutional Change and Cultural Meaning." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/91.

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In this thesis I analyze semi-structured interviews I conducted with fifteen young French and American business students and professionals in order to uncover cultural models relating to work, while paying particular attention to the acceptance or rejection of neoliberal ideas. To contextualize the analysis, I first review the history of neoliberal ideology along with its arrival and political and institutional influence in both countries. In the U.S., the neoliberal transition was rapid and dramatic under the Reagan administration, which constitutes a critical institutional juncture and a shift in the dominant paradigm of governance. In France, in contrast, neoliberal policies have been implemented reluctantly and incrementally, suggesting traditional French values relating to the state and its role in regulating the economy remain largely intact. In line with these historical patterns, the Americans I spoke to primarily conceptualize work as a commodity, accepting the definition of work as defined in the market; while the French interviewees conceptualize work as personal fulfillment and occupational citizenship, emphasizing the human and psychological essence of work and the need for moral regulation of the market economy, perceived as immoral and anarchic. Overall, the Americans much more readily accepted neoliberal ideas and policy directives and towards which the French were far less welcoming. In particular, I argue that the traditional role of the French state as responsible for the wellbeing of its citizens presents a major obstacle to neoliberal ideology, historically on an institutional level as well as in the minds of the French interviewees.
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37

Rhodin, Thimmy. "Eurons undantag : En undersökning om Danmark och Storbritanniens undantag från EU om att införa euro som valuta." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-56265.

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The aim with this thesis is to find out how one can understand the exceptions not to introduce the euro as the currency of Denmark and the United Kingdom, as well as their attitude to European integration. It has been implemented in a comparative case study using theories in which the case has been the central focus of the investigation. The theories being used is rational actor model that emphasizes rational decision-making and self-interest. In comparison to that theory has a historical institutional perspective been used, which emphasizes path-dependency and critical events. The focus of the study is the time when the countries became members of the European Economic Community in 1973 to the Maastricht Treaty in 1993 where these exceptions not to introduce the euro as the currency was ratified. In the analysis section, one can see portions of both theories to a varying degree. The conclusions of the study is that both countries show a skeptical attitude to European integration and that the exceptions to not introduce the euro as a currency is based on this critical view of moving power to centralized institutions.
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38

Ujkani, Venera. "The Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats Idea Development 2010-2018 : Comprehending the Parties Migration Policy Development Through Rational Action, Societal Discourses and Critical Junctures." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-84656.

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The aim of this study is to analyse the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats idea development in the issue of migration in 2010-2018. The inquiry consists of the following two research questions. How has the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats positions regarding migration developed in 2010-2018? How can institutional theories explain the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats idea development? The study is encompassed by three theoretical perspectives also recognised as rational-choice institutionalism, historical institutionalism and discursive institutionalism. In regard to the methodological approach, the study employs the comparative case study design with the most-similar system and is essentially an idea analytical study. The main results reveal that both the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats have adjusted their migration policies but to different degrees. The Swedish Democrats promote similar policies in 2010 as in 2018 with smaller alterations while the Moderate Party has customised larger alterations, distinguishing the party’s migration policy from 2010 and 2018. These policy alterations are primarily explained as a result of rational action, societal discourses and critical junctures.
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39

Wright, Christopher F. "Policy legacies and the politics of labour immigration selection and control : the processes and dynamics shaping national-level policy decisions during the recent wave of international migration." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/237050.

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The two decades preceding the global financial crisis of 2008 saw an increase in international migration flows. This development was accompanied by the relaxation of immigration entry controls for select categories of foreign workers across the developed world. The scale of labour immigration, and the categories of foreign workers granted entry, varied considerably across states. To some extent, these developments transcended the traditional classifications of comparative immigration politics. This thesis examines the reform process in two states with contrasting policy legacies that adopted liberal labour immigration selection and control policies during the abovementioned period. The instrumental role that immigration has played in the process of nation-building in Australia has led it to be classified as a 'traditional destination state' with a positive immigration policy legacy. By contrast, immigration has not been significant in the formation of national identity in the United Kingdom. It has a more negative immigration policy legacy and is generally regarded as a 'reluctant state'. Examining the reasons for liberal shifts in labour immigration policy in two states with different immigration politics allows insights to be gained into the processes of policy-making and the dynamics that underpin it. In Australia, labour immigration controls were relaxed incrementally and through a deliberative process. Reform was justified on the grounds that it fulfilled economic needs and objectives, and was consistent with an accepted definition of the national interest. In the UK, liberal shifts in labour immigration policy were the incidental consequence of the pursuit of objectives in other policy areas. Reform was implemented unilaterally, and in an uncoordinated manner characterised by an absence of consultation. The contrast in the manner in which reform was managed by the various actors, institutions and stakeholders involved in the process both reflected, and served to reinforce, the immigration policy legacies of the two states. Moreover, the Howard government used Australia's positive legacy to construct a coherent narrative to justify the implementation of liberal reform. This generated greater immediate and lasting support for its reforms among stakeholders and the broader community. By contrast, lacking a similarly positive legacy, the Blair government in the UK found it difficult to create such a narrative, which contributed to the unpopularity of its reforms. This thesis therefore argues that policy legacies had a significant impact on the processes and dynamics that shaped labour immigration selection and control decisions during the recent wave of international migration. The cases demonstrate that a nation's past immigration policy experiences shape its policy-making structures, as well as institutional and stakeholder policy preferences, which are core constituent components of a nation's immigration politics. The UK case shows that even when reluctant states implement liberal labour immigration policies, these characteristics tend to create feedback effects that make it difficult for reform to be durable. The relationship between immigration policy and politics thus becomes self-reinforcing. But this does not necessarily mean that states' immigration politics are rigid, since the institutions that help to make a nation's immigration policy and shape its politics will inevitably undergo a process of adaptation in response to changing contexts.
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40

Bardallo, Bandera Joaquín. "A Tale of Two Latin American Countries Within the Same Region and a Very Different Democratic Rule of Law Experience." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/31271.

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The following thesis analyzes why is the democratic rule of law stronger in Uruguay than in Mexico? This work focuses on the state of the democratic rule of law in Mexico and Uruguay. The premise of this thesis is that there is a gap in the literature on causes that have historically made Uruguay the country with the strongest democratic rule of law in Latin America and Mexico one with the weakest democratic rule of law. Historical institutionalism is used to see how the evolution of the sequencing of political regimes as well as the evolution of civil-military relations in the two countries may explain the divergent outcomes. Emphasizing path-dependency, this analysis is conducted using a methodology of process-tracing. This research serves to put forward propositions in the form of a testable hypothesis on the causes that have led Mexico and Uruguay down different paths when it comes to the democratic rule of law. It also serves to fill a gap in the literature as cross-national differences on rule of law in Latin America have not been sufficiently well-explained.
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41

Walsh, Donal. "Journey in government monopsony : the inter-organizational relationship between the NHS Education Buyer/Commissioner and Middlesex University 1995-2013." Thesis, University of Bath, 2016. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.687368.

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This dissertation is about the in/stability over time of a contract-based inter-organizational relationship (IOR) which existed mostly under conditions of government monopsony (MG). The MG consisted of the institutional arrangements between the NHS and Higher Education sectors in England for the provision of education for the NHS non-medical professional workforce. The IOR was between the NHS education buyer (the ‘GM’) and Middlesex University (MU). An agent-centred historical institutionalism was used as the overall approach in the inquiry. The main components of the approach were resource dependence theory, concepts of historical dependence, and events in the IOR and its institutional and organizational environments. A multi-dimensional concept of IOR in/stability from the standpoints of the GM and MU which was grounded in the practices of the IOR was constructed. The inquiry traced the origins and subsequent development of the MG and the in/stability of the IOR over an 18 year period, 1995 - 2013. The main findings of the inquiry were: (1) The IOR originated in, and continued to exist mostly under conditions of MG (2) The IOR became less stable over time from the standpoint of MU; reductions in IOR stability occurred in dimensions of risk relating to the future performance of the IOR (3) Instability and threatened instability in the IOR were brought about mostly by the exercise of power by the GM and by the power dependence responses of MU. The thesis developed in the dissertation is that instability and threatened instability in the IOR were due mostly to a power imbalance in the IOR, in favour of the GM, between the GM and MU. The source of that power imbalance was a combination of: • The resource dependency of MU on the IOR • The conditions of MG and bilateral monopoly under which the IOR existed. The dissertation is concluded with a critique of MG as a technique for public sector management. Recommendations are made for new NHS-HE inter-sector and IOR arrangements to be established which take account of power imbalances and relations of mutual dependence between stakeholders. Recommendations for further research are also made.
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42

Santos, Fabiano Brito dos. "Projeto político e as agências reguladoras no Brasil: o caso da Anatel nos governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995- 2002) e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010)." Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2015. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/9750.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
In this study, the general objective, we seek to investigate whether there is, and how it is constructed different conceptions of 'regulation' within the framework of public policy and government management between the governments of Presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso - FHC (1995-2002) and Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva - Lula (2003-2010). In order to do so, we conducted an investigation on the functioning of the National Telecommunications Agency (ANATEL) during the two governments. The quest to understand the development of the Brazilian telecommunications regulatory policy in the FHC government, and their (dis)continuity in the Lula government, are critical in the development of this research. In addition, it aimed to understand whether the regulation of telecommunications is promoted by the State in order to stimulate competition in the market and to identify how this process occurs. Thus, based on the analysis of the law and the the main policy agents within this sector in Brazil, we seek to understand how they act, what are their main interests, conflicts and projects, and finally, try to identify the elements that help to understand the relationship between Anatel (a decentralized state agency) and the Federal Government (as a transitional agent in the state).
Neste trabalho, como objetivo geral, buscamos investigar se há, como se constroem e como se efetivam concepções distintas de “regulação” no âmbito das políticas públicas e da gestão governamental entre os governos dos presidentes Fernando Henrique Cardoso – FHC (1995-2002) e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva – Lula (2003-2010). Para tanto, procedemos a uma investigação acerca do funcionamento da Agência Nacional de Telecomunicações (Anatel) no período histórico correspondente aos dois governos. A busca pela compreensão acerca do desenvolvimento da política de regulação das telecomunicações brasileiras no governo FHC e suas (des)continuidades no governo Lula foi fundamental para a elaboração desta pesquisa. Além disso, objetivamos verificar se a regulação de telecomunicações é promovida pelo Estado a fim de estimular a competição nos mercados, bem como verificar como esse processo ocorre. Desse modo, tendo como suporte o aparato legal estabelecido e a identificação dos principais agentes definidores das políticas desse setor no Brasil, intentamos compreender como agem esses agentes e quais são os seus principais interesses, conflitos e projetos. Por fim, buscamos elementos que auxiliaram a compreensão da relação existente entre a Anatel (órgão estatal descentralizado) e o Governo Federal (como agente transitório no Estado).
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43

Dingfield, Mark Frederick. "GOVERNING EUROPE’S FINANCIAL MARKETS: ORIGINS, EVOLUTION AND CRITICAL JUNCTURES IN EUROPEAN UNION REGULATION, 1999-2014." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/395229.

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Political Science
Ph.D.
The 2008-2009 global financial crisis, and the protracted European sovereign debt and banking crisis that followed, re-shaped the institutions that govern Europe’s financial system. Despite demands for comprehensive and integrated reform, patterns of regulatory change varied significantly across core elements of the financial system. Through case studies of the banking, securities, insurance and pensions sectors, this study documents the emergence of a patchwork of European financial regulatory institutions that entail new divisions in the responsibilities held by the European Commission, the European Central Bank (ECB), and domestic governments. Employing an historical institutional framework, the study finds that the distribution of financial regulatory authority between member states and the European Union preceding the onset of the 2008 global financial crisis was instrumental in shaping changes to EU regulatory institutions during and in the immediate aftermath of the crises. Sectoral variation in levels of regulatory integration among member states prior to the crises shaped state preferences and predisposed institutions to particular patterns of institutional change. Where high levels of regulatory integration existed before the crisis, EU institutions expanded through a process of institutional layering, gradually hardening enforcement mechanisms, extending regulation to new markets, and issuing more binding technical standards. This contrasts with the displacement in the locus of supervisory authority experienced in the creation of a European banking union in 2013, in which supervisory control over eurozone banks was transferred from domestic authorities to the ECB. Low-levels of regulatory integration are found to have been a necessary condition for this transformative change to occur, while the protracted eurozone sovereign debt crisis is found to have provided a period of heightened contingency during which the ECB was able to exert significant political agency at the European Council to effect the resulting shift. In explaining the emergence of a complex financial regulatory system in Europe after 2008, the study contributes to deeper understanding of the political processes that shape the evolution and integration of national and international institutions of economic governance in the early 21st century.
Temple University--Theses
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44

Hansson, Elin. "I hamn : - En fallstudie av det privatoffentliga partnerskapet Vänerhamn." Thesis, Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-6348.

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This study focuses upon the new societal objects that are termed public private

partnerships where the public sector forms strategic alliances with the private sector

and the civil society to manage the wicked issues of today. An exampel of such

cooperation is Vänerhamn AB where the municipalities around the lake of Vänern

and the private shipping companies got togheter to handle an economic crisis of the

shipping buisiness. The partnership Vänerhamn has developed from a problematic

activity to a healthy company and the aim of this thesis is to illuminate this

development through an historical institutional approach, focusing critical juncture

to discover if the governance theory can be used to understand the partnerships

positive process.

 

This will be done through research questions about the organisation of the

partnership, about the members interests with the partnership and about eventually

coordination problems in the partnership. The questions derive from dimensions in

governance theory, central for the activity of partnerships. Interviews with central

informants where held and it was complemented through a document analyses in

order to search for indications of the dimensions and that is the methodological

approach of the study.

 

The conclusion of this thesis is that the governance theory can be used to

understand Vänerhamns postive development since the members interest with the

partnership to a begining was not at all conformed and that led to obvious

coordination problems. With more conformed interests the coordination problems

were almost absent and the partnership made success. In this case the organisation

of the partnership did not matter as it was a registered company during the whole

time. The central sapiency of the thesis is that the public sector has to learn more

about the private sector and vice versa.

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45

Sandberg, Emelie. "Flyktingpolitik och spårberoende : En jämförelse av svensk och finsk flyktingpolitik." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1421.

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The essay aims to compare Swedish and Finnish decisions regarding refugee policies by tracing them back to the critical junctures when the policies were established, in order to explain why there are big differences prevalent today. The questions asked involve the motivations of the refugee policies and how they have changed over time.

The theoretical framework employed is based on historical institutionalism and path dependency. By using a most similar system design and process tracing, material in the form of government declarations and government bills are studied and summed up in two analytical models. The results show that there might be a weak path dependency in the case of Finland. However it is more apparent in the case of Sweden, with frequent statements of a generous refugee policy that is characterised by humanity. The conclusions drawn are that the differences between the refugee policies might be due to the fact that the refugee policies are motivated in different ways in the two countries. Furthermore, Sweden has had an established policy for a long time whereas Finland has only just started developing this program.

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46

Jansson, Gabriella. "The Eastern Enlargement and the Political Rationale of the EU Regional Policy: The Case of Hungary and the Implementation of the Partnership Principle." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-1734.

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This paper addresses the so-called political rationale of the European Union’s (EU) regional policy in the context of the forthcoming eastern enlargement. The political rationale emphasises a particular type of organisation, involving multiple layers of governance and actors. This organisation is considered important in effectively reducing regional disparities. Regarding the great amount of EU regional funding the candidate states in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) are expected to receive upon accession, capable institutions and structures for handling these funds are vital. Also, it is a crucial part of the EU’s accession criteria. By using Hungary and the implementation of the partnership principle as a case study, the process of preparing for the regional funds in CEE is investigated in-depth. A policy analysis of the cohesion between EU policy objectives and the Hungarian implementation process of the partnership principle serves as the overall basis for the analysis. In order to analyse and understand the implementation process, Historical Institutionalism (HI) is applied as a theoretical framework. It contributes by assessing the factors affecting the implementation process and thus, policy coherence. A triangulation of data consisting of interviews with Hungarian officials and EU Member State experts involved in the implementation of partnership practices, primary and secondary texts as well as basic statistics is made against the propositions formulated through HI.

In turn, a number of analytical findings have been discovered. Firstly, the policy process is seen as highly constrained by formal and informal institutional factors, created by historical policy legacies. These have shaped the goals and preferences of the actors involved and have also privileged certain groups over others. In turn, path-dependency is noticed. Secondly, this has made policy cohesion rather weak, with certain short-term requirements being fulfilled but with a lack of more in-depth, long-term measures. Thus, there is a mismatch between the EU and the Hungarian regional policy organisation. Thirdly, although the formal institutional mechanisms for change are rather rigid, indications of informal mechanisms providing possibilities of institutional change were found, with some actors adapting to the EU enlargement context. This could lead to partnership practises gradually infiltrating some ofthe institutional and organizational features and in turn, become strengthened through the multi-level governance structure of the EU. Yet, implementation of the partnership principle is identified as a long and open process, with the real challenges arriving as Hungary enters the EU

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47

Lai, I.-chen, and 賴怡真. "Transforming Teacher Education: A Perspective of Historical Institutionalism." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/hhazwr.

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碩士
南華大學
教育社會學研究所
95
This discourse analyses the changing process of teacher education institution in the historical track by the viewpoint of historical institutionalism. And it finds out the agents who in the constrained region of the original institution, how would they select the particular policy or formula at the critical juncture, leading to the change of teacher education institution.   Look back on the transmutation of teacher education policy, after declaring“Teacher Training Education Act”in 1979, it assumed uniform and closed development. But it changes to a diversified and open mode when it constituted“Teacher Education Act”in 1994. This was the first significant conversion of teacher education institution. However, it became open and constrictive mode when it amended“Teacher Education Act”again in 2002. The teacher education institution faced the second important conversion. Furthermore, it declared“The Formula for Planning Educational Amounts of Teacher”in 2004, and alleged to decrease the concrete number and effectuated schedule of the amount of teacher education. Why it assumed the transfer of path in our teacher education institution? What is the effect of factors brought about the institution change? Hence, this discourse according to the description of historical institutionalism analyses the interaction of institution and agent in the above-mentioned stages, and how to create the change of institution.   The research found that teacher education institution couldn’t maintain the original form. With the transition of time and space, the change of the interior institution or the exterior environment would let the institutional development come to a crisis. For example, it is the exogenous motive to change Teacher Training Education Act. It is the endogenous motive to amend Teacher Education Act. And it is the exogenous motives to change New Teacher Education Act locally. Therefore, the agents use the chance and asymmetries of power to act. Finally they cause the change of teacher education institution at the critical juncture.
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48

Kuyper, Jonathan. "Historical institutionalism in world politics : prospects for democratisation." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/156317.

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How can democratisation best be pursued and promoted in the existing global system? Most proposals to ameliorate the global democratic deficit are conceptualised as ideal end-points which should be approximated as closely as possible. However, because there is an ineliminable gap between ideal conception and non-ideal institutionalisation, designers should redirect focus toward the transformative pathway. Institutional designers and policymakers thus require foreknowledge about how institutions may evolve through time. I contend that historical institutionalism - well-placed as it is to incorporate rationalist and sociological insights - can be recalibrated to think through these future pathways. I argue that the structure, sequence, and setting of a proposal all shed light on how institutions may change and the wider effects design might entail. The task for institutional designers then is to determine whether a transformative pathway can feasibly promote democratic values. I reconceptualise global democracy as an on-going process of democratisation promoted by the attainment of three values: equal participation, accountability, and institutional revisability. The thesis engages in comparative analysis of three ideal-typical proposals for global democratisation: federalism (world government), cosmopolitan democracy (piecemeal constitutionalism), and democratic polycentrism (global civil society). Having analysed these approaches, I argue that federalist models -which seek to replicate familiar statist institutions at the global level - would have difficulty inducing the democratising effects sought by proponents. Similarly, cosmopolitan democratic institutions would likely limit future experimentation through path-dependent feedback. While the deliberative base of global civil society offers a more fruitful way to think about global democratisation, it is difficult to envisage how this approach meets a fundamental equality condition of democratic participation. Building on the comparative analysis, I contend that regime complexes are the appropriate unit of democratisation beyond the state. Because each issue area in world politics is different, we require tailor-made (as opposed to one-size-fits-all) solutions. Through a discussion of the intellectual property rights regime complex, I contend that democratisation can be sought on two planes: horizontal deliberative accountability within multilateral negotiations; and the vertical development of deliberative democratic experimentalism. I apply my historical-institutionalist framework to expound both normative and institutional benefits of this prescription.
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49

Wang, Kai-Hong, and 王開弘. "The epidemic prevention policy of Taiwan by applying historical institutionalism." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/70027151749455886483.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
94
The main idea behind this study is to analyze the epidemic prevention policy of Taiwan by applying historical institutionalism. Whereas our basic approach is trying to understand how such a policy of Taiwan has so far been affected by historical events, benefits created by competitions, and other circumstances of all matters. In 2003, during the period of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) outbreaks, it manifested all kinds of issues that made significant impacts on the existing disease prevention policy of Taiwan. However, since the major SARS crisis was over, no government officials have taken any action to rewrite the prevention policy. Moreover, things have been moving along on the “path dependent” track, which results in a situation that medical professional consortiums cooperated tightly together. The worse scenario is monopoly. The medical professionals tend to manipulate the public and make them fear due to lack of medical knowledge, totally ignore government financial limitation and try to enlarge the needs for disease prevention resources, which shift the entire matter to a business like setting. Though going back to history, this study concludes that the government authority has hold back the rights to stand up for its people by restraining collaboration between medical professionals and their consortiums. Historical institutionalism approach is supposed to be perfect for discussion of an issue involving politics, economy, society and culture throughout a period of time. However, there have not been many studies on public health discussed from the Political Economy point of view, and nor any preventive policy debated from the perspective of the government system. By establishing initiation, proposing a new concept, the research on how history and other factors affecting the creation of new healthcare policy hopefully will be valued in the near future.
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She, Yi-Chuan, and 佘宜娟. "The Greenhouse Gases Reduction policy in Taiwan:Perspective of Historical Institutionalism." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/83097519500911563529.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
100
Greenhouse gases reduction policy becomes more and more important since United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change has been passed in 1992. Most important is that carbon trading mechanism has prevailing since then and carbon becomes one of the new commodities to restrict foreign industrial product. The domestic and foreign political and economic environment has been changing; however, Taiwan still has high percentage on heavy industry. This essay analysize the development of the greenhouse gases reduction policy for 20 years in Taiwan on historical perspective. There are seven chapters in this thesis. Chapter one is introduction, which proposes my awareness of question and research framework. Chapter two is literature review, which introduces Punctuated Equilibrium and Historical Institutionalism. Chapter three is research framework and research method, which applys to the greenhouse gases policy in Taiwan. Chapter four focuses on begin of the greenhouse gases reduction policy, which analysizes how did the subsystem and macropoliical system work. Chapter five focuses on the period of the greenhouse gases reduction policy, which emphasizes on the ‘policy monopoly’ within the subsystem and the policymaking in the macropolitical system, caused the stagnation. Chapter six focuses on the reconsideration and revise of the greenhouse gases reduction policy, which demonstrates that the target of Sustainable Energy Policy Convention and Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) were announced, the changing of the policy development. Chapter seven is conclusion. This essay discovers the greenhouse gases policy has been shaped by the international sanctions and the heavy industrial policy. Furthermore, party politics might marginalize the policy. This chapter also dialogues with the theory.
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