Academic literature on the topic 'HISTORY / Military / Afghan War (2001-)'
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Journal articles on the topic "HISTORY / Military / Afghan War (2001-)"
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SIDKY, H. "War, Changing Patterns of Warfare, State Collapse, and Transnational Violence in Afghanistan: 1978–2001." Modern Asian Studies 41, no. 4 (May 25, 2007): 849–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0600254x.
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The war in Afghanistan was one of the most brutal and long lasting conflicts of the second half of the twentieth century. Anthropologists specializing in Afghanistan who wrote about the war at the time reiterated the United State's Cold War rhetoric rather than provide objective analyses. Others ignored the war altogether. What happened in Afghanistan, and why, and the need for objective reassessments only came to mind after the September 11th attacks. This paper examines the genesis and various permutations of the Afghan war in terms of causal dynamics embedded in the broader interstate relations of the world system and its competing military complexes during the second half of the twentieth century and changes in that system in the post-Cold War period.
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Korol’kova, E. "Evolution of United States’ Private Military and Security Companies: The Case of Afghanistan 2001–2021." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, no. 1 (2022): 122–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.7.
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The withdrawal of troops on 31 August 2021 which was carried out in accordance with the Agreement signed on 29 February 2020 between the U.S. government and the Taliban (an international terrorist organization banned in the Russian Federation) marked the end of the international military campaign in Afghanistan which lasted twenty years. Assessing the preliminary outcomes of nearly a quarter-century of the US military and their NATO allies’ presence in Afghanistan, U.S. President Joseph Biden announced the end of “an era of major military operations to remake other countries”. Though the consequences of the Western coalition campaign in the area remain to be evaluated and they are unlikely to turn out to be unequivocal, the Atlantic strategy aimed at rebuilding and democratization of Afghanistan proved itself as bankrupt. Our research focuses on the way the twenty-year military campaign in Afghanistan affected the development of the U.S. private military and security companies (PMSC) industry. For these purposes, we, firstly, studied and traced the transformation of the private military and security services market in the U.S., and examined the changes of approaches and mechanisms used to contract PMSCs. Secondly, we analyzed the way the U.S. authorities addressed the challenges new market evoked, focusing on the measures of legal regulation that were applied to PMSCs, and the way the working of the U.S. institutional mechanisms was transforming. The final part of the research contains conclusions on the perspectives for the development of the American PMSC industry after the withdrawal of the U.S. troops from Afghanistan. We believe that due to its duration and continuity, the Afghan operation ensured a launchpad for the PMSC industry and provided conditions for private military and security companies to acquire and master high-end experience which in turn, contributed to the development of a certain market that goes well beyond the involvement of conventional human capital. It provided solutions for the production, utilization, and maintenance of the equipment and technologies, allowing the minimization of the direct participation of specialists in hostilities. Alongside the development of the American PMSC industry itself, the research studies the investigations conducted by the U.S. authorities into the cases of abuse committed by the contractors during their participation in Afghan war. It discusses the way this practice encouraged the transformations of United States procedures and mechanisms aimed at reducing malpractice when performing contracts and launched changes in U.S. legislation. It also demonstrates the lessons learned by the U.S. from the contractual practice with regard to the regulation of PMSCs. The research reveals the strengths and weaknesses of the American policy regarding PMSCs during the whole period of the military conflict in Afghanistan and helps to evaluate the success of the U.S. efforts in monitoring contractors across Afghanistan. To conclude, we reckon that considerable contractual experience acquired in Afghanistan ensures technological and procedural progress of the U.S. PMSC industry. Given the enduring rivalry between the U.S., Russia, and China, including in the military and technological spheres, the twenty-year experience of direct participation in hostilities by U.S. PMSCs boosted its competitive advantage compared to Russia and China, whose PMSCs still lack such an experience.
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Müller, Mathias. "Signs of the Merciful." Journal of Religion and Violence 7, no. 2 (2019): 91–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jrv2019112668.
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This article explores how battlefield miracles were experienced, explained, and debated in jihadist literature in the period between 1982–2002. Competing with the secular histories written by foreign journalists, diplomats, and communists, the study argues that the influential jihadist scholar ’Abdullah ‘Azzam (d. 1989) endeavored to write an alternate sacred history of the Soviet-Afghan War (1979–1989), the course of which was determined neither by military prowess or luck, but by the miracles granted by God. Perusing more than three hundred miracle stories compiled by ’Azzam, the article demonstrates that the wonderworking mujahidin were indebted to a longstanding and complex tradition that determined the varieties of miracles experienced in Afghanistan. Moreover, the mujahidin’s own miracle stories shed light on when and how miracles paralleled or diverged from past tradition while raising important questions about the threshold of the supernatural, the mujahidin’s spiritual rank, and their abilities to encounter miracles. However, both mujahidin and the general public occasionally doubted whether miracles had really occurred, and so the article attempts to replay the discussions that surrounded ‘Azzam’s miracle stories, paying attention to how they were published, circulated, and received in the Muslim world. In conclusion, the article remarks on how ‘Azzam’s writings have influenced the development of miracle stories in later jihadist literature by looking specifically at al-Qa’ida’s portrayal of 9/11.
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Родригес-Фернандес, Александр Мануэльевич. "Political Islam in the Social Life of Afghanistan (Late 20th — Early 21st Centuries)." Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, no. 3(72) (October 18, 2021): 98–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2021.72.3.010.
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Период, рассмотренный в статье, был отмечен серьезными потрясениями в регионе Ближнего и Среднего Востока. В Афганистане ситуация складывалась сложнее и трагичнее, чем в окружающих его мусульманских странах. Предшествующие политические потрясения и последовавшие вслед за ними гражданская война и американская интервенция предопределили фактическую дезорганизацию многонационального государства. Можно констатировать, что на современном этапе Афганистан представляет собой скорее географическое понятие с условным названием «Исламская республика» (с 2002 года). Главным признаком такого состояния становится полуфеодальная раздробленность, базирующаяся на этнонациональном принципе. Вторым признаком является слабая, по сути лишь номинальная центральная власть во главе с президентами — фактическими ставленниками США. Эта власть не имеет опоры в афганском обществе, где почти за полвека изнурительной войны практически уничтожена прежняя политическая элита, а население не подчиняется центральным государственным органам на протяжении десятилетий. К этим признакам следует отнести и то обстоятельство, что новые поколения афганцев вырастали в условиях непрекращающейся войны, формирующей определенный психологический климат в обществе, уже не представляющем без нее своего существования. В статье использованы доступные источники по современной военно-политической, социально-экономической и этноконфессиональной ситуации в Афганистане. Среди них определенный интерес представляют путевые заметки американских и французских экспертов Р. Морейя и О. Вебера, специализирующихся в вопросах экономической и гуманитарной помощи. По всей видимости, их опубликованные в западной прессе впечатления очевидцев являются литературным продолжением служебных рапортов, но даже в этом случае они содержат живой фактический материал. Необходимым дополнением являются статистические отчеты и сборники документов ООН, где отражены проблемы и неудачи афганских властей в осуществлении составленных американскими экспертами программ экономической и социальной модернизации Афганистана. В сущности, источниковая база по современным реалиям афганской истории удручающе бедна, а упомянутые выше материалы вполне соответствуют проблематике статьи. The period investigated in the article was marred by serious upheavals in the Middle East. The situation in Afghanistan was more tragic and complicated than the situation in adjacent countries. The political commotion, the ensuing civil conflict and American intervention plunged the multinational country into political disarray. At present (since 2002) Afghanistan is a geographical location that can be tentatively called an Islamic Republic. It is characterized by ethnic fragmentation (a feudal anachronism), nominal centralized government headed by a US protégé. The government is not supported by Afghan society, there has been more than a half century of conflict which has claimed lives of many politicians, the government has been ignored by the population for several decades. The new generations of Afghan people grew under the conditions of a never-ending war, which has a gruesome impact on society. The article uses available sources on modern military, political, social, economic, ethnic and confessional situation in Afghanistan. Special attention is given to travel notes written by American and French experts R. Morey and O. Weber, who specialize in economic and humanitarian aid. The travel notes published by western media are an interpretation of official reports, but they discuss real life situations. The article also analyzes statistical reports and UN documents which describe problems and failures of the Afghan government to carry out economic and social modernization plans elaborated by American experts. It should be noted that there are depressingly few sources one can rely on when exploring modern Afghan history and the aforementioned sources meet the requirements of the article.
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Dixon, Paul. "Frock Coats against Brass Hats? Politicians, the Military and the War in Afghanistan 2001–2014." Parliamentary Affairs 73, no. 3 (April 21, 2019): 651–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz015.
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Abstract The ‘Dominant Military Narrative’ (DMN) on the Iraq and Afghan wars defends the effectiveness of the British military and its use of force by deflecting responsibility for failure onto the politicians and ‘Whitehall’. The politicians are blamed for over-stretching the military by fighting two wars, resulting in a shortage of equipment, inadequate troop numbers and without a clear ‘Strategic Narrative’. This article critiques the DMN and provides evidence to suggest that it was the military elite that sought maximum involvement in the Iraq and Afghan wars. The problem is that the military has too much rather than too little power to shape policy.
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Jhosep, Akaber. "THE UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY AGAINST AFGHANISTAN MILITARY: A COVERT MILITARY METHOD." Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 9, no. 2 (August 21, 2022): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v9i2.23731.
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This study aims to analyze and explain the foreign policy of the United States towards the Afghan militia, especially the Taliban. The United States government with the help of the CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) investigates and seeks to destroy the Al Qaeda terrorist group led by Osama bin Laden who was later found to be in Afghanistan and obtained protection under the Taliban. The Taliban, the Islamic extremist regime that controls Afghanistan and offers space for Al Qaeda militants to exercise its military in Afghanistan. President Bush signed a resolution on September 18, 2001 regarding the attacks on Al Qaeda under the protection of the Taliban in Afghanistan which continues to this day. The United States is actively involved in supporting military operations in Afghanistan, including logistical assistance, Afghan military training, and sending American military troops to conflict areas. The main goal of the United States in doing so is to prevent potential future attacks by a growing terrorist group in Afghanistan. Based on data from the United States Department of Defense, the total expenditure in the military sector in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2019 was 778 billion USD. Meanwhile, the number of troops sent to conflict locations was 596,303 troops. There are 2,441 US military troops confirmed dead in the Afghan war from 2001 to 2019. It is estimated that about 12,000 US military troops are still in Afghanistan. This research is a qualitative research and the data collection technique used by the author in this study is Library Research in the form of books, journals, documents, reports, articles, or newspapers obtained through electronic and non-electronic media. The conclusion is that this foreign policy is relevant and elaborates that in international relations there will be actions, reactions, and interactions between political entities called states. The state, in this case the head of state as the decision maker, tries to formulate every goal to be achieved by minimizing sacrifices to the national interest. In line with the policies pursued by President Trump to end the war in Afghanistan and withdraw all military forces of the United States and its allies.
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Ali, Muhamed, and Shyamal Kataria. "Beyond Borders: Unpacking us Military Involvement in Afghanistan as a Case Study in the Islamic World." Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 12, no. 1 (January 31, 2024): e2953. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v12i1.2953.
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Purpose: This study seeks to assess the adherence to international law in the 2001 U.S.-led military intervention in Afghanistan, prompted by the September 11 attacks. Additionally, it aims to investigate the impact of the Greater Middle East Initiative on U.S. policy towards the Islamic World, specifically Afghanistan, providing insights into legal intricacies and broader consequences. Theoretical Framework: This article engages in discussions among Western scholars on the Afghanistan war and U.S. military involvement but distinguishes itself by incorporating insights from Middle Eastern scholars. It aims to enrich the discourse by integrating perspectives from within the Middle Eastern scholarly community, offering a comprehensive view of these complex subjects. Methodology: Employing historical, descriptive, and in-depth analytical research methods, this study examines events around September 11, 2001, providing essential context for the subsequent U.S. military intervention. Descriptive methods offer a detailed account of the post-9/11 shift in U.S. policy, while in-depth analytical methods scrutinize legal dilemmas arising from the intervention, contributing to a comprehensive understanding of historical context, U.S. policy decisions, and legal complexities. Results: The results and discussion section explores the historical evolution of U.S. military engagement in 21st-century Afghanistan, analyzing its strategic shifts and the Taliban's adaptation to guerrilla warfare. It critically evaluates the international legal aspects of the Afghan War, assessing the legitimacy of the U.S.-led military intervention based on UN conventions, historical precedents, and key principles such as the right to legitimate defense, urgency, and proportionality. Conclusions: The aftermath of September 11, 2001, marked a transformative moment in U.S. policy towards Afghanistan and the broader Middle East, leading to the consequential Afghan War. Despite its geopolitical significance, the absence of explicit UN Security Council authorization prompts a critical examination of the war's legitimacy, revealing lapses in meeting criteria for the right to individual or collective legitimate defense and urging a reevaluation of established narratives in international relations and global politics.
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Friesendorf, Cornelius, and Thomas Müller. "Human costs of the Afghanistan war." Journal of Regional Security 8, no. 2 (2013): 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x132ppf34.
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The war in Afghanistan has been the longest war in United States history. This article argues that from the beginning of the US-led invasion of Afghanistan in late 2001, the US conduct of the war posed great dangers for Afghan civilians. It distinguishes between three phases, each of which held distinct risks for civilians. The first phase, from late 2001 to 2009, was marked by the fight against al Qaeda and insurgent forces; the second phase, from 2009- 2010, by counterinsurgency; and the third phase by the transition of security responsibilities from NATO to Afghan security forces. While risk transfer clearly marked the first and third phases, civilians also suffered during the second phase, when the US put a primacy on civilian protection. We argue that neglecting civilian protection has not only been morally problematic but also risks undermining the Western goal of ensuring that Afghanistan will no longer pose a threat to international security.
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Zafar, Muhammad Umair, Nazir Hussain Shah, Tahira Parveen, and Tayyaba Syed. "Indo- Afghan Nexus: Implications for Pakistan (2001- 2014)." Academic Journal of Social Sciences (AJSS ) 4, no. 4 (January 19, 2021): 782–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.54692/ajss.2020.04041231.
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Afghanistan, unlike India and Pakistan, has never been colonized throughout its history. People of Afghanistan have always enjoyed cordial relations with the people of undivided sub-continent. However, the creation of a new state ‘Pakistan’ was considered as both, a threat and a geo-graphical de linkage between the people of Afghanistan and India. Both Indo- Afghan strengthen their bi-lateral relations through the treaty of friendship 1950. On the contrary, Afghanistan was the only country to vote against Pakistan’s admission to United Nations Organization. Despite of lingual, cultural and religious ties, Pak- Afghan relations failed to form strong basis. Since the emergence of Pakistan, India has been engaged in derailing Pakistan’s stability and security through its multidimensional approaches. India’s aim to isolate Pakistan in its neighbors is a serious implication for Pakistan. Indian consulates in Kandahar and Jalalabad near the Pak- Afghan border have further raised serious concerns for Pakistan about the Indian presence in Afghanistan. The US war against terror campaign and Pakistan’s policy reversal against Taliban grew severe resentments among the Afghan Taliban against Pakistan. This article analyzes the Indian designs and its involvement in Afghanistan which directly affects the security and stability of Pakistan.
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Hanggarini, Peni, Theo Sambuaga, and Syaiful Anwar. "A History of the Afghan War (2001-2021) from a Defense Diplomacy Perspective." HISTORIA: Jurnal Program Studi Pendidikan Sejarah 12, no. 1 (October 15, 2023): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.24127/hj.v12i1.8708.
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This paper discusses the asymmetric war in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021 between the United States (US) and the Taliban from the perspective of defense diplomacy. The purpose of this paper is to identify assymetric war strategies and to evaluate defense diplomacy process to create peace. The research is based on qualitative method using secondary data from books, documents, and journals. The study indicates that defense diplomacy had succesfully led to the peace agreement, signed in Doha on February 29, 2020 between the US and the Taliban, which had been in conflict for nearly 20 years. However, the peace creation process is not easy due to the inhibiting factors which play more significant role than the supporting factors for defense diplomacy. Although the US, a super power, is supported by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Pakistan and several other countries, it is not a guarantee for the US to achieve its war objectives. The US goals and strategy continuously changed over time and imprecise in its implementation. The US’s failure to understand the political entity of the Taliban, particulary in the political, social and cultural aspects, is the main obstacle to achieving the US’ war goals and the ease implementation of defense diplomacy.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "HISTORY / Military / Afghan War (2001-)"
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Savych, Bogdan. "Effects of deployments on spouses of military personnel." Santa Monica, Calif. : Pardee Rand Graduate School, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA487634.
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Milakovic, Amy E. "The National Endowment for the Arts' "Operation Homecoming" shaping military stories into nationalistic rhetoric /." [Fort Worth, Tex.] : Texas Christian University, 2009. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-10162009-150448/unrestricted/Milakovic.pdf.
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Skaar, Steinar. "The utility of coercion theory in the Afghan conflict." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2017. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/8872/.
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This thesis examines the utility of coercion theory in complex contemporary conflicts through a study of the Afghan conflict as it unfolded in the provinces of Faryab and Kunduz from 2005 to 2012. The last two decades have produced ample examples of incidents where the UN, international alliances or states have found it necessary to use force in order to coerce states or armed groups to stop unacceptable activities or change their behaviour. However, the potential of military force to induce behavioural change in such conflicts is understudied and poorly understood. In the Afghan conflict the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) together with the Afghan security forces applied force in order to influence the Taliban and other groups who violently opposed the elected government to change their behaviour. Although neither ISAF nor the participating nations had articulated a coercive strategy, force was used consistent with coercion theory on a number of occasions. Coercion theory consists of a number of assumptions and presuppositions, the existence of which should be present on the ground for theory to have utility. This thesis argues that these were generally not, or only to a limited degree present in the Afghan conflict. It further argues that in the cases where ISAF and its Afghan allies applied force consistent with theory, it did generally not translate to the desired outcomes, in particular when coercion represented the dominant effort. This thesis consequently argues that coercion theory is not well suited to provide explanatory power to or predict outcomes in conflicts that are comparable to the conflict in Afghanistan. In particular, theory’s presumption of unitary actors, the rationality presumption and the notion of the credible threat is insufficient. Theory’s notion of coercive mechanisms also assumes a connection between human behaviour and what may influence it that is overly simplistic. This consequently proposes a revised set of assumptions and presuppositions as well as a revised understanding of mechanisms that acknowledges that coercion alone is rarely sufficient to instil sustainable change.
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Abonadi, Earl E. K. "Weinberger-Powell and transformation : perceptions of American power from the fall of Saigon to the fall of Baghdad /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FAbonadi.pdf.
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Bricet, des Vallons Georges-Henri. "L’entreprise de guerre au XXIe siècle : Les sociétés militaires privées dans la politique étrangère et la stratégie militaire des Etats-Unis." Thesis, Paris 5, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA05D001.
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Les guerres d’Irak et d’Afghanistan ont vu la réapparition massive de sociétés de mercenariat d’un nouveau genre.Le mercenariat occidental est ainsi passé en moins de vingt ans de structures artisanales, arrimées à la politiquepost-coloniale des grandes puissances, à un stade professionnel et industriel tendant à une transnationalisationcroissante de ses activités. Des bavures de la célèbre Blackwater à l’implication d’employés de CACI dans lescandale de la torture au sein de la prison d’Abu Grahib, en passant par les activités de la tentaculaire Aegis, lessociétés militaires privées, omniprésentes sur le champ de bataille, ont rythmé et marqué le récit de ces guerresmajeures du début du XXIe siècle. Fait crucial : c’est la première fois dans l’histoire des opérations militairesaméricaines qu’on assiste à un basculement de la démographie des forces en faveur du secteur privé. Produit del’économie de guerre permanente et ramifications expéditionnaires du complexe militaro-industriel, ces sociétésreprésentent un changement d’expression de la puissance militaire étatsunienne sans précédent. Cettemercenarisation de l’american way of war est désormais une tendance structurelle de la politique étrangère del’Empire et pourrait bien révolutionner à terme le visage même de la guerre. Cette thèse trace le récit historique deces armées privées, décrit les conditions politiques qui ont permis à ce nouveau marché de la guerre d’émerger etse propose d’analyser la portée sociopolitique de ce phénomène de mondialisation de la violence privée quant à laquestion de l’Etat. Cette question du retour du mercenariat à grande échelle dans la politique étrangère des Etats-Unis permet non seulement de former une hypothèse aiguë sur le déclin de la puissance militaire américaine maisaussi sur les évolutions de l’identité sociohistorique du monopole de la violence étatiqueIraq and Afghanistan Wars have seen a massive return of mercenary companies of a new genre. The Westernmercenaries have transformed in less than twenty years from craft structures, linked to the post-colonial politics ofgreat powers, to a professional and industrial stage that tends to a growing transnationalization of their activities.From the blunders of the famous Blackwater to the involvement of CACI’s employees in the torture scandal inAbu Ghraib prison, through the activities of the sprawling Aegis, private military companies, everywhere on thebattlefield, have marked and labeled the story of these major wars of the early twenty-first Century. Crucial fact:this is the first time in the history of U.S. military operations that we are witnessing a shift in the demographics offorces in favor of the private sector. Product of the permanent war economy and overseas branches of themilitary-industrial complex, these companies represent an unprecedented change in expression of U.S. militarypower. This mercenarization of the American way of war is now a structural trend of the foreign policy of theEmpire and could eventually revolutionize the face of the war. This thesis traces the history of these privatearmies, described the political conditions that led to the birth of this new market of war, and analyzes the scope ofthis sociopolitical phenomenon of globalization of private violence. This return of mercenaries on a large scale inthe foreign policy of the United States not only help to form a decisive hypothesis on the decline of Americanmilitary power but also on the socio-historical changes of the identity of the State monopoly of violence
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Krige, Greta. "Perspectives on "New wars" in Africa: the case of Sierra Leone." Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2601.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2008.The primary goal of this thesis is to explore, analyse and apply the New War theory to the West African case of Sierra Leone. The motivation for conducting a study of this nature was that much literature exists on the assumption that the Sierra Leonean conflict equates to a resource war. This research project attempts to bridge the gap between the New War schools of thought and those who maintain a resource war approach. Although Kaldor’s (2006) work on New Wars is significant, she does not place much emphasis on Africa. In order to supplement this, William Reno (2001) and Paul Collier (2000) have also been studied. Both write about Africa. The RUF virtually razed the Sierra Leonean society to the ground. The overtly violent methods employed were dissimilar to the interstate and intrastate wars of the past. Blatant exploitation of the country’s mineral wealth aggravated the situation. In attempting to reach a relevant finding, this study is divided into distinctive sections. Chapter two documents the theoretical background. The writings of Kaldor (2006), Reno (2001) and Collier (2000) are explored and applied. The third chapter investigates the factors in the conflict. Issues such as the resource factor (diamonds) and poverty are discussed; the failed state in Sierra Leone; criminal networks; social conditions; arms; and the role of youth and children. The general finding of this chapter indicates that Sierra Leone fits this model. Chapter four describes and analyses the actors. Identity was not an issue in the Sierra Leone war; thus a large part of Kaldor’s theory becomes redundant. In the final assessment the study establishes what Sierra Leone’s position is: New War or merely resource war? The bulk of the applied theory proved to be applicable to this case; but the study also acknowledges the mistaken views regarding Kaldor’s identity theories. Collier and Reno’s works prove to be significantly more relevant. This study was able to determine that Sierra Leone was indeed an example of New Wars, albeit considerably affected and influenced by greed.
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Henrotin, Joseph W. C. H. G. "Hypertrophie de la stratégie des moyens et révolution dans les affaires militaires: la technologisation, dérive de l'innovation dans le discours politico-stratégique américan ?" Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210564.
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Evaluation des mutations de la stratégie politico-militaire américaine depuis l'occurrence de la Revolution in Military Affairs jusqu'au processus actuel de "Transformation". L'analyse des évolutions vues - y compris à l'aune des opérations menées en Afghanistan et en Irak - montre, au delà du phénomène de technicisation (i.e. le processus d'intégration de nouvelles technologies aux armées) un phénomène de "technologisation". Dans ce cadre, le discours stratégique américain, examiné au travers des débats stratégiques et des contributions doctrinales, tendrait à être sur-déterminé par la technologie, du niveau tactique au niveau politique, de sorte que ledit discours tendrait à devenir en soi une technologie.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Jorge, Bernardo Wahl Gonçalves de Araújo. "As Forças de Operações Especiais dos Estados Unidos e a intervenção no Afeganistão: um novo modo de guerra americano?" São Paulo : [s.n.], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96024.
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Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar NasserBanca: Oliveiros S. Ferreira
Banca: Shiguenoli Miyamoto
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: A reação inicial da administração de George W. Bush aos atentados de onze de setembro de 2001 foi atacar o governo Talebã no Afeganistão, visando a derrubar o regime do pregador religioso Omar do poder e a estabelecer bases que serviriam para a caçada à al- Qaeda, que tinha naquele país um santuário para planejar suas ações. A capital Cabul, assim como outras regiões no interior afegão, foram conquistadas rapidamente, isto teoricamente em função do plano militar estadunidense, baseado no emprego de Forças de Operações Especiais, poderio aéreo e na utilização de um parceiro local: a Aliança do Norte. O suposto sucesso dos Estados Unidos seria decorrente, conforme o discurso oficial norte-americano, da "transformação militar" que estava sendo promovida pelo secretário de Defesa Donald Rumsfeld. O chamado modelo afegão foi considerado um "novo" modo de guerra americano e, a partir de então, dentro do contexto de "guerra ao terror", as Forças de Operações Especiais passaram a ocupar, como nunca antes na história dos EUA, um lugar por demais proeminente dentro da concepção estratégica de Washington. Todavia, passados cerca de sete anos dos movimentos iniciais de invasão, a situação afegã não é das melhores, o que leva ao questionamento da validade e aparente inovação daquelas ações militares americanas.
Abstract: The initial reaction of the George W. Bush administration to the violent acts of september 11, 2001 was to attack the Taliban government in Afghanistan, aiming to bring down the Mullah Omar regime and to set up bases that would serve to the hunting of al- Qaida, organization which had that country as its sanctuary to plan its actions. The capital Cabul, as well as another regions in the countryside, were quickly conquered, theoretically because the american military plan, based on Special Operations Forces, air power and in the use of a local allie: the Northern Alliance. The supposed success of the United States would be the result, according to the official speech, of the "military transformation" that was being encouraged by the Defense secretary Donald Rumsfeld. The afghan model was considered a "new" american way of war and the Special Operations Forces, inside the context of "global war on terror", went on to the center of the american strategic conception. However, after seven years of the invasion, the afghan situation is not good, so it is possible to question the validity and the apparent inovation of that american military actions.
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McGinty, Karen Davis. "Having our say stressors and readjustment issues of veterans of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan from the perspective of loved ones : a project based upon an independent investigation /." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/9906.
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Ochoa, Susana. "An exploratory study Hispanic/Latino OEF/OIF U.S. military veterans readjusting post deployment : a project based upon an independent investigation /." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/9830.
Full textBooks on the topic "HISTORY / Military / Afghan War (2001-)"
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1976-, Hall Wynton C., ed. Home of the brave: Honoring the unsung heroes in the war on terror. New York: Forge Books/Tom Doherty Associates, 2006.
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WLW (Radio Station : Cincinnati, Ohio), ed. Thumbs up America: Americans at war 2010, a brief history. [Cincinnati, OH]: Dean Smittle, 2010.
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Drendel, Lou. Operation Enduring Freedom: US military operations in Afghanistan, 2001-2002. Carrollton, Tex: Squadron/Signal Publications, 2002.
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Grau, Lester W. Operation Anaconda: America's first major battle in Afghanistan. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 2011.
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Salman, Haidar, and Academy of Third World Studies., eds. The Afghan war and its geopolitical implications for India. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers & Distributors, 2004.
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Prashad, Vijay. War against the planet: The fifth Afghan war, imperialism, and other assorted fundamentalisms. New Delhi: LeftWord Books, 2002.
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Courter, Jeff. Afghan journal: A soldier's year in Afghanistan. Flossmoor, IL: [s.n.], 2008.
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H, Ussery Easton, ed. War in Afghanistan: Strategy, military operations, and congressional issues. Hauppauge, N.Y: Nova Science Publishers, 2009.
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H, Ussery Easton, ed. War in Afghanistan: Strategy, military operations, and congressional issues. Hauppauge, N.Y: Nova Science Publishers, 2009.
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Neville, Leigh. Special operations patrol vehicles: Afghanistan and Iraq. Oxford: Osprey, 2011.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "HISTORY / Military / Afghan War (2001-)"
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McMichael, Scott. "The Soviet-Afghan War." In The Military History of the Soviet Union, 259–74. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-12029-8_15.
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McMichael, Scott. "The Soviet-Afghan War." In The Military History of the Soviet Union, 259–74. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230108219_15.
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Trousdale, William B., and Mitchell Allen. "History of Archaeological Research in Afghan Sistan." In The Archaeology of Southwest Afghanistan, Volume 1, 19–28. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399503730.003.0003.
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This chapter traces the historical and archaeological study of Afghan Sistan from the time of European travelers in the 19th century to the present. Numerous English and other European visitors to Sistan in the 19th century wrote journals of their travels. The border location of Sistan meant that the various Afghan boundary commissions of the 1880s and subsequent decades spent much time in the area, including surveyor G.P. Tate, who wrote the first extensive research volume on Sistan in 1910. Archaeological work was slow in coming: a brief French mission and excavation in the 1930s, American Walter Fairservis’s survey in 1949-50, and work by British archaeologist Norman Hammond, German scholar Klaus Fischer, and American George Dales in the 1950s and 1960s. The only archaeologist to visit Sistan after the Helmand Sistan Project was Mark Abramiuk, working with the US military in 2010-2011. Much more extensive work has taken place in Iranian Sistan by Italian and Iranian teams, though with different emphases and results than in Afghan Sistan.
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"The Afghan Civil War (1978–2001): Invasion Versus Military Aid." In Joining the Fray, 143–88. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315590646-10.
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Dorronsoro, Gilles. "The Security Council And The Afghan Conflict." In The United Nations Security Council And War, 452–65. Oxford University PressOxford, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199533435.003.0020.
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Abstract The conflict in Afghanistan has persisted in various forms since 1979, making it one of the longest conflicts since 1945. Twice, foreign powers intervened militarily (the USSR from 1979 to 1989; and the US from 2001 to the present), while neighbouring countries – notably Pakistan, Uzbekistan, and Russia – have continuously supported different armed Afghan military movements. The Afghan conflict is a good case study by which to analyse the role of the UN Security Council, with the conflict spanning a pivotal period of evolution in the international system.
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Brown, Katherine A. "Afghanistan’s Press." In Your Country, Our War, 51–71. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190879402.003.0004.
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This chapter discusses the history of the Afghan news media, which was under either authoritarian or hyperpartisan control throughout the 20th century. This chapter explores the political and sociocultural factors that have contributed to the state of modern Afghan journalism, and how Afghan government officials have treated their press since 2001. It also examines the habits and norms local journalists have created, in addition to the impact of Western aid money and the presence of Western journalists in the country. Independent news media organizations have helped to drive dramatic change in Afghan politics and society, often at a seemingly breakneck speed. The patchwork media landscape of present-day Afghanistan reflects the various power struggles between the country’s politicians, extremists, strongmen, progressives, and foreign actors.
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Adler, Hermann. "Judaism and War." In Jewish Preaching in Times of War, 1800 - 2001, 284–96. Liverpool University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781906764401.003.0015.
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This chapter analyses Hermann Adler's guest sermon on the Boer War. Three and a half weeks after the outbreak of hostilities, Adler chose to address the subject in a visit to the North London Synagogue in Islington. Assuming that the congregation had already been addressed by their own minister on the subject of the war, he nevertheless decided that it was necessary to make this the focus of his guest sermon, citing as a reason the military reversals of the previous Monday, which came to be known as ‘Mournful Monday’. Particularly striking to the modern reader is the preacher's total identification not only with the policies of the government but with the cause of empire. He invokes not only passages of English literature but also the glories of British military history in the recent past.
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Hiro, Dilip. "The Gulf Rivals’ Eastward March." In Cold War in the Islamic World, 163–200. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0010.
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As de facto ruler, Crown Prince Abdullah aided the Taliban, a hard line Islamic fundamentalist party in Afghanistan, created by Pakistan in 1994 during the civil war. Assisted by Islamabad and Riyadh, the Taliban captured Kabul in September 1996. In their spring and summer 1998 offensives, they seized more territory. During their capture of Mazare Sharif, eleven diplomats from Iran’s consulate “disappeared”. The subsequent tensions between Iran and the Taliban escalated to the point when Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards carried out military exercises near the Afghan border. Thus pressured, the Taliban handed over the Iranian diplomats’ corpses. President Khatami was quick to condemn the 9/11 attacks masterminded by Osama bin Laden based in Afghanistan. In contrast, the widely shared view of senior Saudi princes was that 9/11 was part of the Zionist conspiracy to get Washington fired up to launch a worldwide campaign against Islamic terrorism. Iran clandestinely supplied intelligence on the Taliban on the eve of Washington’s anti-Taliban campaign in October 2001. Yet in January 2002, President George W. Bush included Iran along with Iraq in his “Axis of Evil.” Ignoring Abdullah’s opposition to aggression against any Arab country, Bush ordered invasion and occupation of Iraq in March 2003.
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Roberts, Anthony. "Afghanistan." In Christianity in South and Central Asia, 95–106. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474439824.003.0009.
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With Turkic and Tajik peoples to the north, Tajiks and Pashtuns in the west, ethnic Hazaras in the central highlands and the Pashtuns to the south and east, Afghanistan’s diversity stems from its history as a regional crossroads. Christianity began in Afghanistan in the fourth century and was later revived by missionaries in the frontier areas, but there was little concerted effort to spread the faith until after 1945, when the Pashtun monarchy sought to modernise Afghanistan. However, the Soviet invasion prompted fighters to repel the forces under the banner of Islam. Amidst a civil war, Christian NGO’s continued until expelled by the Taliban in 2001. The new government allowed Christian NGO’s to expand into new areas of the country. For the sake of believers’ security the most visible fellowships have been limited to foreigners. Most find it difficult to sustain everyday life in the country while openly professing Christianity due to ostracism from society. While Islam has been linked with Afghan identity, worldview has begun to change. Unfortunately, there has been an exodus of Afghan believers, usually after social and legal ostracism. Nevertheless, due to sacrifices by Afghan believers, the church is growing in numbers despite all the challenges.
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Edwards, Erica R. "Inform Our Dreams." In The Other Side of Terror, 35–80. NYU Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479808427.003.0002.
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This chapter offers a brief history of the long war on terror as a racial gendered regime of state protection that linked the project of racial reform to the project of defense through the imperial grammars of Blackness. It discusses three phases of counterinsurgency in the period between 1968 and 2012 that restructured the grammar of postwar US imperialism: the racialization of terror between 1968 and 1980, the construction of the “new world order” between 1980 and 2001, and the “post-9/11 era” between 2001 and 2012. It argues that as state and military agencies incorporated gestures of Black empowerment into the speech modes of counterinsurgency at home and abroad, Black feminist writers like Audre Lorde, Angela Davis, Assata Shakur, and Toni Morrison studied and contested that incorporation.
Conference papers on the topic "HISTORY / Military / Afghan War (2001-)"
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Veretilnyk, Oleksandr. "Reintegration of former collaborators into the labor market of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan: problems and prospects." In Conferinta stiintifica internationala "Strategii si politici de management in economia contemporana", editia VII. Academy of Economic Studies of Moldova, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53486/icspm2022.26.
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The victory of the ultra-conservative Islamic Taliban movement in the military conflict in Afghanistan led to the flight of hundreds of thousands of people from this country in the summer of 2021, fearing revenge from the Taliban. The reason for this kind of concern was the cooperation of these people with foreign military (primarily from the United States and other NATO countries), who were in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021. According to members and supporters of the Taliban movement, foreign soldiers were occupiers who illegally attacked Afghanistan and occupied it against the will of the Afghan people, and all these years the Afghan people for the most part provided armed resistance to their presence (waging a liberation jihad against the invaders). The United States and other Western states, retreating under the onslaught of the Taliban from Afghan cities, promised, together with their soldiers, to evacuate from Afghanistan all Afghan citizens who collaborated with the armed forces and intelligence services of NATO countries, but in reality, not everyone could leave Afghan territory with evacuation flights. This article presents the results of a study on the problem of reintegration of non-evacuated Afghans into the Afghan labor market, and also analyzes the role they can play in achieving the sustainable development goals of post-war Afghanistan.
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Iliev, Andrej, Lazar Gjurov, and Zoran Cikarski. "HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF STRATEGIC LEADERSHIP IN WARFARE." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.2.5.21.p19.
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The Industrial Revolution of the 19th century had a profound effect on the way the wars were fought. Historians often refer to the American Civil War (1861-65) as the first genuine modern war. History has shown that the effects of technological advances in industry are processes which follow the revolution in the history of war. Napoleon's military campaigns formed the basis of formal military education and lidership in the Western world. Wars as a social phenomenon were more effective through the use of the first modern railways, roads, and warships, which in most military operations changed the doctrine and tactics of warfare and the deployment of military forces on the battlefield. The first and second generation of modern warfare was dominated by the massive use of military force, and numerous armies. This generation of warfare culminates in the Renaissance with the wars of the french emperor and one of the famoust strategic military leaders in that time, Napoleon Bonaparte. The third generation of warfare was a product of the First World War and was generally developed by the German army and was better known as “Blitzkrieg” or maneuver warfare. The strategic military leader in this generation of warfare was Adolf Hitler. The fourth generation of warfare is an evolved form of rebellion that uses all available networks: political, economic, social, and military, in order to create an imaginary image of the adversary. Also, the fifth generation of warfare is defined as contactless warfare, which states and destroys a specific goal without the physical presence of a human. This generation of warfare begins with long-range artillery and naval firearms and longrange missile systems and has been studied since the US terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Strategic leadership in the fourth and fifth generation of warfare have been most developed by US military strategic leaders especially after the US terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. World-class warriors are strategic leaders which have moved beyond tactical and operational competence in the employment of the future force. They understand and implement a full spectrum of operations at the strategic level to include theater and campaign strategy, joint force, interagency in multinational operations. At the end, the military strategic leaders are using all spectrum of military elements of national political 208 power and technology in the execution of the national security strategy. The aim of this paper is to analyze the historical development of strategic lidership in warfare throughout history, taking into account the comprehensive social changes that have taken place in the world over the last two centuries. Keywords: historical development, strategic lidership, generations of warfare, strategy, tactics
Reports on the topic "HISTORY / Military / Afghan War (2001-)"
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Avis, William. Refugee and Mixed Migration Displacement from Afghanistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.002.
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This rapid literature review summarises evidence and key lessons that exist regarding previous refugee and mixed migration displacement from Afghanistan to surrounding countries. The review identified a diverse literature that explored past refugee and mixed migration, with a range of quantitative and qualitative studies identified. A complex and fluid picture is presented with waves of mixed migration (both outflow and inflow) associated with key events including the: Soviet–Afghan War (1979–1989); Afghan Civil War (1992–96); Taliban Rule (1996–2001); War in Afghanistan (2001–2021). A contextual picture emerges of Afghans having a long history of using mobility as a survival strategy or as social, economic and political insurance for improving livelihoods or to escape conflict and natural disasters. Whilst violence has been a principal driver of population movements among Afghans, it is not the only cause. Migration has also been associated with natural disasters (primarily drought) which is considered a particular issue across much of the country – this is associated primarily with internal displacement. Further to this, COVID-19 is impacting upon and prompting migration to and from Afghanistan. Data on refugee and mixed migration movement is diverse and at times contradictory given the fluidity and the blurring of boundaries between types of movements. Various estimates exist for numbers of Afghanistan refugees globally. It is also important to note that migratory flows are often fluid involving settlement in neighbouring countries, return to Afghanistan. In many countries, Afghani migrants and refugees face uncertain political situations and have, in recent years, been ‘coerced’ into returning to Afghanistan with much discussion of a ‘return bias’ being evident in official policies. The literature identified in this report (a mix of academic, humanitarian agency and NGO) is predominantly focused on Pakistan and Iran with a less established evidence base on the scale of Afghan refugee and migrant communities in other countries in the region. . Whilst conflict has been a primary driver of displacement, it has intersected with drought conditions and poor adherence to COVID-19 mitigation protocols. Past efforts to address displacement internationally have affirmed return as the primary objective in relation to durable solutions; practically, efforts promoted improved programming interventions towards creating conditions for sustainable return and achieving improved reintegration prospects for those already returned to Afghanistan.