Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'HISTORY / Canada / General'

The legend of the Underground Railroad and the ideal of Canada as a promised land for African-American fugitive slaves have been pervasive in the Canadian imagination. In the mid-nineteenth century, myths describing British Canada West as a moral exemplar and guarantor of equal rights to all provided a sense of transcendent meaning and orientation to citizens of British and African heritage. British-Canadian school promoters hoped to lay the foundations of an ideal British society in the emerging public school system. The main proponent of this system, Egerton Ryerson, boasted of the merits of a Christian and moral education provided to all Canadians without discrimination. However, African Canadians were largely excluded from public education in Canada West, or forced into segregation, a practice that was against the spirit of egalitarian British laws. British-Canadian mythologies that called for the protection of Anglo-Saxon racial purity allowed for the introduction of this practice of school segregation. In response, many African-Canadian leaders called upon Canadian society to live up to its egalitarian ideals and promoted integration. This work examines dominant discourses that presented the British-Canadian people as a culturally pure group, unchanged by their historical environment, and contrasts these mythologies with African-Canadian mythologies that reflected the culturally diverse nature of Canadian society and emphasized the potential for human transformation in mid-nineteenth century Canada West.

The Ku Klux Klan has been active in North America for 139 years and organizations like the Klan have existed in North America since before the United States and Canada became independent nations. The white supremacy advocated by the Klan mimics the justifications used by colonial powers, and though the United States and Canada have espoused egalitarian ideals for quite some time, the Klan continues to attract members. Mircea Eliade and Claude Levi-Strauss have argued that history and myth share many characteristics, and that sometimes history can act as myth. Understanding how North American history can be a mythic model for the religious formation of North American people one can better explain the long-term viability of the Klan and its ability not only to inspire violence, but to articulate a particular kind of white North American identity. This study examines how the religiosity and action of the Klan has been informed by mytho-historical influences in the United States and Canada and, consequently, how these influences affect other people formed in this context.

In 1933 Canada enacted the Companies’ Creditors Arrangement Act with little consultation. Parliament described the CCAA as federal ‘bankruptcy and insolvency law’ but the Act provoked constitutional controversy because it could compulsorily bind secured claims, which fell under provincial jurisdiction. Even after the Supreme Court of Canada upheld the CCAA, the intended beneficiaries of the Act preferred not to use it. In the 1950s the Act fell out of use, and by the 1970s commentators considered it a ‘dead letter.’ But during the 1980s and 1990s recessions, courts ‘revived’ the CCAA through progressive interpretations of its few ‘enabling’ provisions. This helped justify debtor-in-possession reorganisation as a policy objective of Canadian bankruptcy and insolvency law. This thesis attempts to understand why this occurred. This study provides a theorised interpretation of CCAA history. I rely on concepts such as path dependence, interest groups and institutions to shed light on periods of stability and change in CCAA law over time. I bolster this with a socio-legal analysis that takes account of gradual changes in practice that often preceded and gave shape to formal reforms. This thesis shows that large secured creditors have been major drivers and beneficiaries of CCAA law. The Act originally extended provincial receivership reorganisations into federal law. In the 1980s-1990s courts facilitated ongoing access to the CCAA by recasting it as a debtor-remedy. In both instances the solvency of large secureds (financial institutions) highlighted the necessity of restructuring corporate borrowers, and prevailing social, economic, and political factors influenced the substance and mechanisms of legal changes. Despite its public stature as a ‘debtor-remedy,’ CCAA law continues to advance the interests of large secured creditors.

La thèse porte sur l'évolution des politiques fédérales de logement de la période d'après-guerre au tournant des années deux milles et démontre en quoi elle concorde avec les trois grandes périodes ayant marquées l'évolution des politiques sociales canadiennes. La première est marquée par une expansion de l'intervention étatique correspondant à l'essor de l'État providence. La seconde est caractérisée par un désengagement de l'intervention étatique sous l'influence des idéaux néolibéraux. La troisième est marquée par une nouvelle forme d'intervention correspondant au modèle partenarial de l'intervention étatique. En conclusion, la thèse établit que l'évolution de la politique de logement répond aux meme facteurs déterminants que l'évolution des autres politiques sociales: une nouvelle politique est engendrée par un changement structurel majeur qui suscite une réaction du gouvernement conditionnée par un paradigme dominant sur l'interventionnisme et la décentralisation, et ensuite par d'autres facteurs tels que le poids du passé et les relations intergouvernementales.

This dissertation explores how colonial administrators on each side of the Atlantic used the British Survey of North America to serve their governments’ as well as their personal objectives. Specifically, it connects the execution and oversight of the General Survey in the northern and southern theatres, along with the intelligence it provided, with the actions of key decision-makers and influencers, including the Presidents of the Board of Trade (latterly, the Secretaries of the American Department) and key provincial governors. Having abandoned their posture of ‘Salutary Neglect’ towards colonial affairs in favour of one that proactively and more centrally sought ways to develop and exploit their North American assets following the Severn Years’ War, the British needed better geographic information to guide their decision making. Thus, the General Survey of British North America, under the umbrella of the Board of Trade, was conceived. Officially sponsored from 1764-1775, the programme aimed to survey and analyse the attributes and economic potential of Britain’s newly acquired regions in North America, leading to an accurate general map of their North American empire when joined to other regional mapping programmes. The onset of the American Revolution brought an inevitable end to the General Survey before a connected map could be completed. Under the excellent leadership of Samuel Holland, the surveyor general of the Northern District, however, the British administration received surveys and reports that were of great relevance to high-level administration. In the Southern District, Holland’s counterpart, the mercurial William Gerard De Brahm, while producing reports of high quality, was less able to juggle the often conflicting priorities of provincial and London-based stakeholders. Consequently, results were less successful. De Brahm was recalled in 1771, leaving others to complete the work.

This thesis evaluates the manner in which Brigadier Christopher Yokes dealt with the technical and human aspects of command while commanding the 2nd Canadian Infantry Brigade from 25 June 1942 until the end of the Sicilian campaign in August 1943. It seeks to promote a greater understanding of brigade-level command and to rehabilitate Vokes's reputation as a commander, which has largely been based on certain negative personality traits. The author argues that Yokes was a successful commander because he maintained a good balance between technical skills such as planning and directing operations and his ability to understand, motivate, and lead soldiers, and because his actions were guided by a sound philosophy of command based on personal leadership and teamwork. These elements allowed Christopher Yokes to train and lead a highly effective and cohesive fighting force that defeated some of Germany's best troops in the physically demanding environment of the Sicilian battlefield.

This dissertation compares the stories of mothers of martyrs from many different religious traditions with those of Canadian mothers who were willing to send their sons to war during World War One. Over the years in the Jewish, Christian, Islamic and Sikh traditions stories have been written, repeated, dramatized and painted of mothers who were supportive of their children's martyrdom. Between 1914 and 1918 the Canadian mothers of young men found themselves living in a world in which war was increasingly described in the religious language of sacrifice. This is evident from an examination of the newspapers, magazines, novels and poetry of the day as well as words from the politicians and the chaplains. It was within this environment and using these same media, that mothers were often depicted as offering the sacrifice of their sons for the cause of civilization, justice, truth and god. In Canada after the war the image of the proud, but mournful bereaved mother served to commemorate the battle and provide it with purpose and meaning in a world which had its belief systems shaken to the core. The images of mothers of martyrs and heroes from long ago, from World War One and from present times are all designed to have a lasting and powerful influence over public opinion, drawing supporters to the cause. This historical analysis shows how the poignant mother-child relationship has been used by leaders of states and religious communities in conflict situations as well as the mothers themselves to gain support for war. In all cases the key element in the role of the mother of the sacrificed is her acceptance of the neccessity to offer her child and for this she is compensated in a variety of ways including the receipt of the Memorial Cross, or as it is better known, the Silver Cross medal.

This thesis examines the place of female customers and employees at the T. Eaton Company of Canada between 1869 and 1976. The central argument is that the word "witness" conveys well the nature of their place in this, one of the most important retail firms in Canadian history. Women were witnesses for the Eaton's and its development. They attested to and consolidated the company by collectively supporting it in huge numbers, whether as customers or personnel. Women were also key eyewitnesses of Eaton's, of its merchandise and marketing, its stores and catalogues. As the word "witness" suggests, visuality was central to women's central place. Women bought into the Eaton's buying and selling strategies that privileged appearances, and the company assumed and fostered this visually-centered role, helping to construct it and encouraging women to adopt it. The Introduction to the thesis reviews the substantial literature on the company's history. The main body of the thesis is divided in two. Part I examines the company's foreign activities and the role of women therein. Following a description of the firm's foreign buying system is an examination of three of its main regions: Japan, Europe and the U.S.A. The closer the region was to Canada, the more familiar it was to Eaton's, the more female Eatonians were employed there, and the more these women were able carve out a niche for themselves as expert witnesses like fashion buyers or fashion reporters. Part II discusses the place of women in the company's activities within Canada. First, it outlines the history of and tensions between the company's two main retail sites: stores and catalogues. While run by men, these sites were "spectacles of women" including salesclerks, mannequins and customers. Examples considered in depth are Eaton's catalogue covers and store displays for foreign goods and places. They privileged female imagery, a strategy meant to add value both to the merchandise and the

It has been the Canadian federal government's consistent position that the decision to invoke the War Measures Act had been arrived at due to a lack of available intelligence on the FLQ. They contend that sufficient advance warning of the FLQ's intentions to kidnap political officials before the October Crisis of 1970 had not been provided, and they were not given adequate intelligence on the nature and capabilities of the threat during the crisis. Essentially, the argument asserts that there had been a failure on the part of the intelligence-community in Canada to predict the FLQ's future actions. This thesis challenges the assumption of predictive failure through a critical analysis of the available primary source material on the subject. The analysis is accomplished in part by drawing upon the classical works in intelligence-gathering in order to identify the problems that have historically hampered intelligence-gathering efforts and to determine whether or not they were evident in the present case. Ultimately, this model of analysis contradicts the assumption of predictive failure by demonstrating that serious problems of intelligence-gathering had existed long before the October Crisis began. These problems compounded over time to ensure that, although adequate intelligence on the FLQ did exist, it's transmission from intelligence-gatherers to decision-makers was severely hampered.

The purpose of this study was to describe and compare the music programs at Mennonite Collegiate Institute (MCI) founded in 1889 and Steinbach Christian High School (SCHS) which has its origins in Steinbach Bible College founded in 1936. The Kanadier, Mennonites who came to Manitoba in 1874 (e.g., Kleine Gemeinde and Bergthaler), had previously rejected part-singing in Russia. However, they became more open to part-singing after they came to Manitoba. The Bergthaler in Gretna helped establish MCI. The Mennonite Brethren (MB) and Evangelical Mennonite Brethren (EMB) were influential in promoting choral music among the Kleine Gemeinde in Steinbach. Steinbach Bible College became a joint effort of the MB, EMB, and Kleine Gemeinde (now the Evangelical Mennonite Conference or EMC). The Ruβländer (or Russlaender) who came to Canada in the 1920s, many of whom were MB, were culturally more progressive than the Kanadier and influenced both MCI and SCHS. The researcher interviewed teachers, administrators, a museum curator, visited archives, and attended a Sängerfest (or Saengerfest) at MCI and a concert at SCHS. Both schools are known for their choral programs and do similar repertoire. Regarding the religious musical heritages of the two schools, MCI is more deliberate at including German hymns and traditional favorites known as Kernlieder in their programming whereas the emphasis at SCHS is sacred music in general.

Uno de los hechos más importantes en la historia de Tenerife es la batalla en la que la escuadra del contralmirante Horatio Nelson fue derrotada por el comandante general de Canarias D. Antonio Gutiérrez cuando el marino inglés intentó apoderarse de Santa Cruz de Tenerife. La situación geográfica de la isla ha sido siempre una ruta por la que han navegado y navegan buques de todas las nacionalidades, de forma que durante muchos siglos ha representado objeto de deseo de las grandes potencias europeas. Su más enconada rival fue Gran Bretaña, como lo demuestra que tres militares ingleses intentaron apoderarse de ella: en 1657, el almirante Robert Blake, uno de los almirantes ingleses más famosos del siglo XVII; más tarde, en 1706, el contralmirante John Jennings, y, por último, en 1797, el también contralmirante Horatio Nelson, cuyo ataque a la isla y subsiguiente derrota es el motivo principal de este trabajo. Puede parecer que el ataque de Nelson a Santa Cruz de Tenerife ha sido suficientemente estudiado, conocido y divulgado por los historiadores locales. Sin embargo, en mi opinión no ha tenido la amplia divulgación que los hechos requieren, mucho más teniendo en cuenta que supuso el enfrentamiento entre dos grandes figuras militares de la época, con sus especificidades, todas ellas dignas de un concienzudo estudio, puesto que el choque de ambas personalidades propició un desenlace que para algunos historiadores no ha sido resaltado, dado que el ganador fue menos conocido que el vencido. Debido a la transcendencia internacional que tuvo Nelson, la figura de Gutiérrez quedó un tanto oscurecida. En la historia de Santa Cruz de Tenerife hay que resaltar dos aspectos: el mercantil y el militar, ambos relacionados por su situación geográfica. Dichos aspectos determinaron su continuo crecimiento, de tal forma que desde un lugar de pescadores y marineros en torno al Real de Añazo, a finales de 1496, final de la conquista de la isla por Castilla, se convirtiera en el centro administrativo de la isla en el siglo XVIII. Como tinerfeño y modesto estudioso de la historia de Nivaria –nombre con el que se conocía la isla de Tenerife desde la antigüedad–, he sentido siempre gran inquietud e interés por todo lo acontecido en la fecha histórica del 25 de julio de 1797, que, como veremos a lo largo de este trabajo, pudo cambiar la historia de Tenerife y, con ello, la de las restantes islas del Archipiélago Canario. En el presente estudio describiré y analizaré lo acaecido durante esas fechas históricas al objeto de contribuir a una mejor divulgación de la contienda tinerfeña, y a la vez como homenaje a los héroes de aquellas difíciles jornadas, de las que las virtudes del pueblo canario y su patriotismo quedaron plenamente acreditadas. Finalmente, el estudio que se plantea persigue dos objetivos: en primer lugar, y principal, profundizar en el análisis de las figuras del almirante Nelson y el general Gutiérrez, así como de las consecuencias geopolíticas derivadas de los sucesos acontecidos en el periodo que comprende del 22 al 27 de julio de 1797, hecho conocido como la Gesta del 25 de julio de 1797; y, en segundo lugar, investigar la participación del general Gutiérrez en la devolución de la isla de Menorca a la Corona Española (1781-1782), ya que no hay unanimidad de criterio entre los estudiosos de este tema.

This thesis examines a constitutional amendment adopted by the State of Maine in 1893 as part of an electoral reform package. It stated that any man who could not read the State Constitution in English or write his name on or after January 3, 1893 was not qualified to vote. Although some of the amendment's supporters claimed the measure would raise the quality of the state electorate, most supported it because it targeted immigrants, more particularly, French Canadian immigrants. Anglo-Republicans who supported the amendment discriminated against French-Canadians, who were Catholic, spoke French, and chose acculturation rather than assimilation. The amendment was meant to disenfranchise a large proportion of these voters, as many of them were illiterate, French speaking migrants. However, the impact of the amendment proved to be limited. It did not affect Franco-American allegiances to politicians or political parties they thought best supported their wants and needs. This may be why the amendment was quickly forgotten and is not mentioned in any published history of Maine. Statistics collected from the 1910 census, English and French language newspapers of Lewiston, and an out of state newspaper provide much of the primary sources for this work.

Public policy regarding innovation in the Canadian value-added agri-food sector does not appear to meet its intended outcomes. Rather than being a commodity producing nation, Canada has attempted to focus its attention on adding value to products that increase economic returns. Innovation capacity and ability to capture opportunities appear to be limiting factors. This research therefore conducted a general review of the food system in Canada with a specific focus on innovation in the functional food and natural health products’ (nutraceutical) sector. The findings are based on interviews with forty representatives of the key actor groups in innovation: industry, academia, government and civil society. The research concluded that the food system is comprised of complex demand networks that include global players working on various elements of innovation. The growing complexities are causing challenges for all actor groups. One major challenge is the lack of a common understanding of the concept of innovation within or among the actor groups including policy-makers. This finding puts into question any policies and measurements currently in place. The research adds new knowledge by expanding the multi-dimensional definition of innovation to include human elements. The research also shows that federal policy as it affects innovation in the Canadian high value-added agri-food sector is not evidence-based. A paradigm shift is required in policy-making to a solutions-led approach that results in public and private policies targeting solutions for a healthier Canada combining human, environmental and societal benefits.

This thesis examines US protectionism in the 1980s from Canadian and American perspectives, and its role in Canada’s pursuit of the historic 1988 Canada-US Free Trade Agreement. It analyzes the perceived “threat” of protectionism and evaluates the agreement’s provisions against Canada’s goal of securing access to the US market. It contends that US protectionism was crucial in the Mulroney government’s decision to negotiate a bilateral agreement and was a contentious issue for the agreement’s critics. US sources, unexamined in existing historiography, confirm the increased threat of American protectionism, but emphasize a distinction between the threat and implementation of protectionist trade law. Although the agreement did not shield Canada from US trade remedies, Canada gained important presence in the trade dispute process. These conclusions are drawn from Canadian and American media and government documents, 1980s academic and think-tank commentary, legal documents, the memoirs and diaries of major players, and select archival sources.

“The Proletarian Prometheus: Socialism, Ethnicity, and Revolution at the Lakehead, 1900-1935” is an analysis of the various socialist organizations operating at the Canadian Lakehead (comprised of the twin cities of Port Arthur and Fort William, Ontario, now the present-day City of Thunder Bay, and their vicinity) during the first 35 years of the twentieth century. It contends that the circumstances and actions of Lakehead labour, especially those related to ideology, ethnicity, and personality, worked simultaneously to empower and to fetter workers in their struggles against the shackles of capitalism. The twentieth-century Lakehead never lacked for a population of enthusiastic, energetic and talented left-wingers. Yet, throughout this period the movement never truly solidified and took hold. Socialist organizations, organizers and organs came and went, leaving behind them an enduring legacy, yet paradoxically the sum of their efforts was cumulatively less than the immense sacrifices and energies they had poured into them. Between 1900 and 1935, the region's working-class politics was shaped by the interaction of ideas drawn from the much larger North Atlantic socialist world with the particularities of Lakehead society and culture. International frameworks of analysis and activism were of necessity reshaped and revised in a local context in which ethnic divisions complicated and even undermined the class identities upon which so many radical dreams and ambitions rested.
Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2007-12-14 20:26:40.652

Notre doctorat est une recherche sur l’histoire du syndicalisme enseignant au Québec durant la première moitié des années 1990. Plus précisément, du Congrès de la Centrale des enseignants du Québec (CEQ) de juin 1990 à la convocation par le ministre de l’Éducation du gouvernement Parizeau des États généraux sur l’éducation en mars 1995. Notre recherche s’efforce de poser des jalons pour une première histoire critique du syndicalisme des enseignants à construire dans son rapport à l’histoire de l’éducation selon un constat initial que la première est sous-évaluée, voire largement invisible dans divers champs des sciences humaines et sociales (Relations industrielles, sociologie et histoire). La CEQ est la centrale syndicale des fédérations et des syndicats locaux représentant des enseignantes et des enseignants du Québec (des secteurs primaire, secondaire, collégial et même universitaire) et des professionnels de l’enseignement (animateurs de pastorale à l’époque). L’organe décisionnel de la CEQ est le Congrès national qui se réunit tous les deux ans ; l’application des décisions du Congrès se fait à la fois par le Bureau national (Conseil exécutif à partir de juin 1992) et le Conseil général des délégués de toutes les fédérations et de tous les syndicats locaux affiliés à la Centrale. Cette agora syndicale, qui se réunit six fois par année, est le cœur de la vie démocratique, tumultueuse, de la Centrale syndicale et étudie tous les rapports, les documents, les analyses, etc., qui lui sont soumis par le Bureau national / Conseil exécutif, l’unité de recherche de la CEQ ou divers comités. Dans un premier temps, notre thèse aborde le fait que le syndicalisme enseignant québécois est un objet historique inachevé et inabouti. Notre démarche tente de répondre à ce lien problématique entre historiographie et histoire. Puis, elle propose de nouveaux jalons pour une étude critique de cette histoire, notamment sur l’échec de la première tentative d’arrimage syndical de l’éducation à la souveraineté du Québec de 1977 à 1984. Mais alors, comment une centrale syndicale a-t-elle pu évoluer d’une opposition d’inspiration marxiste à toute tentative de réforme imposée de l’éducation et à un projet de souveraineté considéré comme conservateur et « capitaliste » portée par le PQ en 1977-1985 à iii une proposition d’une réforme globale, néolibérale, de l’éducation et un soutien à une souveraineté « sociale-démocrate » portée par le même parti politique en 1994-1995 ? Pour expliquer et comprendre ce paradoxe historique, nous allons étudier les nouvelles orientations stratégiques de la CEQ à partir du Congrès de juin 1990. Puis, dans un second temps, à partir d’archives syndicales – les procès-verbaux des réunions des délégués syndicaux au Conseil général de la CEQ –, notre étude historique porte sur le second arrimage de l’éducation fait par la Centrale à la conquête de la souveraineté du Québec, et particulièrement le rôle que joua le Conseil général des délégués syndicaux quant à la définition de quatre positions : 1) la question de la déconfessionnalisation, puis de la laïcité du système éducatif québécois ; 2) l’élaboration de la politique d’éducation interculturelle ; 3) les enjeux politiques et stratégiques autour de la définition de la souveraineté du Québec ; 4) le tournant participatif et la proposition d’une réforme globale de l’éducation au Québec. Enfin, notre recherche historique nous amène à décrire les mémoires syndicales enseignantes qui font de la CEQ une centrale syndicale si particulière dans l’histoire du mouvement ouvrier québécois.
Our thesis is a research on the history of teacher unionism in Quebec during the first half of the 1990s. More specifically, from the Congress of the Central Teachers of Quebec (CEQ) in June 1990 to the convocation by the Minister of Education of the Parizeau government of the Estates General on education in March 1995. Our research endeavors a milestone for a first critical history of teacher unionism to be constructed in its relationship to the history of education according to an initial observation that it is undervalued, even largely invisible in various fields of the humanities and social sciences (industrial relations, sociology and history). The CEQ is the central union of local federations and unions representing teachers in Quebec (primary, secondary and college and even university) and teaching professionals (pastoral animators at the time). The decision-making body of the CEQ is the National Congress which meets every two years; the application of the decisions of the Congress is done both by the National Office (Executive Council from June 1992) and the General Council of delegates of all the federations and all the local unions affiliated to the Centrale. This union agora, which meets six times a year, is the heart of the democratic, tumultuous life of the CEQ and studies all the reports, documents, analyzes, etc., which are submitted to it by the National Office / Executive Council, CEQ research unit or various committees. First, our thesis tackles the fact that Quebec teacher unionism is an unfinished and unfinished historical object. Our approach attempts to respond to this problematic link between historiography and history. Then, she proposed new milestones for a critical study of this history, in particular the failure of the first attempt to tie education to the sovereignty of Quebec from 1977 to 1984. But then, how was a Teacher Union able to evolve from an opposition of Marxist inspiration to any attempt at imposed reform of education and to a project of sovereignty considered as conservative and "capitalist" carried by the PQ in 1977-1985 to a proposal for a v comprehensive, neoliberal reform of education and support for a “social democratic” sovereignty carried by the same political party in 1994-1995? To explain and understand this historical paradox, we will study the new strategic orientations of the CEQ from the Congress of June 1990. Then, in a second step, from union archives - the minutes of the meetings of union delegates to the General Council of the CEQ -, our historical study relates to the second, the linkage of education made by the Centrale to the conquest of Quebec sovereignty, and in particular the role played by the General Council of union representatives in defining four positions: 1) the issue of deconfessionalization, then the secularity of the Quebec education system; 2) the development of intercultural education policy; 3) the political and strategic issues around the definition of Quebec sovereignty; 4) the participatory turning point and the proposal for a comprehensive education reform in Quebec. Finally, our historical research leads us to describe the teaching union memories that make the CEQ a special union organization in the history of the Quebec labor movement.

Les résultats historiques des différents référendums et plébiscites tenus au Canada depuis la Confédération ont révélé de très grandes oppositions entre plusieurs provinces. Le Québec s’est particulièrement distingué du reste du pays lors de certains référendums. En effet, cette province francophone est la seule à s’être opposée majoritairement à la circonscription, à la prohibition, et à avoir voté à deux reprises pour se séparer du reste du Canada. Or, notre compréhension de l’origine des distinctions d’opinions entre les provinces canadiennes, et plus particulièrement celle du Québec, demeure encore floue aujourd’hui. Il est donc important de remonter dans le temps pour voir si celles-ci étaient présentes au début du 20e siècle, notamment en étudiant l’enjeu de santé publique lié à la prohibition. Ce mémoire s’intéresse donc à la relation entre plusieurs variables socio-démographiques et les résultats du vote lors de différents référendums. Des mouvements en faveur de la prohibition se sont formés au milieu du 19e siècle au Canada et aux États-Unis avec des succès inégaux. Le mouvement prohibitionniste canadien n’a jamais réussi à étendre son influence contrairement aux États-Unis, mais celui-ci a quand même réussi à s’introduire au niveau des municipalités à l’aide de la loi sur la tempérance (1878). Le référendum national (1898) fut révélateur d’une forte opposition à cette politique publique au Québec. Les origines de ces disparités régionales, entre le Québec et le reste du Canada, mais aussi au niveau des municipalités au Québec, demeurent inexpliquées aujourd’hui. Or, quels sont les facteurs qui expliquent ces différences ? La littérature sur la tempérance indique que la religion est le facteur explicatif principal de l’appui à la prohibition. D’autres facteurs existent comme l’origine ethnique, la proportion urbaine et rurale, la présence des groupes d’intérêt brassicoles ou le vote des femmes. Néanmoins, la littérature au Canada ne semble pas unanime sur le sujet. À partir d’une analyse de régressions linéaires des moindres carrés ordinaires (MCO) et de modèles linéaires généralisés (MLG) sur les données du recensement canadien (1901, 1921), les votes des référendums et du rapport annuel de la Commission des Liqueurs du Québec (1921-1922), il sera possible de déterminer les facteurs explicatifs de l’appui à la prohibition. Les attitudes des francophones et des catholiques en dehors du Québec seront analysées lors des référendums au Nouveau-Brunswick (1920) et en Nouvelle-Écosse (1920). Un lien avec les attitudes politiques sur la légalisation du cannabis nous pousse à croire que la distinction du Québec s’articule toujours dans sa vision de la santé publique.
The historical results of different referendums and plebiscites held in Canada since the Confederation revealed a high level of opposition between the provinces. Quebec particularly distinguishes itself from the rest of the country during these referendums. Indeed, this province was the only one to oppose conscription, the prohibition and to hold two referendums to secede from Canada. Our understanding of the origins of these differences in the Canadian provinces, and Quebec in particular, is still vague today. It is important to look back in time to see these distinctions at the beginning of the 20th century by studying the multiple issues linked to alcohol and prohibition. This thesis aims to explain the relationship between socio-demographic variables and prohibition plebiscite results. Temperance movements have been founded in the mid-19th centuries in Canada and the United States, with unequal success. Canadian temperance movements never really succeed to extend their influence nationwide, but it was successfully introduced in communities later by the Scott Act (1878). The national referendum of 1898 revealed a strong opposition to prohibition in Quebec. The origins of these regional disparities, between the province of Quebec and the rest of Canada, and at the community-based level in Quebec, has yet to be explained. Which factors account for these differences? In the following analysis, several different variables like ethnic origins, rural and urban proportion, and gender are used to explain the support or opposition toward prohibition. With the data analysis of the Canadian census (1901, 1921), the plebiscite results and the Quebec Liquor Commission annual report (1921-1922), ordinary least squares models (OLS) and generalized linear models (GLM) will be used to analyze multiple variables in support of prohibition. The attitudes of Catholics and French-speaking communities outside Quebec will be analyzed during the New Brunswick (1920) and Nova Scotia plebiscite (1920). A link with the actual political attitudes about the legalization of cannabis tends to show that these distinctions persist through time concerning public health issues in Quebec.