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1
SIDKY, H. "War, Changing Patterns of Warfare, State Collapse, and Transnational Violence in Afghanistan: 1978–2001." Modern Asian Studies 41, no. 4 (May 25, 2007): 849–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0600254x.
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The war in Afghanistan was one of the most brutal and long lasting conflicts of the second half of the twentieth century. Anthropologists specializing in Afghanistan who wrote about the war at the time reiterated the United State's Cold War rhetoric rather than provide objective analyses. Others ignored the war altogether. What happened in Afghanistan, and why, and the need for objective reassessments only came to mind after the September 11th attacks. This paper examines the genesis and various permutations of the Afghan war in terms of causal dynamics embedded in the broader interstate relations of the world system and its competing military complexes during the second half of the twentieth century and changes in that system in the post-Cold War period.
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Korol’kova, E. "Evolution of United States’ Private Military and Security Companies: The Case of Afghanistan 2001–2021." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, no. 1 (2022): 122–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.7.
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The withdrawal of troops on 31 August 2021 which was carried out in accordance with the Agreement signed on 29 February 2020 between the U.S. government and the Taliban (an international terrorist organization banned in the Russian Federation) marked the end of the international military campaign in Afghanistan which lasted twenty years. Assessing the preliminary outcomes of nearly a quarter-century of the US military and their NATO allies’ presence in Afghanistan, U.S. President Joseph Biden announced the end of “an era of major military operations to remake other countries”. Though the consequences of the Western coalition campaign in the area remain to be evaluated and they are unlikely to turn out to be unequivocal, the Atlantic strategy aimed at rebuilding and democratization of Afghanistan proved itself as bankrupt. Our research focuses on the way the twenty-year military campaign in Afghanistan affected the development of the U.S. private military and security companies (PMSC) industry. For these purposes, we, firstly, studied and traced the transformation of the private military and security services market in the U.S., and examined the changes of approaches and mechanisms used to contract PMSCs. Secondly, we analyzed the way the U.S. authorities addressed the challenges new market evoked, focusing on the measures of legal regulation that were applied to PMSCs, and the way the working of the U.S. institutional mechanisms was transforming. The final part of the research contains conclusions on the perspectives for the development of the American PMSC industry after the withdrawal of the U.S. troops from Afghanistan. We believe that due to its duration and continuity, the Afghan operation ensured a launchpad for the PMSC industry and provided conditions for private military and security companies to acquire and master high-end experience which in turn, contributed to the development of a certain market that goes well beyond the involvement of conventional human capital. It provided solutions for the production, utilization, and maintenance of the equipment and technologies, allowing the minimization of the direct participation of specialists in hostilities. Alongside the development of the American PMSC industry itself, the research studies the investigations conducted by the U.S. authorities into the cases of abuse committed by the contractors during their participation in Afghan war. It discusses the way this practice encouraged the transformations of United States procedures and mechanisms aimed at reducing malpractice when performing contracts and launched changes in U.S. legislation. It also demonstrates the lessons learned by the U.S. from the contractual practice with regard to the regulation of PMSCs. The research reveals the strengths and weaknesses of the American policy regarding PMSCs during the whole period of the military conflict in Afghanistan and helps to evaluate the success of the U.S. efforts in monitoring contractors across Afghanistan. To conclude, we reckon that considerable contractual experience acquired in Afghanistan ensures technological and procedural progress of the U.S. PMSC industry. Given the enduring rivalry between the U.S., Russia, and China, including in the military and technological spheres, the twenty-year experience of direct participation in hostilities by U.S. PMSCs boosted its competitive advantage compared to Russia and China, whose PMSCs still lack such an experience.
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Müller, Mathias. "Signs of the Merciful." Journal of Religion and Violence 7, no. 2 (2019): 91–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jrv2019112668.
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This article explores how battlefield miracles were experienced, explained, and debated in jihadist literature in the period between 1982–2002. Competing with the secular histories written by foreign journalists, diplomats, and communists, the study argues that the influential jihadist scholar ’Abdullah ‘Azzam (d. 1989) endeavored to write an alternate sacred history of the Soviet-Afghan War (1979–1989), the course of which was determined neither by military prowess or luck, but by the miracles granted by God. Perusing more than three hundred miracle stories compiled by ’Azzam, the article demonstrates that the wonderworking mujahidin were indebted to a longstanding and complex tradition that determined the varieties of miracles experienced in Afghanistan. Moreover, the mujahidin’s own miracle stories shed light on when and how miracles paralleled or diverged from past tradition while raising important questions about the threshold of the supernatural, the mujahidin’s spiritual rank, and their abilities to encounter miracles. However, both mujahidin and the general public occasionally doubted whether miracles had really occurred, and so the article attempts to replay the discussions that surrounded ‘Azzam’s miracle stories, paying attention to how they were published, circulated, and received in the Muslim world. In conclusion, the article remarks on how ‘Azzam’s writings have influenced the development of miracle stories in later jihadist literature by looking specifically at al-Qa’ida’s portrayal of 9/11.
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Родригес-Фернандес, Александр Мануэльевич. "Political Islam in the Social Life of Afghanistan (Late 20th — Early 21st Centuries)." Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, no. 3(72) (October 18, 2021): 98–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2021.72.3.010.
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Период, рассмотренный в статье, был отмечен серьезными потрясениями в регионе Ближнего и Среднего Востока. В Афганистане ситуация складывалась сложнее и трагичнее, чем в окружающих его мусульманских странах. Предшествующие политические потрясения и последовавшие вслед за ними гражданская война и американская интервенция предопределили фактическую дезорганизацию многонационального государства. Можно констатировать, что на современном этапе Афганистан представляет собой скорее географическое понятие с условным названием «Исламская республика» (с 2002 года). Главным признаком такого состояния становится полуфеодальная раздробленность, базирующаяся на этнонациональном принципе. Вторым признаком является слабая, по сути лишь номинальная центральная власть во главе с президентами — фактическими ставленниками США. Эта власть не имеет опоры в афганском обществе, где почти за полвека изнурительной войны практически уничтожена прежняя политическая элита, а население не подчиняется центральным государственным органам на протяжении десятилетий. К этим признакам следует отнести и то обстоятельство, что новые поколения афганцев вырастали в условиях непрекращающейся войны, формирующей определенный психологический климат в обществе, уже не представляющем без нее своего существования. В статье использованы доступные источники по современной военно-политической, социально-экономической и этноконфессиональной ситуации в Афганистане. Среди них определенный интерес представляют путевые заметки американских и французских экспертов Р. Морейя и О. Вебера, специализирующихся в вопросах экономической и гуманитарной помощи. По всей видимости, их опубликованные в западной прессе впечатления очевидцев являются литературным продолжением служебных рапортов, но даже в этом случае они содержат живой фактический материал. Необходимым дополнением являются статистические отчеты и сборники документов ООН, где отражены проблемы и неудачи афганских властей в осуществлении составленных американскими экспертами программ экономической и социальной модернизации Афганистана. В сущности, источниковая база по современным реалиям афганской истории удручающе бедна, а упомянутые выше материалы вполне соответствуют проблематике статьи. The period investigated in the article was marred by serious upheavals in the Middle East. The situation in Afghanistan was more tragic and complicated than the situation in adjacent countries. The political commotion, the ensuing civil conflict and American intervention plunged the multinational country into political disarray. At present (since 2002) Afghanistan is a geographical location that can be tentatively called an Islamic Republic. It is characterized by ethnic fragmentation (a feudal anachronism), nominal centralized government headed by a US protégé. The government is not supported by Afghan society, there has been more than a half century of conflict which has claimed lives of many politicians, the government has been ignored by the population for several decades. The new generations of Afghan people grew under the conditions of a never-ending war, which has a gruesome impact on society. The article uses available sources on modern military, political, social, economic, ethnic and confessional situation in Afghanistan. Special attention is given to travel notes written by American and French experts R. Morey and O. Weber, who specialize in economic and humanitarian aid. The travel notes published by western media are an interpretation of official reports, but they discuss real life situations. The article also analyzes statistical reports and UN documents which describe problems and failures of the Afghan government to carry out economic and social modernization plans elaborated by American experts. It should be noted that there are depressingly few sources one can rely on when exploring modern Afghan history and the aforementioned sources meet the requirements of the article.
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Dixon, Paul. "Frock Coats against Brass Hats? Politicians, the Military and the War in Afghanistan 2001–2014." Parliamentary Affairs 73, no. 3 (April 21, 2019): 651–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz015.
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Abstract The ‘Dominant Military Narrative’ (DMN) on the Iraq and Afghan wars defends the effectiveness of the British military and its use of force by deflecting responsibility for failure onto the politicians and ‘Whitehall’. The politicians are blamed for over-stretching the military by fighting two wars, resulting in a shortage of equipment, inadequate troop numbers and without a clear ‘Strategic Narrative’. This article critiques the DMN and provides evidence to suggest that it was the military elite that sought maximum involvement in the Iraq and Afghan wars. The problem is that the military has too much rather than too little power to shape policy.
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Jhosep, Akaber. "THE UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY AGAINST AFGHANISTAN MILITARY: A COVERT MILITARY METHOD." Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 9, no. 2 (August 21, 2022): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v9i2.23731.
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This study aims to analyze and explain the foreign policy of the United States towards the Afghan militia, especially the Taliban. The United States government with the help of the CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) investigates and seeks to destroy the Al Qaeda terrorist group led by Osama bin Laden who was later found to be in Afghanistan and obtained protection under the Taliban. The Taliban, the Islamic extremist regime that controls Afghanistan and offers space for Al Qaeda militants to exercise its military in Afghanistan. President Bush signed a resolution on September 18, 2001 regarding the attacks on Al Qaeda under the protection of the Taliban in Afghanistan which continues to this day. The United States is actively involved in supporting military operations in Afghanistan, including logistical assistance, Afghan military training, and sending American military troops to conflict areas. The main goal of the United States in doing so is to prevent potential future attacks by a growing terrorist group in Afghanistan. Based on data from the United States Department of Defense, the total expenditure in the military sector in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2019 was 778 billion USD. Meanwhile, the number of troops sent to conflict locations was 596,303 troops. There are 2,441 US military troops confirmed dead in the Afghan war from 2001 to 2019. It is estimated that about 12,000 US military troops are still in Afghanistan. This research is a qualitative research and the data collection technique used by the author in this study is Library Research in the form of books, journals, documents, reports, articles, or newspapers obtained through electronic and non-electronic media. The conclusion is that this foreign policy is relevant and elaborates that in international relations there will be actions, reactions, and interactions between political entities called states. The state, in this case the head of state as the decision maker, tries to formulate every goal to be achieved by minimizing sacrifices to the national interest. In line with the policies pursued by President Trump to end the war in Afghanistan and withdraw all military forces of the United States and its allies.
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Ali, Muhamed, and Shyamal Kataria. "Beyond Borders: Unpacking us Military Involvement in Afghanistan as a Case Study in the Islamic World." Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 12, no. 1 (January 31, 2024): e2953. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v12i1.2953.
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Purpose: This study seeks to assess the adherence to international law in the 2001 U.S.-led military intervention in Afghanistan, prompted by the September 11 attacks. Additionally, it aims to investigate the impact of the Greater Middle East Initiative on U.S. policy towards the Islamic World, specifically Afghanistan, providing insights into legal intricacies and broader consequences. Theoretical Framework: This article engages in discussions among Western scholars on the Afghanistan war and U.S. military involvement but distinguishes itself by incorporating insights from Middle Eastern scholars. It aims to enrich the discourse by integrating perspectives from within the Middle Eastern scholarly community, offering a comprehensive view of these complex subjects. Methodology: Employing historical, descriptive, and in-depth analytical research methods, this study examines events around September 11, 2001, providing essential context for the subsequent U.S. military intervention. Descriptive methods offer a detailed account of the post-9/11 shift in U.S. policy, while in-depth analytical methods scrutinize legal dilemmas arising from the intervention, contributing to a comprehensive understanding of historical context, U.S. policy decisions, and legal complexities. Results: The results and discussion section explores the historical evolution of U.S. military engagement in 21st-century Afghanistan, analyzing its strategic shifts and the Taliban's adaptation to guerrilla warfare. It critically evaluates the international legal aspects of the Afghan War, assessing the legitimacy of the U.S.-led military intervention based on UN conventions, historical precedents, and key principles such as the right to legitimate defense, urgency, and proportionality. Conclusions: The aftermath of September 11, 2001, marked a transformative moment in U.S. policy towards Afghanistan and the broader Middle East, leading to the consequential Afghan War. Despite its geopolitical significance, the absence of explicit UN Security Council authorization prompts a critical examination of the war's legitimacy, revealing lapses in meeting criteria for the right to individual or collective legitimate defense and urging a reevaluation of established narratives in international relations and global politics.
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Friesendorf, Cornelius, and Thomas Müller. "Human costs of the Afghanistan war." Journal of Regional Security 8, no. 2 (2013): 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x132ppf34.
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The war in Afghanistan has been the longest war in United States history. This article argues that from the beginning of the US-led invasion of Afghanistan in late 2001, the US conduct of the war posed great dangers for Afghan civilians. It distinguishes between three phases, each of which held distinct risks for civilians. The first phase, from late 2001 to 2009, was marked by the fight against al Qaeda and insurgent forces; the second phase, from 2009- 2010, by counterinsurgency; and the third phase by the transition of security responsibilities from NATO to Afghan security forces. While risk transfer clearly marked the first and third phases, civilians also suffered during the second phase, when the US put a primacy on civilian protection. We argue that neglecting civilian protection has not only been morally problematic but also risks undermining the Western goal of ensuring that Afghanistan will no longer pose a threat to international security.
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Zafar, Muhammad Umair, Nazir Hussain Shah, Tahira Parveen, and Tayyaba Syed. "Indo- Afghan Nexus: Implications for Pakistan (2001- 2014)." Academic Journal of Social Sciences (AJSS ) 4, no. 4 (January 19, 2021): 782–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.54692/ajss.2020.04041231.
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Afghanistan, unlike India and Pakistan, has never been colonized throughout its history. People of Afghanistan have always enjoyed cordial relations with the people of undivided sub-continent. However, the creation of a new state ‘Pakistan’ was considered as both, a threat and a geo-graphical de linkage between the people of Afghanistan and India. Both Indo- Afghan strengthen their bi-lateral relations through the treaty of friendship 1950. On the contrary, Afghanistan was the only country to vote against Pakistan’s admission to United Nations Organization. Despite of lingual, cultural and religious ties, Pak- Afghan relations failed to form strong basis. Since the emergence of Pakistan, India has been engaged in derailing Pakistan’s stability and security through its multidimensional approaches. India’s aim to isolate Pakistan in its neighbors is a serious implication for Pakistan. Indian consulates in Kandahar and Jalalabad near the Pak- Afghan border have further raised serious concerns for Pakistan about the Indian presence in Afghanistan. The US war against terror campaign and Pakistan’s policy reversal against Taliban grew severe resentments among the Afghan Taliban against Pakistan. This article analyzes the Indian designs and its involvement in Afghanistan which directly affects the security and stability of Pakistan.
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Hanggarini, Peni, Theo Sambuaga, and Syaiful Anwar. "A History of the Afghan War (2001-2021) from a Defense Diplomacy Perspective." HISTORIA: Jurnal Program Studi Pendidikan Sejarah 12, no. 1 (October 15, 2023): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.24127/hj.v12i1.8708.
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This paper discusses the asymmetric war in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021 between the United States (US) and the Taliban from the perspective of defense diplomacy. The purpose of this paper is to identify assymetric war strategies and to evaluate defense diplomacy process to create peace. The research is based on qualitative method using secondary data from books, documents, and journals. The study indicates that defense diplomacy had succesfully led to the peace agreement, signed in Doha on February 29, 2020 between the US and the Taliban, which had been in conflict for nearly 20 years. However, the peace creation process is not easy due to the inhibiting factors which play more significant role than the supporting factors for defense diplomacy. Although the US, a super power, is supported by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Pakistan and several other countries, it is not a guarantee for the US to achieve its war objectives. The US goals and strategy continuously changed over time and imprecise in its implementation. The US’s failure to understand the political entity of the Taliban, particulary in the political, social and cultural aspects, is the main obstacle to achieving the US’ war goals and the ease implementation of defense diplomacy.
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Zimin, I. "The Stages of Armed Forces Formation: Unlearned Lessons of Afghanistan." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2022): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-4-97-107.
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In this article, the author looks into the stages of formation of the military organization and the transformation of the armed forces’ role in the political system of the Afghan state from the moment the country gained independence to the present day. The goals that were assigned to the army by the leaders of Afghanistan at different periods of time, the degree of their implementation, as well as the methods of reformation and ideological motivation of the armed forces are analyzed. The interdependence between the formation of the armed forces of Afghanistan and the strengthening or weakening of statehood is examined. The issues of forming the national armed forces are studied in the context of three main stages in the development of the modern Afghan state, each of those determined the special role of the army as a political institution and at the same time reflected the impact of the military organization of the army on political development. The first period refers to the formation of the modern Afghan state starting from 1919, when the country gained independence as a result of the Third Anglo-Afghan War, and ending with the events of 1978 (the ‘Saur Revolution’). The second one represents the time spent in Afghanistan by a limited contingent of Soviet troops from 1979 to 1989, as well as the time the Marxist government was in power and introduced their reforms. The third period is marked by the destruction of previously established institutions under the influence of deepening civil conflict and the consequences of the US military operation ‘Enduring Freedom’ (2001–2014) and NATO-led ‘Resolute Support’ mission (2014–2021).
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Salim, Asif, and Parveen Khan. "Contextualizing Military Operations in Pak-Afghan Borderland & District Swat to Contain Fomenting Insurgencies." Central Asia 84, Summer (October 1, 2019): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-84.22.
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Pakistan’s engagement in the global war on terrorism and its role as a frontline ally of the USA compelled strategic elites of the state to develop strategies to curb the militant groups that migrated to Pakistan and took shelter in the borderland areas after the U.S. military offensive Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) on Afghanistan. The aim of OEF was to hunt down the Al-Qaeda and other affiliated conglomerates enjoying patronage under the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The real challenge before the law enforcement agencies of Pakistan was to get support from the public for military operations against these Islamist militant groups, which were the constant source of threat to the security of the state. The majority of the people in Pakistan were generally not in favor of full-fledged military operations because they saw the militants as holy warriors fighting against the infidels and believed that if Pakistan launched any brand of operation in erstwhile FATA it would be under the diktat of the Americans. This is the reason why, from 2001 to 2004, Pakistan’s security forces opened the door for negotiations and did not participate in hard-strikes against the militant outfits. But after the formal formation of Threek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in 2007 and its nexus with Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi (TNSM) in Swat started a series of brutal suicide and targeted attacks on the population, it was necessary for the military to begin operations. This timely study of important military operations initiated against the insurgents in the Pak-Afghan borderland will broaden the horizon of security managers about their strategic and tactical flaws in the ground offensive and thorough analysis will help to provide a better understanding for future military offensives in any part of the country. This paper focuses on important military operations with a cost and benefit analysis of those conducted after 2001 in the adjacent areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and district Swat.
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COOPER, RANDOLF G. S. "Afghanistan's Future as Seen from Hindustan's Military Past." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 24, no. 4 (June 9, 2014): 573–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186314000121.
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AbstractThis article stems from an informal inquiry into how military history was employed in British and North American centres for higher military education to prepare officers for deployment to Afghanistan. The discussions were conducted with professional military educators who were actively teaching in institutions tasked with educating middle and senior ranking officers. When questioned about course reading materials and texts, there was little commonality of approach between the three North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) allies. There was, however, a common working assumption that the only applicable military history lessons were those drawn from the three Anglo-Afghan Wars fought in 1839–1842, 1878–1880 and 1919 respectively.When asked about the linkages of Afghanistan to Pakistan and the wider South Asian region, there was a begrudging admission that the war in Afghanistan could not be fought in isolation and that any lasting peace had to be considered within a greater regional framework. Yet when it was posited that there may be benefit to a wider approach to the applicability of regional military history, those queried could see little to no benefit in considering any military history lessons but those derived from the three previously cited Anglo-Afghan Wars. This paper suggests that if military history has a useful role to play in contemporary conflict analysis and, more importantly, professional military education, then there is merit in considering a wider historic canvas and that the events of Hindustan's military past lend themselves to such an application.
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Gupta, Dr Meena. "Revisiting Lost Afghan in the works of Khaled Hosseini." Scholars International Journal of Linguistics and Literature 5, no. 11 (November 25, 2022): 395–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/sijll.2022.v05i11.004.
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“For many people in the West, Afghanistan is synonymous with the Soviet War and the Taliban. I wanted to remind people that Afghans had managed to live in a peaceful anonymity for the decades that the history of Afghans in 20th century has been largely pacific and harmonious.’’ Khaled Hosseini: Afghanistan was a different country in the year 1960 than the one that is apparent to us today. It is history how Soviets invaded the Afghanistan and pulled them in war, following Taliban rule and US invasion in 2001.The once peaceful and cherished nation known as ‘graveyard of empires’ is a mirage today. History witness that since 11th century B.C, different empires and forces have tried to gain control over Afghanistan. This paper is a sincere effort to excavate the layers hidden beneath the facade of Afghanistan.
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Yousufi, Musab. "A Critical Analysis of Terrorism and Military Operations in Malakand Division (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) after 9/11." Global Social Sciences Review II, no. II (December 30, 2017): 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-ii).06.
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The 9/11 was a paradigm shifting event in the international and global politics. On September 11, 2001, two jet planes hit the twin's tower in United States of America (USA). US official authorities said that it is done by alQaeda. This event also changes Pakistan's internal and foreign policies. The government of United States compel Afghan Taliban government to handover the master mind of 9/11 attack and their leader Osama bin Laden but the talks failed between the both governments. Therefore US government compel the government of Pakistan to give us Military bases and assistance against Afghan Taliban. Pakistan agreed with US as frontline ally of US in war on terror. The majority of Pakistani people were not happy with the decision, therefore, some non-state actors appeared in different part of the country especially in Malakand Division and FATA to support Taliban regime in Afghanistan. In Malakand Division Mulana Sufi Muhammad head of Tehrik Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Muhammadi started a proper armed campaign for Afghan Taliban Support and sent thousands of people to Afghanistan support Taliban against US and their allied forces. It was a basic reason behind the emergence of terrorism in Malakand division KP but it did not played it role alone to cause terrorism in the region. Many other important factors i.e. weak political administration, unemployment, economic deprivation, socio-political instability constituted the main reason that opened room for non-state actors to consolidate their grip on the region.
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CRAGIN, R. KIM. "EARLY HISTORY OF AL-QA'IDA." Historical Journal 51, no. 4 (November 18, 2008): 1047–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08007188.
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ABSTRACTAlthough the broad outlines of al-Qa'ida's story are well known, less attention has been paid to its early development and evolution. How and why did al-Qa'ida leaders latch on to the United States as a primary adversary? What motivated Usama bin Laden to form al-Qa'ida in the first place? Did this motivation change over time? This article utilizes a series of recently discovered al-Qa'ida documents – such as al-Jihad magazine financed by Usama bin Laden during the 1980s, internal memos written in the early 1990s and captured by the US military in Afghanistan, and autobiographical accounts written since 2001 by former Afghan Arab fighters – to deepen our understanding of a clandestine organization that has caused havoc for the past two decades.
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Rabush, Taisiya V. "Regional Russian Books of Memory as a Form of Preservation and Transfer of Cultural-Historical Memory about the Afghanistan War of 1979-1989." RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 247–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-2-247-257.
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The historical memory of the Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan (1979-1989) is studied through the prism of memory books dedicated to the participants of the war and those who died in it. The present paper is the first study of the Afghan books of memory that were published over the past decades in different regions of Russia. The first part of this paper analyzes the regional books of memory published in various regions of the Russian Federation from 1991 to the present day; the second part analyzes the books of memory published in small cities of Russia as a separate cultural phenomenon. In conclusion, the author describes the main features of regional Afghan books of memory, emphasizing that the memory books are published with the active participation of various regional organizations - from local archives to representatives of municipalities - revealing that the publication of these books is part of cultural policy in the regions. Many memory books have been reprinted, which indicates the continued collection and processing of information about the military casualties in Afghanistan. The regional books of memory are one of the most important forms of preserving and transmitting the historical memory of the Afghanistan war.
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Ishaque, Waseem. "Prospects of Enduring Peace in Afghanistan: Avoiding Zero Sum Game in Af-Pak Region." Global Social Sciences Review II, no. II (December 30, 2017): 146–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-ii).09.
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Afghanistan has witnessed a turbulent history of long and devastating war due to Soviet unabated invasion of Afghanistan of ten years producing unbearable losses of life, institutions and society. The United States along-with the support of majority of Muslim countries supported Jihad to defeat communism. This victory was, however, short-lived as infighting among Afghan war lords later entangled the entire country with even graver consequence. The emergence of Taliban and resultant occupation of 70% of Afghanistan had brought some degree of stability by providing good governance and expeditious justice system, but failed to pragmatically adjust to international environment. The unfortunate incidents of 9/11 changed the world for foreseeable time with even harsher fall out for Afghan nation as unleashing of the war of terror destroyed the left over Afghanistan. The instability in Afghanistan has caused negative effects on Pakistan as next door neighbour, which has rendered all sorts of humanitarian, diplomatic and moral support to Afghan cause since Soviet invasion and has also suffered most in the process due to spill-over effects. The democratic government is incharge in Afghanistan after fall of Taliban regime in 2001 and several state institutions are also in place albeit at infancy stage, especially the security institutions, yet the prospects of enduring peace and stability are distant reality. More than three million Afghan refugees are still in Pakistan with very dim prospects of honourable return due to persisting instability. This paper highlights the causes of instability in Afghanistan with spill-over impact on Pakistan and suggests a course of action for enduring stability.
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Rahmani, Sina. "Death from Above." boundary 2 47, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 193–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-8524517.
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Austro-Afghan journalist and writer Emran Feroz discusses his work on the global drone war currently being waged by the US and its allies. The interview explores the author’s experiences growing up in Austria immediately after the September 11, 2001, attacks against the United States and the subsequent invasion and occupation of Afghanistan by a US-led coalition. The author also recounts the hidden history surrounding the first known drone attack in Afghanistan and the larger question of drone violence, which has remained invisible to mainstream audiences.
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Kerkhove, Raymond Constant. "Aboriginal ‘resistance war’ tactics – ‘The Black War’ of southern Queensland." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 6, no. 3 (February 10, 2015): 38–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v6i3.4218.
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Frontier violence is now an accepted chapter of Australian history. Indigenous resistance is central to this story, yet little examined as a military phenomenon (Connor 2004). Indigenous military tactics and objectives are more often assumed than analysed.Building on Laurie’s and Cilento’s contentions (1959) that an alliance of Aboriginal groups staged a ‘Black War’ across southern Queensland between the 1840s and 1860s, the author seeks evidence for a historically definable conflict during this period, complete with a declaration, coordination, leadership, planning and a broader objective: usurping the pastoral industry. As the Australian situation continues to present elements which have proved difficult to reconcile with existing paradigms for military history, this study applies definitions from guerilla and terrorist conflict (e.g. Eckley 2001, Kilcullen 2009) to explain key features of the southern Queensland “Black War.”The author concludes that Indigenous resistance, to judge from southern Queensland, followed its own distinctive pattern. It achieved coordinated response through inter-tribal gatherings and sophisticated signaling. It relied on economic sabotage, targeted payback killings and harassment. It was guided by reticent “loner-leaders.” Contrary to the claims of military historians such as Dennis (1995), the author finds evidence for tactical innovation. He notes a move away from pitched battles to ambush affrays; the development of full-time ‘guerilla bands’; and use of new materials.
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O'Connell, Aaron. "No, Afghanistan Is Not Really Vietnam All Over Again." Modern American History 3, no. 2-3 (September 2, 2020): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2020.12.
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On February 29, 2020, the United States and the Afghan Taliban signed an agreement in Doha, Qatar, bringing the United States potentially closer to ending the war in Afghanistan than at any point in the conflict's eighteen-year history. After months of military escalations, negotiations, and recriminations, the United States agreed to a token withdrawal of several thousand forces by August 2020 and to remove all remaining forces by May 2021. The Afghan government had been cut out of the talks, but the United States also vowed to encourage it to release thousands of Taliban prisoners and to enter into its own negotiations with the Taliban in order to pave the way to a permanent ceasefire agreement. For its part, the Taliban agreed to negotiate with Kabul after the troop withdrawals began and to halt cooperation with Al Qaeda and other terrorist groups.
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Mahałecki, Andriy. "MEMORIAL STUDIES AND HISTORICAL MEMORY OF THE WARS AND MILITARY CONFLICTS OF THE XX CENTURY: HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE ISSUE." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 10 (June 30, 2022): 136–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112035.
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The aim of the article is the analysis and systematization of the scientific literature based on the memory studies in general and historical memory of wars, in particular. Among the tasks to be solved, was the task to compare the studies by both foreign and Ukrainian authors in the context of the ratio of attention to the First and Second World Wars and local conflicts, especially the Afghan war. The article also focuses on the research of the memory instrumentalization problems.
Methodology. In the process of writing this article were used general scientific research methods: description, systematic analysis of the available literature, synthesis, systematization and generalization of the information. There are also elements of comparative analysis among the methods of research.
Conclusions. The issue of the collective, social and historical memory became the subject of active research in the 20th of the XX century. The first memory studies development stage was focusing on the period of antiquity and the study of the memory mechanisms, such as mnemonics. At the initial stage of the memory studies development was of particular interest to representatives of philosophical, cultural, sociological studies and psychologists. This explains the active use in the research field of the historical memory and policy of the conceptual apparatus in the outlined areas. The professional historical environment began to show the interest to the field of memory only in the 60s of the XX century. Since that time, politicians were able to use the situation of generation change, which distanced the war events from the time reality. Historians, in their turn (as well as representatives of the other scientific fields) received material for research and reflection. World local wars and their place in the life of the societies are differently represented in the memory landscapes. The differences are related to the political sphere and the tasks were set by the politicians. From inducing or forcing the societies to oblivion or, conversely, to create the myths that exaggerated certain war events, their participants and the role of the state in the victory. Events interpretations of the Second World War are marked by the “war of memories”, in which both scientists and government institutions of different countries are actively involved. Despite the awareness of its content and nature, the Afghan war is associated with the memory and respect for its victims in Ukraine. It is represented and preserved in the symbolic events of war participants and memorial landscape complexes.
The memory studies historiography and especially the study of the war memory and its mythologizing, is expanding every year due to the new research, which is gaining special importance in modern war.
Regional memory landscapes research is at the initial stage in Ukraine now. There are some local studies that should be developed and compared in order to identify trends that are specific to certain regions of Ukraine. After all, due to the political development peculiarities, historical background, cultural traditions, each Ukrainian region has its own characteristics of the historical memory. We don’t have clearly agreed norms and constructional traditions and landscapes formation that naturally fit into the surrounding space. The positive side of this situation is that it allows us to start new traditions of landscaping that will preserve and illuminate the war memory as successfully as possible.
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Begum, I. "Russian Reassertion in Afghanistan: Implications of the Doha Peace Agreement 2020." Modern History of Russia 13, no. 2 (2023): 430–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.211.
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The research aims to explore the causes of Russian reassertion in Afghanistan and delves into its impact on the peace process. Russia has a deep-rooted history in Afghanistan. At the peak of its power, it sent troops to Kabul to protect the communist regime but faced strong resistance from the Afghan people. The Soviet- backed Afghan regime and the Soviet forces tried to control the insurgency for ten years; eventually, it had to pull back all troops from Afghanistan. The extended engagement in Kabul worsened internal conditions in Russia which attempted to prevent them from the Afghan scenario. During the brief period of the government of Mujahedeen and later, under the rule of the Taliban*, it was concerned by the rise of Islamic militancy in Afghanistan that emerged as a peril for Russia and the Central Asian states where Moscow aspired to maintain a soft influence. The 9/11 incident transformed the political approach of the world community. The paper analyses the reasons for Russian support of the US in the war against terrorism, and Russian coordination with Central Asian states to facilitate the US in utilizing military bases of the former Soviet Union for the first time. Russia re-opened its embassy in Kabul in 2007. After two years, it endorsed a new strategy of the US President in Afghanistan based upon a troop surge, a withdrawal plan, and reconciliation with the moderate Taliban*. Russia also formed a multi-dimensional policy towards Afghanistan. Kremlin developed ties with the Afghan government as well as diplomatic engagement with the Taliban*. A hypothesis is made that due to the assertive Russian role in Afghanistan, the US had to speed up the peace process which resulted in the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Afghanistan.
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Partis-Jennings, Hannah. "Military Masculinity and the Act of Killing in Hamlet and Afghanistan." Men and Masculinities 22, no. 2 (July 13, 2017): 254–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1097184x17718585.
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This article looks at a 2011 incident which led to a soldier (Marine A) being convicted of murdering an Afghan insurgent. It focuses on the words (quoting from Hamlet) spoken by the Marine as he carried out the killing: “shuffle off this mortal coil, you cunt” and examines the link that these words establish between the war in Afghanistan and Shakespeare’s play. The article explores the connections between Hamlet and Marine A and how their actions can be understood to both parallel each other and diverge around ethical contemplation; access to military masculinity; the banishing of the feminine; and a process of mediation, performance, and interpretation.
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Wang, Kevin. "Exploring the Impact of Embedded Feminism on U.S. Foreign Policy Towards Afghanistan in the Late 20th and Early 21st Centuries." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 6 (December 31, 2022): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v6i.4035.
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In 2001, the United States invaded Afghanistan to depose its Taliban regime, leading to a protracted military conflict that ultimately resulted in a Taliban victory in 2021. While the invasion was officially in response to the September 11 attacks, this paper seeks to explore whether the theory of embedded feminism may also have played a role in motivating the U.S. to attack the Taliban regime of Afghanistan and to attempt state building in the country. By investigating whether feminist beliefs in the need to save Afghan women from Taliban mistreatment might have led to the U.S. war in Afghanistan, a better understanding of decision-making process in U.S. foreign policy, especially when the important questions of war or peace are concerned, could be obtained. To determine the main arguments used by the U.S. leadership to justify war against the Taliban regime, remarks by influential U.S. politicians and feminist groups as well as resolutions passed by the U.S. Congress and the UN Security Council are analyzed. The conclusion is that the invasion was officially a measure to exercise the right to self-defense after the September 11 attacks, but the embedded feminist principle of using military interventions to uphold the rights of women in other countries, including Afghanistan, in conjunction with accounts of harsh Taliban treatment towards women, were also used to justify and legitimize war at least from the perspective of the Bush administration, with all the implications and reactions from more traditionally pacifist feminist groups that come with such a use of embedded feminist theory in the conduct of foreign policy.
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Feldman, Gerald D. "Wer Spinnt?" German Politics and Society 20, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782486145.
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Quick, Laura. "Averting Curses in the Law of War (Deuteronomy 20)." Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 132, no. 2 (May 26, 2020): 209–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaw-2020-2001.
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AbstractThis essay explores the military exemption of Deut 20:5–7 in light of the futility curse in Deut 28:30. By uncovering the social and ritual contexts of the futility curse, I argue that Deut 20:5–7 can be productively understood as a warfare ritual against the curse. I explore the ritual dimensions of Deut 20:5–7 in light of rituals for avoiding curses and maledictions from the ancient Near East, arguing that the original Sitz im Leben of these verses can be found in a pre-war ritual responding to the hegemonic aims of enemies as this crystallized in the inscriptional and ritual contexts of ancient warfare.
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Fathima, Anisa. "War, Dissent and Resistance: An Analysis of Malalai Joya’s A Woman Among Warlords." New Literaria 04, no. 02 (2023): 128–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.48189/nl.2023.v04i2.014.
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The democratic-reconstruction measures that were employed in Afghanistan following the USled invasion in late 2001 were riddled with problems, one of which related to the composition of the new government. The inclusion of warlords in the nation-building process, although it made strategic sense for the fledgling government, resulted in the reproduction of cycles of violence and was particularly detrimental to the interests of women, whose supposed liberation was at the centre of the War on Terror discourse. This paper examines this phenomenon through the eyes of Malalai Joya, who, in her memoir A Woman Among Warlords provides an insightful account of the radical, misogynist warlords who occupied positions of power in the newly formed government. As a young female politician in a historically male domain, Joya is a rare voice of resistance against her government and the American military. In raising her voice against the power holders, Joya subverts the dominant narrative of the war, especially pertaining to the liberation of Afghan women. She argues that by colluding with the warlords, the US and the Karzai administration were complicit in allowing violence to continue in political and social spheres. This paper argues that the US-led invasion largely failed to make any concrete ideological transformation and instead aided the reestablishment of oppressive power structures, especially in Afghanistan’s provinces.
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Underhill-Cady, Joseph B. "Through a Glass Darkly: Looking at Conflict Prevention, Management, and Termination. By Stephen J. Cimbala. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2001. 224p. $65.00." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 680–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402930364.
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One test of a book is how well it weathers major developments in world events, and, as with the end of the Cold War, the beginning of the new war on terrorism presents recent publications in international or military affairs with the danger of untimely relegation to the trash bin of history. After September 11, as we scramble to adjust and make sense of the “hunt for Osama,” Stephen Cimbala's work, however, remains a useful compendium of lessons from several recent wars, crises, and ongoing military challenges. Although the book is not as suddenly relevant as Samuel Huntington's (1998) The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order or Chalmers Johnson's (2001) Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire, the wisdom distilled within it is sound enough to apply equally well to the pre- and post-September 11 worlds. It is largely rooted in frameworks developed for studying the Cold War and superpower arms races, but Cimbala's examination of the new realities of military strategy and technology still has much to say about the war being waged in Afghanistan and the campaigns that are likely to follow.
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Pio ONZM, Edwina, and Sakina Ewazi. "The Tampa, Afghan Refugees and New Zealand: A Commentary on the Duty to Protect and Refugee Integration." Journal on Migration and Human Security 11, no. 1 (March 2023): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23315024231159645.
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New Zealand has a long history of receiving persons in search of safety and security. These populations span Danes fleeing suppression during the German occupation in the 1870s, Jews escaping persecution from Tsarist Russia in the 1880s, Polish orphans during World War II, Asians expelled from Uganda in 1972–73, Vietnamese boat people between 1997 and 1993, and refugees from Afghanistan starting in 2001. New Zealand’s formal refugee resettlement program dates from 1944 with the arrival of the Polish orphans and their caregivers. This commentary discusses a case that builds on this history — New Zealand’s reception of Afghan refugees who were rescued by the MV Tampa, a Norwegian container ship. The authors — a researcher and a refugee saved by MV Tampa — explore New Zealand’s reception of refugees in light of the “Kew Garden” ethical principles on the responsibility to assist imperiled persons.
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Oluwaseun Samuel, Ayoko. "US Incursion in Afghanistan: Right or Necessity." International Journal of Emerging Multidisciplinaries: Social Science 1, no. 1 (September 20, 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.54938/ijemdss.2022.01.1.102.
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Throughout history, Afghanistan has been beset by warlords, internal strife and also subjected to foreign invasions. In the nineteenth and early twentieth century’s, it was at the centre of the “Great Game” played between the Russian Empire and British India. In the late twentieth century the last Afghan War, which involved the mujahedeen with support from Pakistan, the US and other powers on one side and the Afghan communist government and the Soviet Union on the other, ended with the latter’s withdrawal in 1989. In the mujahedeen and Taliban, the people of Afghanistan hoped for a future of peace and prosperity, rather than the hostility that was to come. In the aftermath of the 11 September 2001 attacks in the US, international forces invaded the country. Although the Taliban were toppled within a month, much was left to rebuild and reconstruct. This paper delineates the role US played in Afghanistan, why did the US went there in the first place, to what extent can we say US has rights to be in Afghanistan, which mandate are they fulfilling and what are the reasons behind their pulling back? These and many more questions are what this paper attempt to answer.
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Rabush, Taisiуa, and Rustam Solovyev. "USSR in Civil Wars in the Countries of the Third World in the Second Half of the 1970s (On the Example of Angola and Afghanistan)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2023): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.4.13.
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Introduction. One of the features of the Cold War was the movement of the rivalry of the superpowers into local armed conflicts and civil wars that took place on the territory of other states, mainly the Third World. The article examines the process of the involvement of the Soviet Union in the second half of the 1970s in the civil wars in Angola and Afghanistan. The policy of the USSR in armed conflicts outside the zone of its military-political influence has often been the subject of scientific research, but it has rarely been subjected to comparative analysis, and the authors make such an attempt, which is the novelty of the study. Methods and materials. The main method of the study is the method of comparative analysis (the actions of the USSR in 1975–1979 during the conflict in Angola and Soviet actions in the same period in Afghanistan are compared); the authors rely on documents, memoirs, and previous scientific works. Analysis. The first part of the article examines the process of the USSR’s involvement in the civil war in Angola, which began there soon after gaining independence, from the diplomatic recognition of the People’s Republic of Angola to the dispatch of Soviet military specialists. The second part of the article is devoted to the development of events in Afghanistan after the April 1978 revolution and Soviet involvement in them. Results. The authors conclude that the line adopted by the Soviet Union in relation to the military confrontation in Angola (financial, military, and other assistance, the dispatch of weapons, and military specialists) was ultimately more successful than the line implemented in relation to the civil war in Afghanistan in the form of direct military intervention by the Soviet army and its participation in the conflict outside the country. Authors contribution. T.V. Rabush described and analyzed the development of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Angola and with Afghanistan. R.A. Solovyev examined the military aspects of Soviet-Angolan and Soviet-Afghan cooperation (supply of weapons, sending military advisers, etc.). The research concept, conclusions, and literary editing of the text were carried out jointly.
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Nabat, Maria M. "Soviet Project of Nation-State-Building in Afghanistan." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 14, no. 2 (2022): 162–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2022.201.
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The article examines the Soviet Union’s policy in Afghanistan during the period of its military presence there (1979–1989) as a set of measures corresponding to the modern interpretation of the concepts of nation-building and state-building. It also analyzes modern theories of nation- and state-building and highlights their main trends, forms, and problems. The author also proposes a unique approach that combines these two concepts as “nation-state-building” in relation to the Soviet project in Afghanistan. The article elaborates on the main tasks of the Soviet policy in the 1980s in Afghanistan as well as their implementation and results. Due to the combination of “nation-building” and “state-building” concepts in a complex structure of “nation-state-building”, the article draws conclusions, first, about the applicability of this approach to the specific Soviet project of state-building in Afghanistan, and, second, about the complexity of the project itself, which included ideological, political, economic, and military components. On the basis of archive documents, memoirs of military and diplomatic actors, and a wide scope of academic research, the author substantiates the idea of large-scale tasks of nation-state-building in Afghanistan in Soviet foreign policy, and also indicates that the implementation of the project encountered great difficulties from the unfolding civil war to the inability of the Afghan leaders to consolidate the political life of the country. Soviet leadership quickly realized the unreadiness of the Afghan society for the proposed systemic social transformations. Despite the fact that the goals of the Soviet project were not achieved, this does not diminish its scale and historical significance.
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Höhn, Maria. "John Willoughby, Remaking the Conquering Heroes: The Postwar American Occupation of Germany. New York: Palgrave, 2001. xiii + 187 pp. $45.00 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 188–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904280139.
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Scholars in both the US and Germany have studied the American occupation of Germany extensively. Until recently, however, much of that work focused on the emerging Cold War rivalry between the US and the Soviet Union to explain the rapid shift from an occupation intended to punish the Germans to one that increasingly included West Germans as partners and allies. While not dismissing the importance of the Cold War struggle in shaping US foreign policy, John Willoughby suggests that a more comprehensive understanding of how American power was projected during the Cold War is only possible if attention is shifted from the policy makers in Washington to the players on the ground. By exploring how the American military government dealt with the chaotic social and economic conditions within Germany, the widespread disciplinary problems of American GIs, and the pervasive racism within the military, Willoughby makes a compelling argument that US foreign policy and the “institutions of occupation” were transformed by the “more mundane problems of social control and organizational capability” (3). The American objectives in Germany changed, not because of the Cold War, but because financial pressures, personnel shortages, and economic disarray forced military authorities to hand over power to the Germans much sooner than envisioned by Washington. While Willoughby—by his own admission—does not provide new material to the professional historian of the era, his book nonetheless offers a fresh interpretation that draws on social and cultural history while also paying attention to race and gender.
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HOPKIN, DAVID. "THE FRENCH ARMY, 1624–1914: FROM THE KING'S TO THE PEOPLE'S." Historical Journal 48, no. 4 (December 2005): 1125–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004942.
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Richelieu's army: war government and society in France, 1624–1642. By David Parrott. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. xxiv+599. ISBN 0-521-79209-6. £65.00.The dynastic state and the army under Louis XIV: royal service and private interest, 1661–1701. By Guy Rowlands. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. xxiv+404. ISBN 0-521-64124-1. £55.00.The French army, 1750–1820: careers, talent, merit. By Rafe Blaufarb. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002. Pp. xii+227. ISBN 0-7190-6262-4. £45.00.The people in arms: military myth and national mobilization since the French Revolution. Edited by Daniel Moran and Arthur Waldron. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. xi+268. ISBN 0-521-81432. £50.00.From revolutionaries to citizens: antimilitarism in France, 1870–1914. By Paul B. Miller. Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press, 2002. Pp. xiii+277. ISBN 0-8223-2766-X. £13.95.Although all the books under review are military histories, international conflict is not their central concern. They are not primarily campaign histories, nor studies of strategic or tactical innovations, nor biographies of great commanders. If they help to answer the military historian's traditional question – how is military might created and used on the battlefield – then they do so indirectly, through an exploration of how the state marshalled its resources for war, particularly in terms of manpower. This is not just a question of emphasis, or of filling in gaps in the historiography; these books mount a sustained critique on the explanatory models favoured by military historians. Military history, David Parrott suggests, too readily falls into a ‘whiggish trap’: a series of clear-sighted war leaders grasp the potential of technology in achieving the state's foreign policy objectives; technological shifts drive changes in the size and organization of armies, and consequently in the development of the state. And thus was the modern world of large, complex, disciplined organizations made. In contrast, we are offered here a selection of error-prone war leaders, constrained at every turn by the social, political, and financial realities of their day, who were intent not on ‘progress’ but on manipulating the system of which they themselves were a part, and as much for their own ends as for those of the state they served.
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Ramzan, Muhammad Tariq, Amir Hayat, and Hafiza Sumera Rabia. "Islamic Injunctions on Prisoner’s Immunity and Termination of captivity in War: The Case Study of Afghanistan." Journal of Religious and Social Studies 1, no. 02 (September 6, 2021): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.53583/jrss03.0102.2021.
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Afghanistan remained an arena for international powers for the last two centuries. The climax period of the militant activities in this soil was from September 2001 to August 2021. Millions of human entities took part in this escalation and a large number of human fabric became captive by the detaining powers during this period. At the end of the armed climax, the emerging political & military coalition on this soil declared its stance about the method of governance after 15 August 2021 which would be based upon Islamic resources. In the perspective of this armed conflict, the question of prisoner’s immunity and termination of captivity in war attracted the attention of global powers. What options be available to prisoners of war about termination of war captivity under Islamic International Humanitarian Law (IIHL) and Conventional International Humanitarian Law (CIHL), is the mainstay of this paper. To answer the question, Islamic jurisprudence provides five methods to dissolve the detention and captivity in war. These methods are respectively freedom gratis, ransom, exchange of prisoners of war, execution, and enslavement. According to Islamic military guidance, freedom gratis remains the general practice in entire Islamic military history. Contrary to it, Ransom and exchange of prisoners of war were occasionally utilized and not the general practice in the entire military history of Islam. The execution and enslavement were pre-Islamic methods and practices. A set of Islamic injunctions were revealed to reform them (Execution & Enslavement) and hence they have been invoked as the source of reference in Islamic prudential literature. Along with, principles of conventional international humanitarian law are also associated with this discourse. Under these facts, this paper is a strenuous effort to embark on the solution of the matter which would be acceptable to all stakeholders regarding Afghanistan.
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AKYUZ, Murat. "2021 YILI AĞUSTOS AYI ÖNCESİNDE AFGANİSTAN’DAKİ TÜRKİ MİLLETLERİN DURUMLARI VE DİLLERİ." Journal of Research in Turkic Languages 3, no. 2 (November 4, 2021): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.34099/jrtl.322.
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Afghanistan is one of the ancient lands where many nations and ethnic groups coexist. In this geography, besides the Turkic tribes such as the Uzbeks, Turkmens, Kyrgyz, and Kazakhs who speak their native languages even today, there are also tribes like the Hazaras, the Aimaqs, and the Galchays who – having forgotten their mother tongues – speak Persian or Pashto. In Afghanistan, where the Turkic dynasties generally ruled before 1747, the Pashtuns became the dominant ethnic community with the proclamation of the Afghan state in 1747. The turbulent history and political life of Afghanistan have deeply affected the Turkic communities, as have all Afghan peoples. The Turkic peoples were occasionally forbidden to receive education in their native tongues, while it was also aimed to change the demographic structure by resettling Pashtuns in some regions. The Soviet occupation and the ensuing civil war claimed thousands of lives and forced millions of people to leave their country. Between 2001 and 2021, the administration in Afghanistan changed hands once again as supported by the Western states; yet, there was partial relief for the Turkic peoples during this period. The developments in August 2021 dragged these people into uncertainty again. In this study, the situation of the Turkic peoples living in Afghanistan and the languages they use before August 2021 were assessed by providing the available information.
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Mohmand, Abdul-Qayum. "Security and Peace in Afghanistan: Before and After 2014." ICR Journal 4, no. 2 (April 15, 2013): 230–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v4i2.475.
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The military campaign of the forces of the United States, NATO and the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) increases distance between the Afghan opposition, the Karzai government, and the international forces in Afghanistan. Along with this, the failure of the Karzai government to provide security and protect Afghans against the insurgency, provide basic public services, support day-to-day economic activities, and institute urgently needed programs that can provide tangible economic and social results, reduces chances for any foreseeable stability and peace. To overcome these challenges and enable the Afghans to live in peace, security, and prosperity, the invading forces must agree to negotiate with the resistance, towards political compromise and a negotiated settlement, with complete withdrawal of their forces from Afghanistan. Leaving behind even a small contingency of troops would in effect mean the continuation of war. Once negotiations have taken place and agreements have been reached, the United Nations Security Council should mandate the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) to send their troops as monitors and peacekeepers to Afghanistan.
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Anderson, James Ryan. "Parliamentary Control and Foreign Policy in Germany: The Bundestag’s Use of Formal, Instrumentalities in Overseeing the Administration’s Foreign Policy." German Politics and Society 20, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782486217.
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In a little more than a decade, Germany’s role in international affairs—particularly from a military perspective—has radically changed. WhereasGerman participation during the Persian Gulf War of 1991 wasbasically limited to providing financial support to the internationalcoalition led by the United States, by the end of 2001, German soldierswere operating under combat conditions in the United Nations peacekeepingmission to Afghanistan. During (and even before) this transition,little attention has been devoted to the German Bundestag’sconstitutional role as overseer of executive foreign affairs activities.
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SMITH, DAVID L. "POLITICS AND MILITARY RULE IN CROMWELLIAN BRITAIN." Historical Journal 48, no. 2 (May 27, 2005): 545–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004504.
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The Cromwellian Protectorate. By Barry Coward. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002. Pp. viii+248. ISBN 0-7190-4317-4. £14.99.Cromwell's major generals: godly government during the English Revolution. By Christopher Durston. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001. Pp. x+260. ISBN 0-7190-6065-6. £15.99.John Lambert, parliamentary soldier and Cromwellian major-general, 1619–1684. By David Farr. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2003. Pp. x+268. ISBN 1-84383-0043. £50.00.Oliver Cromwell, soldier: the military life of a revolutionary at war. By Alan Marshall. London: Brassey's, 2004. Pp. 320. ISBN 1-85753-343-7. £20.00.Arguably the closest that Britain has ever come to military rule was at certain times during the period from 1647 to 1660. English forces conquered Ireland and Scotland in 1649–50 and 1650–1 respectively, and the two kingdoms were then forcibly ‘settled’ and incorporated into an English commonwealth. In England, meanwhile, the army repeatedly intervened to purge or disperse parliaments: in 1647, 1648, 1653, 1654, and 1659 (twice). For about fifteen months, in 1655–7, England and Wales were governed by major-generals who exercised sweeping powers to enforce order, preserve security, and enforce a ‘reformation of manners’. All these developments raise profound questions about the nature of Cromwellian government in general, and the relationship between politics and military rule in particular. Austin Woolrych argued, some years ago, that the Cromwellian Protectorate was not a military dictatorship in any meaningful sense. He suggested that the regime possessed neither the will, nor the means, to impose military rule, that it generally respected the rule of law, and that the military presence in local government even during the time of the major-generals was limited. Yet the nature of the interaction between the military and the political – in shaping government, in influencing policies, and in forming the careers of Oliver Cromwell and other leading figures – remains complex and merits much fuller exploration. The four books under review address these and related themes from a range of different viewpoints.
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HAQUE, E., and S. A. AVCU. "EXAMINING THE ROLE OF SOFT POWER IN TÜRKİYE AND INDIA’S RELATIONS WITH AFGHANISTAN." Eurasian Research Journal 6, no. 2 (April 30, 2024): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.53277/2519-2442-2024.2-01.
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This article explores how the soft power of Türkiye and India has been playing significant roles in their relationship with Afghanistan in the post-9/11 incident. After the US-led invasion of the Taliban in 2001, Türkiye, which has no land border with Afghanistan, engaged as a NATO stakeholder for post-war peacebuilding in the country. Türkiye also pursued non-military engagement through humanitarian and cultural institutions and achieved the confidence of the Afghan people. On the other hand, a diverse-natured regime at the doorstep, as well as the bitter relationship with Pakistan, triggered India to approach Afghanistan closely. India utilised its ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy through sheer civilian participation in delivering humanitarian aid and collaborating in educational and cultural fields, significantly strengthening its relationship with Afghanistan. However, the Taliban’s takeover of power has narrowed India’s engagement while Türkiye’s engagement has increased, though non-militarily, having significant impacts on both countries’ relationships with Afghanistan. This study, firstly, conceptualises the term ‘soft power.’ Secondly, it explains Türkiye’s historical relations with Afghanistan and the role of soft power after 9/11 to consolidate the relations. Thirdly, it explains India’s historical relations with Afghanistan and the role of soft power in expanding the relations after 9/11. Then, the article compares the roles of soft power by state and non-state actors of Türkiye with those of India in developing their relations with Afghanistan and the challenges and prospects that Türkiye and India may face in the future.
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Tariq, Muhammad, Manzoor Khan Afridi, and Ahmed Saeed Minhas. "An Analysis of Insurgency in Afghanistan (2001- 2016)." Global Social Sciences Review III, no. II (June 30, 2018): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-ii).09.
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Afghanistan has been wrapped in insurgency since the Russian withdrawal in 1979, followed by civil war. The emergence of Taliban to power with their self-styled type of imposition of Islamic law compelled the great powers to interfere in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. September 2001 was a turning point in the history of Afghanistan as the NATO forces made their entry under the garb of security. The establishment of a democratic government in the country could not help in uprooting terrorism and insurgency from the country. Since the period of Russian Withdrawal, the country witnessed different eras of Taliban and the democratic governments coupled with the NATO mission. It is a fact that during the long stay of the presence of coalition forces in Afghanistan, insurgency could not be completely uprooted since new threats from different groups of insurgents have overpowered the country. Some of the provinces are hit hard by insurgency and terrorism. Efforts to hold peace talks were always dashed to the ground when the ISAF started its military operations against the terrorists.
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Vasiliu, Luminița Elena. "THE BATTLE OF MĂRĂȘEȘTI. THE STORY OF A MAUSOLEUM." STRATEGIES XXI - Security and Defense Faculty 17, no. 1 (November 10, 2021): 202–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2668-2001-21-24.
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Located in the “fire triangle” Mărăști, Mărășești, Oituz, the battle of Mărășești represents the most important battle of the first World War on the Romanian front. The battle from Mărășești, which lasted 29 days (24 July/6 August to 21 August/3 September 1917), stands for an important page of military history, being dubbed the ‘‘Romanian Verdune’’. The Romanian army, although exceeded both in number and in the first technical means of fighting, managed, by tactics and by galvanizing the soldiers, to frustrate the offensive plans of the “frontier breaker”, Anton Ludwig August von Mackensen. Right on the ground where the battle had taken place, the Mausoleum of the First World War Heroes was built. The remains of over 5,000 soldiers and officers are buried there. This paper aims to bring back to the image of today's generation the brilliant victory of the Romananian army.
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Davydov, Alexey A. "The U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan as a sign of a new era." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 2 (2022): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080019307-4.
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The end of the U.S. presence in the Afghan conflict by the 20thanniversary of events of September 11 2001 is a significant and symbolic event. In this article the author formulates an assessment by posing a question – how does the withdrawal of the US armed forces from AfPak region correlate with its strategy? The article examines the transformation of Washington’s policy goals towards the Afghan conflict throughout the last 20 years by comparing the approaches of four U.S. presidents, it also examines the conflict dynamics, internal and international factors of how the decision of withdrawal was presented and formulated. The author concludes, that if the U.S. policies in Afghanistan and the withdrawal are seen in the logic of previous strategical goals, the view on the campaign results as a defeat is accurate. Global war on terror and democracy promotion in the region was also focused on nation-building and the creation of a loyal and self-sufficient regime that could be used to project the U.S. interest in the region, which clearly didn’t happen. A different assessment arises in the new U.S. strategical framework to contain China and Russia. The author makes an assumption, that the announcement made by Beijing of the "Belt and Road" initiative and the Crimea crisis could have been one of the factors that postponed the initial NATO presence deadline. In this framework the US withdrawal from Afghanistan can be viewed as a step in the logic of Washington's new confrontation with Moscow and Beijing.
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Walter, Barbara F. "Peacemaking in Rwanda: The Dynamics of Failure. By Bruce D. Jones. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2001. 200p. $49.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 884–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402280478.
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By almost all indicators, Rwanda's civil war should have ended in a successful negotiated settlement. Both the Tutsi rebels and the Rwandan government had agreed to participate in negotiations brokered by a team of Tanzanian mediators whom most people considered highly skilled. The two parties to the negotiations were able to reach and sign a detailed peace settlement that guaranteed both parties representation in the legislature and a set percentage of slots in the military. And the United Nations offered to “guarantee” the security of the two sides during the implementation period. Almost all factors purported to lead to a peaceful solution were present at the time the Arusha accords were signed in 1994. Rwanda's civil war, however, did not end peacefully. Instead, a peace process that seemingly had all the elements of success ended in one of the most rapid genocides in recorded history.
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Pettigrew, Erin. "Authoritarian Africa beyond Guantánamo: Freedom in Captivity." African Studies Review 63, no. 2 (June 2020): 411–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2020.13.
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Africanists struggle with Mohamedou ould Slahi’s story for a number of reasons, not the least of which is that the Saharan region is often considered a space betwixt and between. Not only does the Sahara lie between the Maghreb and the Sahel, but Slahi’s experience illustrates how the military and political histories of counterterrorism and the intellectual and social histories of Islamist calls for religious reform are imagined as occurring elsewhere. The upswing in violence in Burkina Faso and Mali, the continued disruptions of Boko Haram, and the deep military involvement and investments in the Sahara remind us that the African continent has been an important site in the global war on terror (Thurston 2017). American and European foreign assistance, often in the form of military aid, has helped expand the surveillance capacities of African states, especially after 2001. In the case of Mauritania, American counterterrorism funds contributed to the consolidation of power in the authoritarian regime of Maaouya Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya, who ruled from 1984 to 2005, while the Mauritanian government ignored demands for democratization from its own citizens and instead pursued repressive policies that accused political opponents of Islamist activity, limiting their freedom of expression (Jourde 2007). Slahi’s story, then, can be seen as part of a much longer history of foreign incursion and neocolonial intrusion into African affairs, as the war on terror has led to a similar bolstering of authoritarian governments, an influx of military aid and funds that encourage corruption, and worrisome increases in weapons at the expense of other needed projects and investment, as happened during the Cold War (Schmidt 2013). Rather than promote economic development and democracy, these policies undermine Africa’s future.
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Dam, Caspar ten. "How to Feud and Rebel: 1. Violence-values among the Chechens and Albanians." Iran and the Caucasus 14, no. 2 (2010): 331–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12743419190340.
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AbstractThis article focuses on so-called violence-values (a composite term coined by the author), the first variable of the author's Brutalisation theory, which combines elements from disciplines ranging from anthropology to military psychology. It forms part of my ongoing research, which explores the values (norms, customs, beliefs), aims (objectives, aspirations, ideologies) and methods (targets, tactics, techniques) of violence by Chechen and Albanian separatists during the last Cold War and first post-Cold war periods, i.e. between the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan on 24 December 1979 and the attack by Osama Bin Laden's Al Qaeda (The Base) network on the United States on 11 September 2001. Through a meticulous exposition—and comparison with international norms—of traditional morals on violence that still are salient in the remarkably similar communities of Chechens and Albanians, the author hopes to underpin his post-constructivist position that a genuine “acting-out” of norms, values and beliefs in vendettas, battles and other contests can shape one's identity, irrespective of whether these attributes are primordial, i.e. factual, or constructed, i.e. invented.
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Malik, Zain Ul Abiden, Zhilong He, and Mubeen Rafay. "War on Terrorism in Pakistan: Challenges and Strategic Steps." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 625–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-4-625-631.
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The incident of 9/11 is said to be a watershed event in the history of international relations. After this ferocious incident Pakistan was forced to join the Global War on Terrorism in September 2001 and since then it has faced a lot of challenges. After joining this war, the security situation has become worse within few years, and military forces had to start several operations to fight and eliminate the menace of terrorism. The War on Terror (WOT) has greatly affected the economic growth, political and social situation of the country. This paper discusses the reasons behind the terrorism, the ways it has affected the national security, education and economy, and the steps for its elimination. The general conclusion made by the author is that Pakistan like other countries cannot cure this menace alone by the use of force. The government should adopt a complex and wide strategy focusing in priority on the factors that are responsible for igniting terrorism, and by solving the problems being faced by the poor masses of the country.
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Skupniewicz, Patryk, and Katarzyna Maksymiuk. "The Warrior on Claps from Tillya Tepe." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 2 (2021): 567–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.215.
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Among the objects excavated in 1978 at the site of Tillya Tepe (Northern Afghanistan) by the Soviet-Afghan archaeological expedition led by Victor I. Sarianidi, the twin golden clasps from Burial III attract special and instant attention of any military historian or a researcher of ancient arms and armour. The identity of the personage(-s) on the Tillya Tepe clasps has quite rarely been studied. Scholars are usually satisfied with a generic term a “warrior”. Kazim Abdullaev has identified the personage as Ares-Alexander. Jeannine Davis-Kimball has identified the personage as Enaree, the castrated priest of one of the epiphanies of Great Goddess. Patryk Skupniewicz supported the latter identification associating the personages from Tillya Tepe clasps with the North Indian, mainly Gandharan iconography of Skanda Kartikeya who, as a war-god, was an Indian equivalent of Ares. This article establishes the correspondence between the images on Tillya Tepe clasps with the representations of enthroned and armed goddesses which are quite common in the iconography related to the discussed clasps. The armed and enthroned goddess has been identified as the Iranian goddess Arshtat on Kushan coins. The warrior depicted on the golden clasps from Tillya Tepe should be interpreted as a portrayal of Arshtat, whose image was borrowed from the iconography of Athena. The goddess is shown seated on the throne with griffin-shaped legs known already in the Achaemenid times in the pose developed in the images in the late Hellenistic period, which is in line with the date of the entire site.
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Buss, Carla Wilson. "Book Review: 9/11 and the War on Terror: A Documentary and Reference Guide." Reference & User Services Quarterly 56, no. 4 (June 21, 2017): 300. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.56.4.300.
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In the nearly sixteen years since the terrible events of September 11, 2001, nearly 13,000 non-fiction books have been written about that day. Topics range from first-person accounts to memorials to collections of documents. A new addition to the crowded field is 9/11 and the War on Terror: A Documentary and Reference Guide. The author, Paul J. Springer, is a Senior Fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute and Professor of Comparative Military History at the Air Command and Staff College in Alabama. His work presents excerpts of declassified documents, chosen to illustrate the effects on and between terrorism and counterterrorism. The selected material is freely available elsewhere, but in this collection the author provides a useful chronology and a short analysis of both the impetus to create the document and its effects.